Women as radio audiences in Africa

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Women as radio audiences in Africa Tanja Bosch

Radio is still the most widespread, accessible, and popular form of communication in many countries in Africa. The costs of radio content production are comparatively inexpensive, and access to radio receivers is higher and the cost much lower than for other devices, including television sets. Despite the increasing prevalence of new media, and in particular mobile phones, radio has retained its position as an important space for the production and dispersion of national political and cultural discourses. The growth of the talk radio format (e.g. in South Africa and Kenya) has resulted in the use of the medium for the development of a range of public spheres (based on gender, ethnicity, sexuality, social background, region, and so on). In Africa, this format has allowed diverse and sometimes geographically disparate audiences to engage in debate and deliberate discussion, often resulting in the formation of public opinion on controversial matters of social and political importance. The primary stimulus in the growth of the talk radio format has been the changed political situation in these countries, more specifically a move to democratically elected systems of government; as well as the growing international trend (particularly in the United States) of politically oriented talk radio in the late 1990s, which has had a strong influence on development of the genre in different African countries. Similarly, community radio stations in some parts of the continent have created spaces for the circulation of counter-discourses and discussions by subaltern publics. As a cheap and accessible medium, radio in Africa has thus demonstrated its utility for the production of democratic public spheres in a Habermasian sense, as well as the formation for public sphericules, as Todd Gitlin (1998) has argued. Jürgen Habermas’s (1989) notion of the public sphere was a metaphor used to describe a space where citizens exchange ideas and discuss issues, engaging in deliberative debate in order to reach collective opinion on matters of public interest. While the original conceptualization of the term referred to coffee houses and salons primarily in seventeenth century Great Britain, where people (largely white, propertied men) congregated physically, the term “public sphere” has since been adapted to refer to virtual media spaces where audiences “congregrate” even though they might be geographically separated and distant. Gitlin (1998) argued against this notion of a single

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public sphere, instead putting forward the notion of public sphericules, comprising segments of the public sphere. In Gitlin’s view, each constitutes its own deliberative assembly. Instead of one unified public sphere, the notion of public sphericules thus implies that several parallel public spheres may be constituted around various groups with particular interests. Critics of the traditional theoretical notions of the public sphere, usually based on Habermas’s conceptualizations and use of the concept, have pointed out its exclusion of minorities, including women. Nancy Fraser (1990), for example, put forward the notion of subaltern counter-publics, groups formed by marginalized communities excluded from the mainstream public sphere. In particular, women and members of low socioeconomic groups were excluded from the bourgeois public sphere, and formed their own public spheres, which Fraser (1990) referred to as counter-publics. Following up on this point, my chapter explores the gendered nature of these mediated public spheres in relation to African radio practices. Using Sartre’s (1991) concept of serial collectivity or seriality, I also consider women audiences as a collective, with a particular focus on how radio programming and listening reflect the diverse range of gender discourses in African cultural contexts. Sartre (1991) first developed the notion of seriality in his Critique of Dialectical Reason. Feminist scholar Marion Young (1994) draws upon Sartre’s idea in order to argue that women are not an innate group with actively shared goals, but rather a series, unified passively by existing circumstances, material conditions, or routine practices and habits, which might include radio listening. I first provide a brief summary of the intersections between gender and theoretical understandings of the public sphere, including the notion of a feminist public sphere. I then move on to consider women and their engagement in (or absence from) the public sphere, with specific reference to radio. Here I explore instances of women coming together as a group to produce radio, reflecting on previous research exploring gender as a factor in the radio listening experience; as well as a brief summary of feminist research on radio. I then reflect on women’s participation in the public spheres created by radio stations in Africa, to provide a conceptual foundation to the discussion. The chapter concludes with a brief discussion of women radio audiences and new media, exploring how the growth of mobile phones has changed women’s private listening practices and created possibilities for new forms of mobility. An example of this is that the mobile phone has allowed travel outside the home, while allowing for the maintenance of contact with home via the phone. Besides spatial mobility, access to a mobile phone is often associated with greater levels of freedom and independence, leading to more contextual mobility.

The gendered public sphere If we consider radio as one platform that may be used to facilitate deliberative discussion and debate in the public sphere, conceived as a space for the communicative generation of public opinion, then on-air discussion exists to “discredit views that cannot withstand critical scrutiny and to assume the legitimacy of those that do … Thus it matters who participates and on what terms” (Fraser 2007: 7). The Habermasian

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public sphere is a space, conceptually separate from the state, in which political participation is enacted through rational, deliberative talk, as citizens discuss and debate matters of common interest. Habermas described it as “a sphere which mediates between society and state, in which the public organizes itself as the bearer of public opinion” (1989: 136). Critiques of Habermas’s concept have pointed to the flawed premise that everyone could participate freely; the discursive modes of the bourgeois public sphere informally excluded racial minorities, women, and the poor. Fraser (1990, 2007) proposed the concept of counter-publics to refer to the tendency for these minorities to form parallel discursive arenas where they invented and circulated counter-discourses. Similarly, Gitlin (1998) proposed the idea of public sphericules, segmented spheres of assimilation with their own dynamics and forms of constitution. Instead of one unified public sphere, there are instead a number of smaller self-contained public sphericules, which are mini-public spheres existing side by side. While the concept of the public sphere did not originally refer to media, in modern society electronic and broadcast media have increasingly been seen to fulfill this role. Radio certainly, with its capacity for on-air national dialogue and the ability to engage listeners who can call in to participate in live discussions, may be regarded as one such vehicle for public sphere debate. Historically speaking, the exclusion of women from the public sphere in Africa and elsewhere in the world increases the relevance in our consideration of women radio listeners in Africa. Various forms of radio broadcasts, from state-owned or public broadcasters to commercial stations and local community radio stations, can be seen to fulfill the vision and aspiration to build a truly democratic public sphere. Given the varying objectives of these stations, it is not possible to argue that each reflects a normative version of the Habermasian public sphere; instead local radio stations in rural villages, for example, might fulfill the requirements for Gitlin’s public sphericules or Fraser’s subaltern counter-publics. The latter bears some resemblance to what Rita Felski (1989) has referred to as the feminist public sphere, running beside the mainstream public sphere, and which in this instance might refer to women’s or feminist radio collectives, or radio programs deliberately labeled as “women’s shows” which offer women-centered programming and public participation.

Women, public sphere, radio Regardless of the specific nature of the public spheres facilitated by various types of radio, in Africa women are largely conspicuous by their absence. In general, women’s voices are largely missing from mainstream political discussion, with daytime programming on talk stations stereotypically targeting women in their coverage of “soft,” “feminine” issues of the personal private sphere such as relationships, domestic chores (e.g. cooking), or childrearing. While over the years there may have been an increasing number of hosts on talk radio stations, generally anecdotal listening experiences seem to indicate that the role of women on music radio is limited to newscasters, weather announcers, or, more commonly, the secondary host to the primary DJ, who is usually male. Moreover, the increase in women presenters arose from stations’ realization that it was commercially viable to target a female commodity audience.

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While talking about women as radio audiences, it is important to keep in mind that women do not make up a homogenous group. Young (1994) drew on Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason to reconceptualize women as a series rather than a group, which recognizes a level of social existence that is constrained and directed by existing material conditions. Women listeners are thus passively brought together by a radio station, unified by the routine practice of listening to the radio; and the term “women” is used in this essay without necessarily essentializing women as a group. “The collective of radio listeners is constituted by their individual orientation toward objects, in this case radios and their material possibilities of sound transmission. As listeners they are isolated, but nevertheless they are aware of being part of a series of radio listeners, of others listening simultaneously linked to them indirectly through broadcasting” (Young 1994: 725). In some instances, women have come together as a group to produce radio, for example the Feminist Radio Collective in Peru (Ariola 1992), Feminist International Radio Endeavour (FIRE), an international grassroots women’s community radio network (see Gatua et al. 2010), the Women’s International Newsgathering Service (Wings), or a host of other examples, primarily located in the United States. Of course, a formal grouping of women does not imply a feminist agenda, as Young points out: “feminism is a particularly reflexive impulse of women grouping, women grouping as women in order to change or eliminate the structures that serialize them as women” (1994: 736). Similarly, programming targeted at women or dealing with issues traditionally perceived as primarily relevant to women (family, home, relationships, and fashion) is also not necessarily feminist in nature. In general, radio broadcasters tend to adopt a liberal-inclusionary feminism, which assumes that on-air references to women or what might be perceived as women’s issues, frequently referred to as “gender issues,” in some way address issues of rights. At the same time, though, as Barber points out, “performances do not just play to ready-made congregations of spectators which are out there awaiting address; they convene those congregations and by their mode of address assign them a certain position from which they receive the address. Thus performances, in the act of addressing audiences, constitute those audiences as a particular form of collectivity” (1997: 354).

Feminist radio research Early research into women and radio, primarily undertaken in the US and in the UK, often focused on the lack of women employees in the industry, the positioning of women as passive and undemanding listeners, the limiting domestic and sexual boundaries set by the media, and the overwhelming culture of male producers and female consumers (Mitchell 2000). In general, women have been underrepresented in the media, in terms of both coverage and participation, particularly at high levels of management. Turning to research undertaken in Africa, an East Africa study showed that in 1994 fewer than 20 percent of journalists were women (Adagala 1994). A more recent global study across 60 countries, including several African nations, reveals that women only hold 27 percent of media management jobs (Byerly 2011). During the early days of radio women tended to occupy “behind the scenes” jobs

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but rarely hosting; and when they were on air it was to host female-oriented programming (Maki 2008). Dorothy Hobson’s (1980) ethnographic work explored the role of radio in the everyday lives of British housewives, arguing that radio helped structure and punctuate the working day, DJ chat provided listeners with company, and that listening to the radio helped them negotiate tensions caused by their isolated lives (cited in O’Sullivan and Lewis 2006). The music radio industry relies on the established notion of the stereotypical female listener who invites the male presenter into her home as “romantic visitors descending on a bored housewife” (Baehr and Ryan 1984, cited in Tacchi 1998). More recently, Tacchi (2000) found that gender was a central variable in radio listening experiences, with respondents presenting their listening in ways that were congruent with their understandings of masculinity and femininity. Here we see how existing gender discourses can be reinforced and transmitted via the media.

African feminist radio research Women are generally absent from the public spheres created by African radio stations, in their participation both as hosts and as callers. Here it seems as though even though radio is often consumed in the home, seen as the private space of women, the public airwaves remain a largely heterosexual male domain. Of course, only a small percentage of the total audience usually calls in to a radio station to participate in on-air discussions, but, even so, the percentage of women callers is generally much smaller in relation to male callers. When women do participate, they are usually economically (and therefore culturally) privileged—they participate predominantly in English and on English-medium radio stations. To draw on the field of cultural geography, one might argue that the space of radio is experienced very differently by poor, working-class women, who might be said to occupy a space of “dis-belonging” on the radio. This is not unique to radio. McFadden has argued that the African press in general is exclusionary of the “expression, the experience and the opinion of women,” demonizing those women who do not fit the conservative images of women perpetuated by those who control the media (1998: 655). The media, radio included, are thus overwhelmingly gendered spaces in which discourses of power operate to create acceptable, normative images of women, and to privilege some bodies over others. The performativity of gendered norms over the airwaves thus results in a latent surveillance and a propensity toward exclusion for women listeners. When listeners call in to offer political commentary, for example, women’s voices are very rarely heard. Women infrequently speak out critically (or in any way for that matter) on political issues, and on-air political deliberation and debates are dominated by men. This lack of women’s voices on air is usually as a result of the way in which programmers have imagined their audiences (Maki 2008). Radio adds a dimension of sociability to the lives of individual listeners in their homes, experienced by them as part of the material culture of the home and contributing to the creation of the domestic environment (Tacchi 1998). But at the same time, we begin to see how gender relations and identities are constructed via the

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largely hegemonic space of the radio airwaves. Drawing on Maki’s study of Canadian radio stations, one might similarly argue that in an African context it is through this “inclusion” of women that stations are able to maintain the boundaries of femininity and masculinity, and “through fun and flirty speech, imply that feminism has succeeded and is no longer useful” (2008: 7). This is a common phenomenon on stations, where gender banter reinforces the “differences” between the male and female hosts, with the female hosts both embodying femininity while also expected to prove themselves in a masculine role. As Maki demonstrates, this results in “fun and playful gender-based comedy, without seeming out of touch or offensive to their audiences” (2008: 7). Even in the segmentation of programming, with issues related to relationships primarily targeting women listeners, this type of programming reflects an overwhelmingly normative version of sexuality, which is always heterosexual. In the Pink, a gay and lesbian radio program on a community radio station in South Africa, was one example of the potential for radio to subvert this norm. Unfortunately, the show only ran for a few years before it was discontinued (Bosch 2007). There have been no other documented instances of the use of radio in Africa to promote discussions about gay and lesbian identities. Everyday on-air discussions, particularly those that traditionally target women during daytime slots, rest on the unspoken assumption of heteronormativity.

Conclusion Women radio audiences in Africa may not be homogenous given the diversity of the continent—research in Southern Africa raises issues related to the gendered state, colonial labor policies, violence, popular protest, and resistance; while scholarship in Central and East Africa has produced work on domesticity, marital and sexual relationships, livelihood options, and nationalist struggles; and scholarship from West Africa focuses on instances of resistance and grassroots activism, showing images of women’s power and autonomy (Cornwall 2005). These disparate research foci reveal the diversity of gendered experiences around the continent. However, despite this diversity, we might be able to argue for the emergence of a “serial collectivity” in how radio programming and listening perpetuate existing gender discourses, regardless of geographic context. Women are not necessarily constituted as a group—they do not listen to the radio for gender-specific programming or because of their sex or gender; but through societal discourses, transmitted via the radio airwaves, they come into formation as a series or a social collective, as radio discourse defines the acceptable limits of their roles and participation in society. Historically women audiences primarily have been considered in one-dimensional ways, largely as consumers of daytime radio programming on matters pertaining to the private sphere. In the main, they have been conspicuous in their absence from deliberative dialogue and political discussion on radio talk shows; and, moreover, these shows often tend to perpetuate a hegemonic discourse of heteronormativity. However, the rise of mobile telephony has begun to open up the ways in which women engage and interact with radio stations via their mobile phones;

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perhaps paving the way for new forms of mobility and interactivity in relation to social space. There has been an explosion of cell phone use and penetration in Africa, with mobile phones in developing countries generally providing an alternative solution to the challenge of providing universal access to landline telephone services given the slow diffusion of fixed telecommunications networks (Moyo 2009). The African cell phone “explosion” began in South Africa in 1993 when the government granted national cell phone licenses to MTN South Africa Ltd and Vodacom Group (Pty) Ltd, which quickly built large customer bases by offering prepaid cell phone cards (Mbarika 2007). Today there are ten times as many mobile phones as landlines in sub-Saharan Africa, though it has some of the lowest levels of infrastructure investment in the world; 60 percent of the population have mobile phone coverage (Aker and Mbiti 2010). This growth of cell phones and the concomitant rise of the mobile internet have implications for radio consumption; particularly given the already differentially gendered ways in which men and women use technology. Across the continent, women widely consume radio, with many choosing to listen to community radio stations, though data is sparse concerning gendered access to or ownership of mobile phones (Fortune et al. 2011). One study in the United States shows that the number of women listening to radio via media other than traditional radio sets, in particular using computers or mobile phones, has grown rapidly (Schmitt 2012). While there is little documented evidence that this is the case in Africa, the growth of mobile telephony might mean that women are increasingly using their mobile phones to engage in private listening practices, listening to preloaded music files or to radio stations of their choice—these may be FM stations, though increasingly internet radio is also a popular choice. Listening practices are developing away from the tradition of public participation via the radio set at the center of the village. In its place, particularly in more urbanized contexts, women are increasingly making personal and private choices with regard to their listening habits. Instead of participating in call-in radio shows by phoning in to the station, in future women will be widely using the SMS option, which allows their anonymity, to a degree. The growing use of online social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter by radio stations is also a factor in this convergence of new technologies and radio listening practices. While issues of the digital divide and differential access remain, these sites can be fairly easily accessed using mobile phones. The digital divide refers to uneven access to computers and the internet, and Africa still lags behind other regions in terms of access, with only 15.6 percent internet penetration and 7 percent of the world’s internet users.1 Within the continent there is also variable access to computers and the internet, with some countries more resourced than others, and access between rural and urban centers varying widely within these countries. With the use of social networking sites, which often rely heavily on pictures/graphics and text (in the case of Facebook at least), radio is no longer a one-dimensional, “blind” medium. The potential for stations is to grow audiences and to strengthen the relationship with the audience; but also to increase the involvement of minorities who have not participated in traditional ways. Traditional participation often involves a cost—posting a letter or making a telephone call; whereas the costs of

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engaging online are hidden. Moreover, the internet has created a news space for social communication, and people often communicate more freely in online spaces. These issues raise several opportunities for future African feminist radio audience research, including trends in relation to women’s use of traditional and mobile technology use. Uses and gratifications or similar approaches could be used to explore audiences’ specific motivations for radio listening, with particular reference to existing programming options and delivery platforms. Ethnographic feminist techniques would reveal gender-specific radio listening practices.

Note 1 http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats1.htm.

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