Middle Kingdom Funerary Statues of Governors in Qubbet el-Hawa (N. Castellano et al.): Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia. Homenatge al professor Josep Padró Parcerisa)
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ISBN 978-84-475-4199-7
NOVA STUDIA AEGYPTIACA IX
NOVA STUDIA AEGYPTIACA IX
9 788447 541997
Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia
Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia Homenatge al professor Josep Padró Parcerisa
Homenatge al professor Josep Padró Parcerisa
edició a càrrec de:
Núria Castellano, Maite Mascort, Concepció Piedrafita i Jaume Vivó
Universitat de Barcelona Generalitat de Catalunya Societat Catalana d’Egiptologia
Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia Homenatge al professor Josep Padró Parcerisa
COL·LECCIÓ NOVA STUDIA AEGYPTIACA I.
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NOVA STUDIA AEGYPTIACA IX
Ex Aegypto lux et sapientia Homenatge al professor Josep Padró Parcerisa
edició a càrrec de:
Núria Castellano, Maite Mascort, Concepció Piedrafita i Jaume Vivó
Universitat de Barcelona Generalitat de Catalunya Societat Catalana d’Egiptologia Barcelona 2015
© d’aquesta edició © del textos © de les fotografies i dibuixos Disseny i composició Impressió Dipòsit Legal ISBN
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Índex
Pròleg dels editors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9
Prof. Dr. Josep Padró i Parcerisa o la lluita per l’Egiptologia a casa nostra Núria Castellano, Maite Mascort, Concepció Piedrafita i Jaume Vivó . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11
Publicacions de Josep Padró i Parcerisa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
25
ARTICLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
47
Abdel-Rahman Ali ABDEL-RAHMAN The inscriptions of Shemanefer at Esna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
49
Bibiana AGUSTí i FARJAS Arqueologia funerària a la Necròpolis Alta d’Oxirrinc: la cripta 1 del Sector 26 . . . .
63
Paulino V. AMAT BARRIO La arquitectura funeraria del predinástico a las primeras dinastías . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
71
Hassan AMER Ptolémée II a Oxyrhynchos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
77
Luís Manuel de ARAúJO Estudo das múmias egípcias do Museu Nacional de Arqueologia: The Lisbon Mummy Project . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
81
Sydney H. AUFRèRE À propos du « Statut » des serpents d’après le Mythe de la Vache céleste, 56-62 . . . .
91
Juan Antonio BELMONTE AVILÉS, M. Carmen PÉREz DIE y Lucía DíAz-IGLESIAS LLANOS Astronomía y paisaje en Heracleópolis Magna (Ehnasya el Medina): un estudio de los templos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
107
Enric BONDIA i DOMPER Estelas funerarias tebanas de madera, de la dinastía XXII, dedicadas a Ra Harakhty
123
Bernat BURGAyA MARTíNEz Objectes de bronze del jaciment d’Oxirrinc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
135
5
ÍNDEX
Jordi CAMPILLO QUINTANA Oxirrinc, una experiència arqueològica extraordinària . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
145
Núria CASTELLANO i SOLÉ Una màscara-elm de la tomba 23 d’Oxirrinc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
153
Dolors CODINA REINA La mort dels més joves en el món grecoromà: la representació de l’infant a les esteles oxirrinquites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
165
Josep COMERMA El mestratge del Dr. Padró . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
181
Irene CORDóN SOLÀ-SAGALÉS Menka , una reina de la Dinastia II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
183
Benjamí COSTA i Jordi H. FERNáNDEz Nous amulets d’argent amb iconografia egípcia i representant l’ull trobats a l’illa d’Eivissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
193
Ola EL AGUIzy Une stèle de famille à Saqqara. Reconsidération . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
203
Hesham ELSHAzLy A new vision in the history of Henry Bey’s coinage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
219
Marguerite ERROUX-MORFIN Souhaits de félicité végétale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
233
Jordi H. FERNáNDEz, María J. LóPEz-GRANDE, Francisca VELázQUEz y Ana MEzQUIDA Un amuleto de tipología egipcia con inscripción púnica procedente de Ibiza . . . . . .
253
Mercè GAyA MONTSERRAT La substància djaret . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
263
Ona GISBERT PUyO El papel mágico de Isis: una aproximación a los embarazos, los alumbramientos y sus problemas derivados . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
273
Jean-Claude GOyON Nouvelles attestations du titre sacerdotal ZAq znTr n pr Imn (La cuve du cercueil de Nayef-tjaou-roudj du Museum d’Histoire Naturelle de Lyon) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
281
Josep M. GÜELL i ROUS La Tomba del visir i Governador de la ciutat Rekhmire a Tebes (TT100) . . . . . . . . . .
289
Nadine GUILHOU Tendre le cordeau et dérouler la corde. Moment et vocabulaire de la première scène du rituel de fondation du temple égyptien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
297
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ÍNDEX
Miguel JARAMAGO Un gálata y una clepsidra en sendas colecciones arqueológicas españolas . . . . . . . .
307
Alejandro JIMÉNEz SERRANO Middle Kingdom Funerary Statues of Governors in Qubbet El-Hawa . . . . . . . . . . . .
321
Manuel JUANEDA MAGDALENA-GABELAS Escenas de fertilidad y maternidad: incentivos de vida en el Más Allá . . . . . . . . . . . .
335
Joaquín G. LIzANA SALAFRANCA Una representación inusual en la fauna nilótica grabada sobre escarabeos: ¿un oxirrinco? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
347
María Luz MANGADO ALONSO Una colección de bronces egipcios del Museo Bíblico y Oriental de León . . . . . . . . .
351
José Javier MARTíNEz GARCíA Características del Inframundo en el Libro de los Muertos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
363
Maite MASCORT La galeria 1A de l’Osireion d’Oxirrinc. Procés constructiu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
369
Bernard MATHIEU En ce temps-là… Voyage d’un incipit narratif égyptien des bords du Nil à l’Agora (Platon, Phèdre, 274d) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
381
Marc MAyER i OLIVÉ Una inscripció romana trobada a Oxirrinc (Oxyrhynchus) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
393
Miguel á. MOLINERO POLO El Egipto de Eduard Toda en la prensa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
399
Hassan NASR EL-DINE A propos de Sekhmet à Touna el-Gebel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
411
youhanna NESSIM yOUSSEF Procession of the Cross according to a rite of Dayr Bayad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
425
Alberto NODAR DOMíNGUEz ¿Ostracon litúrgico? papirología y arqueología en Oxirrinco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
435
Josep PADRó PIEDRAFITA L’egiptòleg cineasta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
443
Annie PERRAUD Nécropole d’Oxyrhynchos (Moyenne-Égypte). Le traitement endocrânien des momies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
447
Concepció PIEDRAFITA El prior Menas i una inscripció amb l’era de Dioclecià a Oxirrinc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
455
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ÍNDEX
Josep Anton POCH La cosmètica en l’antic Egipte comparada amb l’actual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
467
Esther PONS MELLADO Tumba 23 del yacimiento arqueológico de Oxirrinco (El-Bahnasa), Egipto . . . . . . . .
477
Lilian POSTEL Un homme de cour de Sésostris Ier : le préposé au diadème royal Emhat (Louvre C 46 et Leyde AP 67) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
489
Pilar PUJOL Vinculaciones entre el tekenu y el dios Jepri en el ritual funerario del antiguo Egipto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
501
Irene RIUDAVETS GONzáLEz El auge y la decadencia de los nomarcas del Egipto Medio durante el Imperio Medio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
509
José das Candeias SALES A «religião invisível» nas inscrições tumulares de Petosíris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
515
Myriam SECO áLVAREz y Javier MARTíNEz BABóN La damnatio contra Amón en la capilla de caliza del templo de Millones de Años de Tutmosis III en Luxor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
525
Pere SIMó DOMèNECH Breve nota sobre la evolución en el diseño de los carros ligeros en el antiguo Egipto y su trascendencia en la escritura jeroglífica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
537
Anaïs TILLIER Haroéris de Qous et la XIXe province de Haute Égypte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
553
Javier URIACH Los sacerdotes wnr: breves apuntes a propósito de una estatuilla funeraria de época tardía . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
559
Wim VAN NEER, Wim WOUTERS, Dolors CODINA REINA, Jean-Luc FOURNET et Sidonie PREISS Découverte de deux salaisons de poissons à Oxyrhynchus, el-Bahnasa, Égypte . . . .
567
Jaume VIVó Alguns cons funeraris no vistos per Davies i Macadam (1a part) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
579
TABULA GRATULATORIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
597
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NOVA STUDIA AEGYPTIACA IX (2015)
Middle Kingdom Funerary Statues of Governors in Qubbet El-Hawa ALEJANDRO JIMÉNEZ SERRANO*
INTRODUCTION In 1972, Elmar Edel1 found an unfinished sandstone statue lying on its right side in the exterior of the funerary complex of Sarenput II (QH31). Although the tomb had been excavated long before by Grenfell (1886-1887), and later cleared (1903-1904),2 this area had never been excavated. In despite of the archaeological techniques were fully developed in 1970’s, the documentation of this find was not so accurate as expected. Thus, in the final publication it is said that the statue was found «in der südöstlichen Hälfte des Hofes», when it was in reality in the North-East part of the patio. In addition the measures of the statue were partially taken and when so, are wrong. Thus, it is said that «Die ca. (sic) 1,75 m hohe Sitzstatue», when in reality its exact measures are: High: 166 cm Width: 70 cm Depth: 100 cm Due to the position of the find, Elmar Edel3 assigned this statue to the owner of the closest funerary complex, Sarenput II. However, there are other indications, which point that this statue was planned to be located in Sarenput II’s neighboring funerary complex, QH33.
FUNERARY STATUES OF GOVERNORS DURING THE MIDDLE KINGDOM As the royal statues, the main function of the private ones was to represent the defunct in order to receive life (r Szp anx), which was materialized through food offerings, libations and fumigations.4
* 1. 2. 3. 4.
Universidad de Jaén. Drawings by Ana Belén Jiménez Iglesias. EDEL, SEYFRIED & VIELER (2008, 425). CARTER (1905, 127-128, fig. 3-4). EDEL, SEYFRIED & VIELER (2008, 425). HARRINTON (2013, 40-45).
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ALEJANDRO JIMÉNEZ SERRANO
Non-royal statues were common in the private funerary complexes since the earliest dynasties. During the Old Kingdom, most of them began to be placed inside the serdabs, but they began to be also placed inside the chapel itself.5 There are several examples of Middle Kingdom statues of nomarchs and governors found in their funerary chapels.6 It is possible to divide them into two groups, those that were part of the architecture of the tomb,7 as the osiriac statues of Sarenput II fixed to the wall in the long corridor of his chapel, and the exempt statues. From the latter group, there is no known example found and recorded in its original position in Qubbet el-Hawa. In despite of this absence of illustrative cases, in three of the major Middle Kingdom funerary complexes of Qubbet el-Hawa, the position the statues can be reconstructed.8
THE STATUE OF SARENPUT II FROM QUBBET EL-HAWA (BM 98 & BM 1010) Today, the British Museum exhibits an almost complete high quality statue that represents to the nomarch of Elephantine Sarenput II. It was found in the funerary complex of that 12th Dynasty high official during the first excavation works carried out in 1880’s. Until some years ago, it was believed that just the base of the statue of Sarenput II (BM 1010)9 was the unique surviving piece. However, after Biri Fay10 works, it has been possible to identify the upper part of the statue (BM98). Originally, it represented to Sarenput II seated, in a very similar way as his statue found in the sanctuary of Heqaib at Elephantine. In fact, Habachi held that this one was a copy. The similarities between them goes beyond, because the inscriptions of both are the same, with the unique exception that the one unearthed in Elephantine was dedicated to Heqaib12 and the one kept in the British Museum was dedicated to Anubis, the funerary god. As said, the base of the latter (BM 1010) was discovered in the funerary complex of Sarenput II (QH31) around 1886, by General Grenfell’s troops. At the time of its discovery, Wallis Budge have just joined to the team that was clearing the tomb and wrote in his memories that «(…) all that I could find to remove were the fragments of the lower half of what must have been a very fine statue of Sa-Renput; these we found at the end of the long corridor of his tomb, in a deep niche like a shrine.»13 There is no information about where the upper part of the statue (BM 98) was found. The unique additional information known
5. TEFNIN (2001, 236). 6. For example, from tombs of Qau el-Kebir, statues of Wahka I (STECKEWEH (1936, 15, 46, pl. X a, b), Wahka II (PETRIE (1930, 3-8, pl. VI); STECKEWEH (1936, 30-44, pls. V-VI)). 7. We do not consider them as reliefs, because as in the case of Sarenput II, they were carved as an exempt statue that later was fixed to the wall. 8. There are two other large funerary complexes in Qubbet el-Hawa dated to the 12th Dynasty, QH30 (Heqaib II) and QH32 (unknown). Unfortunately, we have had no access to them because both contain archaeological material found in early excavations. 9. HTMB VI, 7, with the inscriptions on pl. XX. PM V, 234. 10. FAY (2012). 11. HABACHI (1985, 42, PLS. 30-37). 12. Under the epithet znj «The aged (man)». 13. BUDGE (1920, 91).
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MIDDLE KINGDOM FUNERARY STATUES OF GOVERNORS IN QUBBET EL-HAWA
today is that both parts of the statues were registered as different objects and then with different numbers in the British Museum in 1887. The place where Budge found the statue can be without difficulty identified (i. e. in the niche or naos) of the inner part of the chapel. This means the most sacred space of the public area of the funerary complex. The inner room of the chapel is a squared chamber with four pillars decorated with the titles and the figure of Sarenput II. In the east side, there is a shrine constructed with imported limestone and showing one of the most classic examples of the ancient Egyptian painting. In this room, the most important funerary rituals were taken place and the offerings to the defunct were regularly developed. The finding of the statue in that area means that the deceased was represented by not only the paintings, but also by the statue. As it is possible to observe in many cases in ancient Egypt since the Old Kingdom, the statues of the owners in their funerary complexes used to be placed in the most sacred area of the chapel: the naos. From Budge’s words it is impossible to confirm if the statue of Sarenput II was found in its original place, but it is possible to find out where it was firstly situated. Effectively, on the limestone lab of the base of the naos, there is a rectangular-shape smooth depression, which was documented by Müller,14 but never described or commented. That depression measures 0.43 x 0.86 meters and it is cut less than one centimeter from the surface. According to the measures provided by Fay15 the base of the statue of Sarenput II (BM1010) displayed the British Museum was 0.405 x 0.83 meters, which fitted perfectly in the depression. In order to know if this is just a coincidence or the depression was cut for placing the statue it is necessary to know the height of the statue. Unfortunately, as previously commented, this statue was found broken into two fragments, which are known to belong to the same piece. The fragment with upper body and the head (BM 98) was never published before its identification by Biri Fay at the end of 1980’s. It measures 0.485 x 0.35 x 0.24 meter.16 Regrettably, during its reconstruction there was not provided any estimation of its original height. We know only that the lower fragment heights 0.71 meter,17 if this is summed to the upper part of the statue 0.485 meters, the total gives 1.195 meters. But this is not the real height of the statue, because there are some fragments missing from the part of the waist. Although an estimation from the pictures of the publication18 is always speculative, we might suggest that this missing part never measured more than 6 cm. Thus, the height of the completed statue would be around 1.25 meters. The reconstructed size of the statue fitted with the size of the naos, which is 1.34 meters. 19
14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.
MÜLLER (1940, Abb. 41a). FAY (1997, n. 3). FAY (1997, n. 4) FAY (1997, n. 3). FAY (1997, 107-109, Figs. 4-7). I would like to thank to Dr. Juan Antonio Martínez Hermoso, who kindly provided me the measures taken by him. Concerning my estimation of the missing fragments from the waist, it can be said that it can be even larger, because there is still a difference of 9 centimeters.
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This size is very similar to the statue found by Habachi in the sanctuary of Heqaib in Elephantine. According to the Egyptian scholar, the statue of Sarenput II found in that temple measures 1.20 meters.20
THE STATUE OF SARENPUT II IN CONTEXT A funerary statue must not be seen just an isolated object, and the present case is a perfect example to explain the complexity of the most important funerary space. As we have seen, everything, the naos and the statue, was perfectly designed to be a single unit. Then, any attempt to analyze just the statue lacks of sense. Thus, it is necessary to examine the context in which was placed, moreover when the naos is completely decorated: a) The ceiling has a geometric decoration with a stripe of hieroglyphs, mentioning the titles and the name of Sarenput II. b) The front is the area more affected by the deterioration of the gypsum that works as the base of the paintings. Even in such situation, it is possible to see parts of funerary texts (lintel), sequence of titles (southern jamb) and a representation of the defunct sitting on a chair. c) The Northern plane is divided into three scenes: the first one (c.1) is composed by the exterior part of the naos in which Sarenput is represented in two different levels; below him two (anonymous) women are depicted.21 In the second (c.2) is only represented Sarenput. All the human figures appearing in both scenes are facing to the east, to the entrance of chapel or to the entrance of the subterranean chambers, where the burials are. The third scene (c.3) must be explained as part of the scene represented in the west plane (cfr. infra), because it represents to the Lady Satethotep, mother of Sarenput II seated and in front of another table of offerings. d) The west plane represents to Ankhu presenting different offerings on a table to his father Sarenput II. e) The Southern plane represents two scenes. The outer is identical to the one that can be seen in the opposite side. The second represents to Sarenput II followed by his son Ankhu. Both are in front of Sarenput II’s spouse and Anku’s mother, Dedet-Khnum. The painted scenes of the niche have two different purposes. By one hand, the main scene of the naos (C, west side), in which Ankhu presents diverse offerings to his seated father, Sarenput II, and the western part of the north plane (C.3), in which governor’s mother, Satethotep, is also before a table of offerings, pretends to repeat eternally the offering ceremony for the deceased. By the other hand, in the north and south planes of the shrine, Sarenput II is represented together with his spouse, Dedet-Khnum, and his son Ankhu receiving the offerings by a living offerer. Thus, all of them benefitted from the goods that Sarenput II was going to receive. 20. HABACHI (1985, 42). 21. They might be Sarenput’s wife, Dedet-Khnum, and his mother, Satethotep, who are the unique women mentioned in the funerary complex.
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THE ANONYMOUS STATUE OF SARENPUT II’S COURTYARD As previously described (cfr. supra), the unfinished statue which lies on the Northern east part of Sarenput II’s courtyard was originally attributed by his discoverer to Sarenput II, the nomarch of Elephantine between the reigns of Senwosret II and Senwosret III.22 However, the context in which was discovered permits other interpretations. Thus, the funerary complex of Sarenput II is just one of the three major Middle Kingdom constructions in that part of the hill. Just some centimeters to the north of the place where the anonymous statue was found, it is the rock-pathway that conduces to QH32 and which also divides QH31 and QH33 courtyards. The three funerary complexes are dated to the 12th Dynasty. Unfortunately, the clearance of QH32 without a modern archaeological methodology by Grenfell’s troops and even the unfinished archaeological works in the tomb (the antechamber and the burial chamber have never been excavated)23 have not given any clue about who was the Middle Kingdom high official buried there.24 But, it is sure that this tomb was constructed before Sarenput II’s funerary complex.25 In other respect, after six years of archaeological research in QH33, we do know that this tomb was constructed during the reigns of Senwosret III and Amenemhat III, which means that it is later than Sarenput II. The statue lies on the rocks which were excavated in the time of Sarenput II, which means that can only date to the second part of the 12th Dynasty. Consequently, the unique candidates are Sarenput II or any of the governors buried in QH33 (cfr. infra). The unfinished condition of the statue does not permit to use its artistic and iconographic features for dating it. However, there is still an element that might permit to date the statue: the size. As it has been seen, Sarenput II’s statues from the temple of Heqaib and his funerary complex are very similar in size: 1.20 and 1.25 (+/-3 cm), respectively. This coincidence might be taken as a chronological feature, because Sarenput I’s statue in the temple of Heqaib is smaller than his grandson’s: 0.90 meter. Moreover, there are three naoi for statutes in the funerary complex of Sarenput I (QH36). Curiously, all of them have the same measures: 1.22x0.68x0.80 meters (inner chamber) and 1.30x0.70x0.80 meters (naoi in the courtyard).26 Thus, the height of the three statues should have been 1.15 meter or even less. Thus, it seems clear that the funerary statues of the first governors were less than 1.30 meters. However, the size of the seated statues of the governors, who succeeded Sarenput I and II, is larger. Thus, there is a enlargement tendency along the time: Sarenput I’s statue measures 0.90 meter, Sarenput II’s 1.20 meters, Heqaib II’s and Ameny-Seneb’s 1.60, each one.27
22. About the chronology, cfr. HABACHI (1985, 46). 23. Up today it is imposible to carry out any archaeological work in QH32, because it keeps archaeological material found by Elmar Edel. 24. MÜLLER (1940, 60-61) already noted that the scenes and texts which represent some individuals were made during the New Kingdom. 25. MÜLLER (1940, 61). 26. I want to express my gratitude to Dr. Fernando Martínez Hermoso, who kindly provided me with the measures taken by him. 27. Unfortunately, HABACHI (1985, 56) did not record the measures of nº 28 (Khakaure-Seneb), although personal observations of the statue permit me to say that it is very similar in height to nº 21.
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As seen, the statue found in the north-east of Sarenput II measures 1.66 meters, very similar to those of Heqaib II and Ameny-Seneb.
IDENTIFYING THE SANDSTONE STATUE OF QUBBET EL-HAWA The similar size of the statue found in the northeast part of Sarenput II’s courtyard clearly point that its chronology is later than Sarenput II, being highly probable the end of the 12th Dynasty. After the rule of Sarenput II, there were at least six HAtj-a holders in Elephantine: Ankhu, Heqaib II, Heqaib-ankh, Heqaib III, Ameny-Seneb and Khakaure-Seneb.28 Although, it is a high number of candidates for the original owner of the statue, Ankhu29 and Heqaib-Ankh30 can be discarded because of the briefness of their rule, shown by the absence of statues dedicated to them to Heqaib in his sanctuary. From the rest, Heqaib II cannot be a candidate because his tomb is much more southern. From the three remaining governors, there are two with more possibilities than Khakahure-Seneb: Heqaib III and Amany-Seneb. The main reason is that Heqaib III and Ameny-Seneb were buried in a neighboring funerary complex (QH33) to Sarenput II’s, while Khakaure-Seneb’s funerary complex has not already been detected. Thus, there are just two governors that might be the owners of the lying statue: Heqaib III and Ameny-Seneb. Both were brothers, they succeeded in the rule of Elephantine,31 most probably during the reign of Amenemhat III, and they were buried in the same funerary complex: QH33.
THE RESTING PLACE OF TWO GOVERNORS OF THE LATE 12TH DYNASTY: QH33 The funerary complex known as QH33 shares many architectonic features with the other known example dated to the Late 12th Dynasty (QH30, Heqaib II), namely the position of the naos in the hall of pillars. In earlier examples (Sarenput I-QH36, the anonymous QH32 and Sarenput II-QH31), the naoi –as seen- are situated in an inner chamber after a corridor which departs from the west wall of the pillared hall. But there is an unique feature that presents the plan of QH33: it has two naoi, when the rest of know 12th Dynasty examples in Qubbet el-Hawa have just one. Both are different in size and style and are probably the result of the introduction of a modification of the original 28. FRANKE (1994, 40-49 & Tables 1-2). 29. FRANKE (1994, 39) even believed that Ankhu never ruled. Under our point of view, the repetitive presence of Ankhu in the decoration of Sarenput II’s chapel might indicate that the decoration works were finished under Ankhu’s rule. Thus, he is always described as HAtj-a. 30. The briefness of his rule is indicated by the fact that all the votive material with the name of Heqaib-Ankh was dedicated by his stepbrothers Heqaib III and Ameny-Seneb. 31. FRANKE (1994, 42, 48-49). 32. Up to know (2014), the excavations in the main burial area continue and we have not found yet any writing evidence of a governor burial.
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plan during the construction works. Thus, the main naos was carved in the central aisle of the hall of pillars with all the decorative elements of the contemporary naoi. However, the second one is also situated in the west side of the hall, but in the southern aisle. It is just a hollow without any sculptured element as decoration. Immediately in front of this simple naos, there was a shaft with two chambers. In the west chamber, we found the body of Heqaib III. The shaft can be defined a «secondary» because there is another one deeper (five meters of the secondary vs. more than twelve of the main) in which was buried a later governor, most probably Ameny-Seneb.32 Thus, it seems that the works of the funerary complex of QH33 were begun by Heqaib III, but his death, occurred in a phase in which the main burial chambers had not been finished, obligated to buried him in another place in the same monument, concretely in a shaft in the south-west part of the hall of pillars. Heqaib III was succeeded by his brother Ameny-Seneb, who most probably continued the construction works and appropriated the original burial area excavated at the bottom of a more than twelve meters shaft in the northern part of the funerary complex. At this point, we should conclude that Heqaib III or Ameny-Seneb could order the cutting of a sandstone statue for his funerary cult and finally placed in the north-east area of Sarenput II. But, there is a very important detail that must be analyzed: the unfinished state of the statue. Yet in the 5th Dynasty representations from the temple of Nyuserre,33 it is mentioned «Fashioning and Opening of the Mouth in the workshop»,34 which means that the statues before their completion were consecrated and had their own living essence. That means that the statue was ready to be completed and then consecrated. The funerary complex QH33 was never finished, although the chapel was, i. e. the area of the funerary cult. In fact, both naoi presented originally different degrees of decoration or were prepared to be decorated. Thus, the main naos presented the preliminary sketch of the decoration painted with red ink. In the southern naos (cut over Heqaib III chamber), the area around the niche was painted in white, but no trace of decoration have been found. In both cases, the naoi were not ready to receive statues. It might be considered that the unfinished sandstone statue was cut for Heqaib III in order to be installed in the main niche, but when he died and Ameny-Seneb decided to appropriate the funerary complex and displace his brother to a secondary site, the statue was discarded because it had already its own living essence. Ameny-Seneb would probably had already order his own statue, which for unknown reason never was placed in the tomb.35
33. HELCK (1977, pl. III, l. 5). 34. About the Opening of the Mouth rituals celebrated for statues, cfr. LORTON (1999, 147-155). 35. There is no reference of a statue with the name of Ameny-Seneb found in Qubbet el-Hawa before our archaeological work and we have found no remain of any statue. This absence, however, might due to another reason and thus we have to take in mind that «Our image of Egypt is probably over-dominated by stone, which survives well in an archaeological record from which much else disappears or is recycled», BAINES (2007, 264). We might also add to this certain asseveration that the bio-deterioration, over all due to the xylophages, is under our experience an issue that must be taken into account.
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REFERENCES BAINES, J. (2007). Visual and written culture in ancient Egypt. Oxford. BUDGE, S. E. A. W. (1920). By Nile and Tigris. London. CARTER, H. (1905). «Report on the work done in Upper Egypt (1903-1904)», in: ASAE VI: 112-129. EDEL, E., SEYFRIED, K., & VIELER, G. (2008). Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan. I. Abteilung. band 1. Architektur, Darstellungen, Texte, archäologischer Befund und Funde der Gräber QH24-QH34p.Padeborn. FAY, B. (1997). «Missing parts», in: Chief of seers: Egyptian studies in memory of Cyril Aldred, edited by Goring, E., Aldred, C., Reeves, C. N., & Ruffle, J., pp. 97-112, Oxon. FRANKE, D. (1994). Das Heiligtum des Heqaib auf Elephantine. Heidelberg. HABACHI, L. (1985). Elephantine, IV. The sanctuary of Heqaib, 2 vols. Mainz am Rheim. HARRINTON, N. (2013), Living with the Dead. Ancestor Worship and Mortuary Ritual in Ancient Egypt. Oxford. HELCK, W. (1977). «Die ‘Weihinschriften’ aus dem Taltemple des Sonnenheiligtums des Königs Neuserre bei Abu Gurob», in: SAK 5: 47-77. LORTON, D. (1999). «The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt», in: Born in Heaven, Made on Earth, edited by M. B. Dick, pp. 123-210, Winona Lake. MÜLLER, H. W. (1940). Die Felsengräber der fürsten von Elephantine aus der zeit des Mittleren Reiches. Glückstadt. PETRIE, W. M. F. (1930). Antaeopolis. The Tombs of Qau. London. STECKEBEH, H. (1936). Die Fürstengräber von Qaw. Leipzig. TEFNIN, R. (2001). «Private Sculpture», in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. III, edited by D. B. Redford, pp. 235-242, Oxford.
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Figure 1. The unfinished statue discovered by Edel. (Drawings © Ana Belén Jiménez).
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Figure 2. The statue of Sarenput II found in his funerary chapel, courtesy of the British Museum.
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Figure 3. Ideal reconstruction of the statue of Sarenput II in its original place (Drawings © Ana Belén Jiménez).
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Figure 4. The unfinished statue in situ.
Figure 5. The central niche of QH33. (Autor Juan Antonio Martínez Hermoso).
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Figure 6. Idealization of the unfinished statue in the central niche of QH33. (Drawings © Ana Belén Jiménez).
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