When Class Becomes Race: District 9 as Polit-Dystopia

I. Introduction (…) All good people agree, And all good people say, All nice people, like Us, are We And every one else is They: But if you cross over the sea, Instead of over the way, You may end by (think of it!) looking on We As only a sort of They!1 Originally published in 1926, it is hard to tell whether Kipling would have ever imagined his poem to be of such high relevance almost one hundred years later. Though, rather than unifying cultures and overcoming certain prejudices, globalization has also lead to apathy and intolerance amid the population. A look at the media confirms, that sadly these developments are a part of Europe’s everyday reality. Reports about refugee-related issues, like deportations, bad conditions in refugee camps or racist assaults, have taken an established part in the daily newspapers. Though, this issue is not limited to the Northern hemisphere. Certain analogies are observable overseas, amongst other countries also in South Africa. Here, in 2008 an uprising against immigrants, later referred to as the May 2008 xenophobic riots, ripped a wave of violence through the country, resulting in 342 looted and 213 burned shops, 62 dead, hundreds of wounded and thousands of homeless people (see Duponchel 2009: 2f). This incident reveals that “the increasing migration on the part of other African countries towards South Africa” lead to “a concomitant rise in xenophobia” (see Mari 2012: 266). The fact that similar events, although to a smaller degree, are still observable in the following years as well as today, shows that it was not a one-time event but reflects the country’s ongoing struggles. Reports, like the following from May 2013, appear rather often in the South African press: “On Monday night, foreign-owned stores in Diepsloot were once again looted. Police were deployed to halt the attacks, but fears remain of a further spike in violence against foreign nationals in South Africa” (Patel 2013: 1). Against the horizon of the country’s traumatic apartheid past, which left a deep scar on its population, the described circumstances appear even more severe. They imply that certain social struggles are not yet overcome 20 years after the abolishment of the radical political system. Thus, it does not come as a surprise that apartheid and its aftermath are a frequently reworked topic in art. Whereas traditionally, literature was the main instrument for this endeavour, in the course of technological developments it is now also issued in more modern media like films. One example for such artistic                                                                                                                 1  Kipling 1926: 434    

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treatment is District 9, which was released in 2009. The movie portrays a contemporary South Africa that is invaded by aliens, and is often referred to as “apartheid allegory (with aliens)” (see Smith 2012: 145). Although referring to the film as dystopian might not necessarily be the primary intuition, a closer look reveals its distinctive dystopian streaks. Thus, this paper demonstrates that District 9 can be entitled a polit-dystopia. In order to thoroughly understand what characterizes the genre, the concept of dystopia is outlined as an initial step. As George Orwell’s novel Nineteen Eighty-Four is generally ranked as one of the prototype dystopian novels to set focus on political illegitimacies, its key defining elements as well as its social criticism will be outlined thereupon. The results will then serve as a guideline for the categorization of District 9. In the subsequent part of the paper, the movie itself will be analysed thoroughly in respect to its depiction of society and politics. For an accurate examination it is important to consider the different publishing dates and their particular cultural context. In order to answer the question of political critique, the film will be set into South Africa’s historic and contemporary framework. The observable parallels will ultimately prove the movie’s attribution to the genre of dystopia as valid. II. Defining Dystopia In order to classify District 9 as an example of dystopian fiction, the genre as such has to be defined at first. Dystopia originally derives from the concept of utopia, a term first coined by Sir Thomas More in his corresponding book, published in 1516 (see Claeys 2010: xiv). “Etymologically, utopia is […] a place which is a non-place, simultaneously constituted by a movement of affirmation and denial” (4). In Utopia, More illustrates the image of an imaginary island, which is isolated from the known world (see 5). The island’s society is characterized by its wonderful inhabitants and laws and by its superiority to Plato’s city, as it is said to have achieved the ideal state (see 5). This further leads to the conclusion, that “it should be called Eutopia (the good place) instead of Utopia” (5). However, due to the unlikelihood of ever achieving such described circumstances, and as a consequence of developments like industrialization or World War I, which cause certain fears about possible future scenarios amongst the public, negative understandings of the concept begin to rise. Therefore, the concept of dystopia, often also referred to as an anti-utopia, begins to rise in the course of history. The Oxford English Dictionary defines the term as “an imaginary place or condition in which  

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everything is as bad as possible” (Simpson/Weiner 1989: 13). Whereas this description may appear rather abstract, dystopian fiction pictures more relatable scenarios. “Dystopian literature describes an ideal society that has gone terribly wrong” (Womack 2008: 312). The reason for this wrong can range from environmental to economical or political causes. “Because dystopian literature was developed after the industrial revolution, advanced technology often plays an important role in the societies authors create” (312). The described piece of fiction puts the portrayal of an alternative society at heart. “Typically, the imagined society was intended to feature a generally fair political system, but that system has instead created near-universal slavery” (312). In order to pursue their goals, the government implements a brutal police force as well as controlled media that propagates the political beliefs (see 312). However, as the genre is constantly changing, examples deriving from the pioneer definition can be found as well. “Dystopian can also be used as an adjective to describe elements of otherwise nondystopian texts that deal with an oppressive society or to describe political conditions that exist in the real world” (312). Here, the focus lies clearly on the illustration of certain political violations. Fiction focusing on these aspects can more precisely be classified as polit-dystopias (see Hermann n.d.: 2). The motives of the respective author may vary, but generally the genre is used “to make a comment about the society in which they themselves live” (Womack 2008: 312), either as a warning about what their society may become or to directly criticize the failings of the current circumstances (see 312). Dystopian fiction, thus, ultimately also pursues to transform certain cultural shortcomings. III. Nineteen Eighty-Four as Prototype Polit-Dystopia The Oxford English Dictionary entry on dystopia mentions George Orwell’s novel Nineteen Eighty-Four, as it “describe[s] not a world we should like to live in, but one we must be sure to avoid” (Simpson/Weiner 1989: 13). This reference implies that Orwell’s novel can be accounted for as a prototype of the genre. In order to visualize the concept of dystopias, Nineteen Eighty-Four is analysed in the subsequent part of the paper. Attention will be drawn to the totalitarian politics applied by the government as well as to the question of in how far the picture painted can serves as political criticism in general. The results found will further be used as a guideline for the characterization of District 9.

 

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III. 1. Portrayal of an Alternative History The picture painted in Nineteen Eighty-Four is that of a futuristic, alternative world in which the continents and the dividing borders, as known by us, have changed tremendously due to an atomic war. “Atomic bombs first appeared as early as the nineteen-forties, and were first used on a large scale about ten years later” (Orwell 2008: 202). Such a tragic pre-incident is highly common for the rise of a dystopian society. Ever since then, the war between the three super powers Oceania, Eurasia and Eastasia continues purely for the sake of war. It “is merely an imposture […]. It eats up the surplus of consumable goods, and it helps to preserve the special mental atmosphere that a hierarchical society needs” (207). Each of the three states follows a distinct social system; Ingsoc in Oceania, Neo-Bolshevism in Eurasia and Death-Worship or Obliteration of the Self in Eastasia (see 205), yet, the citizens are not allowed to learn too much about the other (see 205). In truth, they are very much alike, as they all put “the denial of reality” at heart (see 205). III. 2. Portrayal of an Alternative Society This previously mentioned hierarchical society can be divided into three different groups; the government, known as the Party, the members of the Party and the proletariat. The latter groups are clearly subordinate to the first and furthermore, are treated in highly diverging ways. The justification for this imbalance rests on the Party’s declaration of the so-called proles’ status. “The Party taught that the proles were natural inferiors who must be kept in subjection, like animals” (74). This categorization is not validated by any scientific proof, as it is regarded as irrelevant to know much about the proletarians (see 74). Therefore, in the disguise of fulfilling the respective necessities of each group, the Party has established a specific system. “The Ministry had not only to supply the multifarious needs of the Party, but also to repeat the whole operation at a lower level for the benefit of the proletariat. There was a whole chain of separate departments dealing with proletarian literature, music, drama and entertainment generally” (45f). Yet, as will become evident with a more detailed look at the government itself, its hidden agenda derives clearly from this propagated purpose. The social hierarchy is directly reflected in the spatial allocation of London. Whereas the members of the Outer Party live in so-called Victory Mansions (see 3), the proletarians are located in the poorer areas of the city labelled as “a whole worldwithin-a-world of thieves, bandits, prostitutes, drug-peddlers and racketeers of every description” (75). However, as Winston remarks, “since it all happened among the  

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proles themselves, it was of no importance” (75). Even though the proletariat constitutes 85% of Oceania’s population, they are considered as ‘swarming disregarded masses’ (see 72). Other than in the form of passer-by, there is no interaction between the two classes. This makes clear that the proles not only take the positions at the margins of the city but also of society. “Left to themselves, […] they had reverted to a style of life that appeared to be natural to them, a sort of ancestral pattern” (74). Their representation as regressed and clearly “not human beings” (56), serves as validation for the Party and its members to segregate them from the rest of society. This concept of othering first developed during colonial times and rests on the belief that the indigenous population of a certain colony is generally degenerated and thus inferior to the Western settlers (see Ashcroft 1995: 20). The theory then served as validation to impose the colonizers’ ideals of economic, social, political, legal and moral systems onto the colonized (see 20). Hyperbolically speaking, “in part at least the proles are thus ‘white niggers’, a symbol of the colonial empire” (as quoted in Chrick, 1984: 31). Party members on the other hand, have to fulfil certain obligations towards the Party. Even though technically they represent the upper class of society, they are also oppressed by the political system. “In principle a Party member had not spare time, and was never alone except in bed. It was assumed that when he was not working, eating or sleeping he would be taking part in some kind of communal recreation” (Orwell 2008: 85). The full extent of impact of the political means onto the Party members lives, will be discussed at a later point in this paper. These two described ways of life form a clear juxtaposition. Hence, one can conclude that the population of Oceania is a hierarchical class society, in which two groups coexist but do not interact with each other. As this rather harsh representation of social structures derives from our general understanding of a just society, it can further be classified as alternative. This statement is supported with a look at the narrative situation. The incidents are depicted from the perspective of Winston and his companions. As the heterodiegetic narrator uses internal focalization, no insight into the proles’ perception of the world is granted. Like in reality, they do not have a voice in the narrative, which once again confirms their inferiority. III. 3. Politics in Nineteen Eighty-Four Ingsoc, the philosophy that founds the basis of Oceania’s political system, is characterized by a pyramidal society structure, the worship of a semi-divine leader and an economy existing by and for continuous warfare (see 205). Oceania’s leader is Big  

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Brother, who himself never makes an appearance other than on posters, but is represented by the Party. As has been described in the previous section, the society’s power hierarchy is visualized in the city’s spatial distribution. With a look at the representation of the political head office, this image crystallizes even more. ”The Ministry of Truth […] was an enormous pyramidal structure of glittering white concrete, soaring up, terrace after terrace, three hundred metres into the air” (Orwell 2008: 5f). Not only the architectural form of the building, a pyramid, points to its superiority, but more importantly the fact that it “towered vast and white above the grimy landscape” (5) of London. Therefore, the Ministry of Truth, as a symbol of the Party’s political ideology, can be regarded as an omnipresence hovering over the everyday reality of the citizens of London. This is supported by the fact that the Party’s ideals, “War is Peace. Freedom is Slavery. Ignorance is Strength” (29), are inscribed into the building and thus visible at all times, in order to become equally deeply engraved into the citizens’ minds. The pyramid of power, as a symbol for the social structure, also unveils the Party’s main incentive. “The Party seeks power entirely for its own sake. We are not interested in the good of others; we are interested solely in power” (275). In order to accomplish this, the totalitarian government pursues the goals of “conquer[ing] the whole surface of the earth and [to] extinguish[ing] once and for all the possibility of independent thought” (201). Hence, the Party constantly researches methods to control people’s thoughts as well as weapons that are able to kill several hundred million people at once (see 201). Whereas seemingly, on an international scale the Party is still concerned with completing its mission, within the borders of Oceania it has already established various means of power to ensure its supremacy. As stated previously, the regime regards and treats the two classes differently. Consequently, the respective agency has to be adapted to each as well. “The devices of political control most practiced on the proles are not indoctrination and terror, as the Inner Party’s control of the Outer Party […], but degradation and fragmentation” (Crick 1984: 30). As the politics regarding the proletarians have already been established in the previous part, the subsequent section focuses on the influence on the members of the Party. In addition to the constant presence of the totalitarian government via its head department, other examples like the “Big Brother is watching you” or “INGSOC” posters, as well as police patrols marching the streets constantly (see Orwell 2008: 4) are observable in the city’s landscape as well. This creates the general uncanny  

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atmosphere of being observed and exposed to the system at all times. This impression hardens once we move indoors to the protagonist Winston’s apartment. The telescreen received and transmitted simultaneously. Any sound that Winston made, above the level of a very low whisper, would be picked up by it; moreover, so long as he remained within the field of vision, which the metal plaque commanded, he could be seen as well as heard (5). By now the notion that the Party indeed constantly surveys the citizens, and they are denied any form of private space in which they can focus merely on themselves, forms. Besides, the telescreens are the main instrument to spread political propaganda. They inform the citizens about current incidents, like a won battle or play music, amongst others the anthem ‘Oceania, ‘tis for thee’ (see 28). This constant indoctrination is used to keep people from starting to think for themselves and consequently to avoid any form of upheaval. Besides, by continuously reinforcing social prejudices against the lower class and thus emphasizing the superiority of the Party members, the continuing separation of the two is ensured. As any real revolution would only be possible if the two groups formed a union, this brainwashing is an essential part of the totalitarian politics. In addition to regulating the actions of the present day society, the Party has found means to restrict the past as well as the future. One of its slogans reads, “who controls the past controls the future: who controls the present controls the past” (260). In order to pursue this goal, The Ministry of Truth has invented a department that is merely concerned with creating rewritings of any form of literature considered unsuitable for the Party’s current opinion. As the protagonist is an employee of this division, a detailed insight into the working process is provided. “All history was a palimpsest, scraped clean and re-inscribed exactly as often as was necessary” (42). “’Reality control’, they called it: in Newspeak, ‘doublethink’” (37). The word doublethink is one example for Newspeak, the language introduced by the Party. It serves as a means to manipulate the people’s thoughts, as by deconstructing the language to only words required for supporting the Party’s ideals, even the lightest form of protest or thinking into any other direction can be eliminated. Apart from these implementations, excessive brutality is used to shatter even the slightest suspicion of rebellion. “The violence by which power is acquired and maintained is another aspect of totalitarianism that Orwell stresses” (Voorhees 1971: 79). The range goes from hiring children as spies to their own families, torturing suspects and terrorists, and having people vanish into nonexistence. All of these  

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examples serve to create an atmosphere of fear and terror amongst the citizens. That way the regime can ensure their subordination and its ongoing absolute supremacy in power. This overview of the society and politics portrayed in Nineteen Eighty-Four, however brief it may be, makes clear why it is safe to conclude that it is a dystopian piece of fiction. The alternative society of Oceania, mainly characterized by class segregation, is subordinate to a totalitarian government. It does in fact represent a world, in which everything has gone terribly wrong and must therefore clearly be avoided. III. 4. Nineteen Eighty-Four as Socio-Political Criticism Not only because the criticism of certain social structures is a standard criteria of dystopian fiction, but also due to the fact that Orwell “was primarily known as political writer” (Atkins 1954: 181), there is a scientific consensus that Nineteen Eighty-Four cannot be regarded as merely fictional. For an accurate analysis, the novel’s respective historical context has to be considered. As it was published in 1949, a time overshadowed by the aftermath of World War II, references to this historic incident and its consequences are observable throughout the text. The novel states that, “atomic bombs first appeared as early as the nineteen-forties, and were first used on a large scale about ten years later” (Orwell 2008: 202). In reality, an atomic bomb is first implemented in the 1945 attack of Hiroshima by the USA (see Schimkus 2003: 351). Although this remains a singular event, one can imagine that people’s fear about a possible atomic war are very high at the time, and create an additional threat to the already tense war atmosphere. As described earlier, the society of Nineteen Eighty-Four is made believe that the world is at constant war, what helps to create the special mental atmosphere required for the reassurance of the government’s absolute power. This imagery is thus familiar to the public of 1949, as it reflects their everyday reality to some degree. When speaking of this time period, it is important to highlight two quite contrary political systems. The fascist Nazi-regime, the catalyst for WWII, is to be held responsible for extensive human rights violations and atrocities, including the death of more than six million humans (see 350). The system is constituted on a belief of the superiority of certain parts of the population and aims at eliminating all of those ethnic groups considered inferior (see 348). WWII is then followed by the Cold War and a reallocation of Germany and those areas previously occupied by Germany (see 351). In the Soviet-ruled parts of the earth, communism is introduced thereupon (see 351f).  

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Communism is generally defined as “a theory, which advocates a state of society in which there should be no private ownership, all property being vested in the community and labour organized for the common benefit of all members” (Simpson/Weiner 1989: 580). However, the resulting developments in the DDR show that this is not necessarily in the best interest of the people. Orwell saw great similarities between Nazi and Communist methods and organizations: that is why he was one of the first to use the word “totalitarian” in an analytical sense to point tendencies common to both […] Nazism was too authentic to descend into managerialism and Orwell’s hatred of Stalin was for perverting, not abandoning, revolutionary ideals (Crick 1984: 63f). The reworking of both political systems is recognizable in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Although fake, communist ideals, like equality, are promoted via Ingsoc amongst the Outer Party members. On the other hand, the treatment of the proles is rather reminiscent of the Nazi-regime’s dealing with those not considered socially conform. Thus, it crystallizes that “far from being a picture of the totalitarianism of the future, Nineteen Eighty-Four is, in countless details, a realistic picture of the totalitarianism of the present” (Voorhees 1971: 87). The function of the novel then can by summarized as a sort of warning, as “it […] imposes totalitarianism, with all its horrors, on England, in order to make the reader […] imagine himself the victim of totalitarianism. Nineteen Eighty-Four, then, is not a prediction, but an alert ” (88). As stated earlier, such an agenda is stereotypical of dystopian fiction and ultimately defines Nineteen EightyFour’s dystopian character. Due to the political essence of the novel, it can further be entitled a polit-dystopia. However, it has to be noted, that this brief insight into the novel’s social and political criticism does not live up to its full potential. Though, as this paper aims at establishing a classification for the movie District 9, exemplifying the general idea of Nineteen Eighty-Four is sufficient to create an impression of its effects and aims. IV. District 9 as Polit-Dystopia After having expounded the prototype dystopian scenario of Nineteen Eighty-Four, the following part of the paper analyses in how far this image holds true for the movie District 9. It has to be noted that, when talking about this film, a categorization as dystopian is not the most obvious approach. Generally speaking, it is “a hybrid cinematic genre constituted by some elements from sci-fi movies, action movies and videogame-style shooting” (Mari 2012: 276). The classification as science fiction derives from the appearance of aliens and the space ship, which is hovering of  

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Johannesburg. Though, other than that, the film uses a rather unusual methodology. “District 9 offers an alternate Johannesburg with images from real-life slums inhabited by aliens who are threatened by forced evictions” (Caraivan 2011: 32). Positioning a fictional idea into a highly authentic and realistic setting is defined as reality-fiction (see Hermann n.d.: 2). The effect of this is to “to reclaim the ideological backbone of the best sci-fi by de-glossing the sci-fi production and bringing it down to the land of the real” (Nicolini 2009: 1). Certain film techniques, like interviews, old video footage, news reports or the use of handheld cameras underline the authentic nature of the movie. As these elements are generally used in documentaries, they add to District 9’s hybridity. According to Hermann, the use of such reality-fictions is common in politdystopias (see Hermann n.d.: 2). The subsequent part of the paper evaluates in how far this declaration is also valid for District 9. IV. 1. Portrayal of an Alternative History The initial trigger for the story line is the arrival of a space ship over Johannesburg in 1982 (District 9 2009: 2:00). In terms of dystopian characterization this could count as a tragic pre-incident, yet, the mere presence does not pose an immediate threat to the people of South Africa. The aliens arrive as refugees seeking for help and not with bad intentions. As “the aliens will not be able to go home” (3:55), the government sets up a temporary camp beneath the ship in the centre of Johannesburg (see 2:58). Though, as the state is overwhelmed by the situation and the number of prawns, “the zone soon became fenced, became militarized. And before we knew it was a slum” (3:09). This township is then named District 9. In the course of the next twenty years the circumstances develop into an even more negative direction, requiring the government to react. Other than that, no further background about the country’s past is given, however, the arrival of a space ship and the presence of aliens symbolize an alternative course of history. IV. 2. Portrayal of an Alternative Society Apart from the aliens as a futuristic element, the society of 2002 depicted in the movie, reflects a rather representative image of post-apartheid South Africa. Though, the everyday realities of the different ethnic groups are not illustrated in much detail. The film only gives background on the protagonist Wikus van der Merwe, an average white Afrikaaner. A look at Wikus’ working place, where black and white citizens work together, seemingly at eye level (see 1:25f), leads to the assumption of South Africa  

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being an egalitarian society. Yet, unlike in Nineteen Eighty-Four, where the primary focus was on the portrayal of society itself, the movie concentrates its attention on the aliens and the South African’s attitude towards them. Whereas “at first a lot of attention was given to giving the aliens proper status and protection” (3:32), people’s opinion changes as time develops. Due to lack of knowledge about the refugees, prejudices start to rise. “The truth is, nobody really knew what this place was. There’s a lot of secrets in District 9” (3:15). The name given to the aliens carries a negative connotation itself. As “the term prawn […] implies something that is a bottom feeder, that scavenges the leftovers” (5:16), it becomes clear that the citizens regard them as substandard. This view derives from the fact that “beings from another world are judged by human standards, their own society being virtually nonexistent and their difference reduced to the degree in which they don't fit the establishment” (Fikretoglu n.d.: 6). As described earlier, this process of othering originates in colonial times; however, it still seems to hold true for the movie. “What we have stranded on Earth in this colony, is basically the workers. They don’t think for themselves, they take commands, they have no initiative. They’ve lost all of their leadership through, we presume, illness” (District 9 2009: 14:35). Not only do humans refer to the township District 9 as a colony, but also entitle its inhabitants as degenerated. This attitude is best exemplified in the interactions between Wikus and the prawns during the serving of eviction notices. He does not converse with them at eye level but uses a simplistic language, what implies his supposition about their lower intellect. “The prawn doesn’t really understand the concept of ownership of property. So we have to come there and say, “Listen, this is our land. Please will you go?” (10:20). This example further discloses the hierarchical nature of society; even though it derives form the structure introduced bin Nineteen Eighty-Four, as here the respective classes within society differ in status. In District 9, class as the indicator for segregation has been replaced by race. The declaration of the prawns as a subordinate race forms the key component in the justification for their mistreatment and oppression. Even though the humans suspect that the aliens find themselves in some sort of condition that requires help, as they state that “the creatures were extremely mal nourished, they were very unhealthy, they seemed to be aimless” (2:40), the government does not meet their needs but leaves them to themselves. Like in Nineteen Eighty-Four, there is no interaction between the groups that would help to prove the prejudices wrong. Neither is there any intercultural exchange to improve the circumstances or assistance in their intention to return home. The medical experiments taken on aliens do  

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not aim at overcoming the boundaries but instead serve the government’s self-interest. Apart from that, they remain disregarded masses, like the proles in Nineteen EightyFour. Like in the novel, this statement is supported by the movie’s point of view. It revolves around Wikus and the humans’ perception of the immigrants. As no insight into the aliens’ experience is given, their perspective remains unclear. This reflects the reality of the movie, as here the prawns do not have a saying in the developments either. However, whereas the proles have numbed in the course of history, the prawns react differently to the described neglect. As a consequence of the negative perception, they start to express their discontent in a rather straightforward way. “What for an alien might be seen as something recreational, setting fire to a truck, derailing a train, is for us, obviously an extremely destructive act” (5:35). This behaviour reinforces the people’s prejudices and eventually leads to complaints. “Residents in Tembisa rioted for the third consecutive night in an attempt to remove all the aliens from their townships” (4: 42). The reasoning behind this claim once again rests on the aliens’ declared status. “If they were from another country we might understand, but they are not even from this planet at all” (5:07). As a consequence of public pressure, the government decides to dislocate the aliens to an isolated place outside of Johannesburg (see 5:52), as opposed to an attempt to find any real problem solving approaches. Upon conclusion, it can be stated, that picture painted is that of a society gone wrong. The lack of interest in gaining knowledge about the refugees leads to a chain of prejudices and misunderstandings that cause eventual extensive tension. Though, the hierarchical nature of society derives from the one observed in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Whereas class is not the defining factor anymore, race has become its replacement. Although the South African society seems fairly balanced, their attitude towards foreigners who don’t fulfil the social standards, allows for the assumption that it indeed is marked by deeply rooted xenophobia. This secretly fractured nature qualifies for a dystopian categorization. IV. 3. Politics in District 9 As the paper claims that District 9 is a polit-dystopia, it is essential to highlight the film’s representation of politics. Generally, dystopian fiction is characterized by a totalitarian regime that uses various means to abuse power in order to ensure its supremacy within society. Although at a first glance South Africa appears to be quite democratic, a detailed insight into the treatment of the aliens reveals its autocratic streaks. Their presence is regarded as an excuse to reverse political and ethical  

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structures, what further leads to the surfacing of the regime's cruel nature in the course of the movie. Unlike in Nineteen Eighty-Four, it does not oppress the society itself, but uses the apparent care about its people’s safety and well being as an excuse for the maltreatment of the aliens. Consequently, they focus their totalitarian actions on the groups as considered not conform to social standards. In order to pursue this goal, the government, more precisely the Multi Nationals United, has set up the Department of Alien Affairs. Wikus explains, “what we do here at the department is we try to engage with the prawn on behalf of MNU and on behalf of humans” (1:33). The division is also the executional force that performs the mass eviction (see 6:07). Space allocations have been a clear indicator for the depiction of society and politics in Nineteen Eighty-Four. In District 9 a similar phenomenon is observable. However, whereas in the novel the divided spaces are set from the beginning, the redistribution of certain areas serves as the main instrument of the regime’s implementation of power in the movie. The citizens’ protest is answered by “mov[ing] 1.8 million prawns from District 9 to a [….] place 200 kilometers outside of Johannesburg city ” (6:29). MNU is convinced that by shutting the refugees out of the country’s everyday reality, the problem will solve itself. “The people of Johannesburg and of South Africa are going to live happily and safely, knowing that that prawn is very far away” (6:50). Like in Nineteen Eighty-Four, where the lower classes live in the outskirts of London, the prawns are being located outside of the city and thus outside of society. A look at the degree of violence applied by MNU and the military during the operation of handing out the eviction notices to the aliens, suggests the potential of brutality. In order to ensure the success of the project, they do not shy away from threats, killing aliens or aborting a whole bunch of alien babies (see 17:10). A look at the way Koobus, the head of the military unit, engages with the prawns, further proves the army's viciousness. Violent actions are not carried out as a mere necessity, but also function as an act of pleasure. Koobus states, that he in fact “love[s] watching prawns die” (1:14:54). Like the example of Nineteen Eighty-Four has already shown, verbal and physical violence is a frequently applied device to guarantee authority. Additionally, MNU applies other instruments of power. Media abuse as a means to control society is a common phenomenon in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Here, a rather onesided and censored representation of certain incidents or circumstances by the media is used to manipulate the broader public. In District 9, this technique is applied as well to some extent. Due to the documentary style of the film, TV news reports are cut in throughout. Yet, it forms, that, these seem to not always represent the truth. “Wikus van  

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der Merwe was recently apprehended after prolonged sexual activity with aliens in District 9. It’s highly contagious and the police warn people to stay at least 20 metres away” (45:40). This obviously wrong account about the circumstances, functions as a way to foment wrong fears amongst the citizens and to keep them from being sympathetic with Wikus. Propaganda used in the engagement with the aliens themselves is observable as well. The sculpture located at the entrance of District 9 shows a human and an alien holding hands (see 10:54), which is a clear misrepresentation of reality. The below inscribed slogan, “District 9: Paving the Way to Unity” (see 10:54), further adds to the absurdity of the scene, as the township is intended as a mechanism to achieve the complete opposite. Moreover, the fact that the militarized eviction of District 9 is accompanied by voices announcing that, “MNU are your friends” (14:20) from loudspeakers, seems like mere mockery. This negative impression manifests with a closer look at the government’s true intentions. What at first seemed like giving power to the people of South Africa, turns out to be an endeavour of gaining extensive economical and political authority. “MNU is trying to move the aliens for humanitarian reasons but the real focus, just as it has been right from the beginning, is weapons. MNU is the second-largest weapons manufacturer in the world” (18:01). Therefore, every alien-related action, seemingly carried out for the sake of society, can be regarded as a distraction in favour of their own profit. Once again the classification of the prawns as inferior, serves as a justification for experimenting with them. In order to gain knowledge about their advanced weaponry, which “is engineered in a biological manner and interacts exclusively with their DNA” (18:18), the regime has set up a laboratory where they torture and test the aliens. Not only these grave violations of liberties, but also the revelation about MNU’s real motivation, allow for the declaration as abusive, unjust and repressive. Summing up the previous result, it becomes evident that, although some criteria generally observable in dystopian fiction remain unfulfilled in District 9, the image of a world that must be avoided is illustrated fairly well. However, as the genre is highly hybrid, not all characteristics have to be met, in order for the respective piece of fiction to be declared dystopian. The arrival of the space ship and the presence of the aliens as the futuristic components of the movie, change the course of the country’s history and create an unsatisfactory present day situation with a society that has gone wrong somewhere along the way. Additionally, by imposing violence on the aliens, the government’s autocratic streaks surface in the course of the developments. Whereas in  

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Nineteen Eighty-Four the dystopian features are observable at all levels, District 9 rather emphasizes distinct social and political features to make point. The previous results thus allow for the conclusion that District 9 illustrates a dystopian society, in which class has been replaced by race. As the social illegitimacies are a direct result of political operations, it can further be labelled as a polit-dystopia. IV. 4. District 9 as Socio-Political Criticism Since the criticism of such described politics holds an essential position in the genre, closer attention is drawn to it in the subsequent part. Whereas the illustrated developments already paint a fairly unsettling picture on their own, they appear even worse when set into the respective context. As stated before, the society portrayed in District 9, does not derive too much from contemporary South Africa at first sight. Though, to fully understand the movie’s framework, a look at the country’s past is inevitable. In 1948, the apartheid system is introduced in South Africa, as the Nasionale Party wins the elections (see Cornwell 2010: xi). “The Population Registration Act, in terms of which South Africans are classified White, Black and Coloured or Indian” is instituted in 1950 (xi), and from heron serves as a basis for the distinct treatment of each respective group. In the following years, many restrictions against the indigenous population, like the “implementation of pass regulations, […] widespread bannings, detentions and […] the banning of the ANC and the Pan-African Congress” (Switzer 1997: 252) follow. These few examples of the apartheid politics prefigure the government’s totalitarian nature, and it is easy to imagine the consequential prevalent tense atmosphere in the country. Moreover, in 1960, a state of emergency, resulting in many human rights violations and atrocities, is declared (see 252). Amongst many projects carried out to achieve the complete segregation of society, a resettlement program as part of the Group’s Areas Act, is applied (see Cornwell 2010: xi). It aims at relocating almost three million black inhabitants from the city centers to more secluded areas, in order to create living space for white working-class suburbs (see xi). The program starts in 1955 with the destruction of Sophiatown, a famous township in Johannesburg (see xi), and soon spreads throughout the country. In 1966, South Africa's apartheid regime declare[s] District Six a "whites only" area […] and blacks […] [are] relegated to arid, poverty-stricken Bantustans, there to rot until the end of days. The policy […] [is] carried out with shocking clarity of purpose and efficiency; resistance [is] futile (Johnson 2010: 1).  

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This makes clear that, in order to succeed in accomplishing their mission, the regime does not shy away from using harsh violence, regardless of the outcome for the township’s inhabitants. The living conditions in and around the newly designed edifices are very poor and lead to a vicious circle of frustration, poverty and crime (see 1). This historical background puts a different complexion on the circumstances illustrated in the movie. The general tense atmosphere, as described in the above, reflects the imagery of the fictional Johannesburg. Measures to reinforce the segregation between humans and aliens are observable all over the city. Boards with captions like “no NonHuman Loitering. Mandate H4-188 Enforcement area” (District 9 2009: 3:50) are put up at public places like playgrounds. This technique was also common during apartheid, in order to separate blacks from whites. As the film is said to be a reality-fiction, it does not come as a surprise, that the depiction of the township itself is highly realistic as well. ‘District 9’ reveals noticeable references to average townships like Sophiatown, and most obvious to Cape Town’s District 6, which are generally characterized by corrugated-iron shacks. When talking of parallels between film and reality, it is essential to return to the aliens and how they are perceived by humans. However little South Africans may think of the prawns, they share more attributes than they are willing to admit. Apart from their outward appearance, their complexion is rather manlike as they walk, gesture and talk like humans do. Furthermore, their language is highly reminiscent of South African languages like Xhosa or Zulu, as all of them use the language-specific clicks (see 1:12:28). This complex linguistic system, in addition to their highly developed social skills, does not only attest to the aliens’ intelligence, but also exposes parallels to the indigenous population of South Africa. Therefore, it crystallizes that the aliens are a metaphor for those ethnic groups considered subordinate during the apartheid, namely the blacks and the coloureds. Accordingly, it is not surprising that, “the legality that MNU is using to evict the aliens is simply a whitewash” (District 9 2009: 7:08), like it has been in reality. This is the crucial evidence for the movie’s pillorying of the past apartheid system. However, as dystopian fiction generally debates circumstances of the present or possible future, the film cannot merely be regarded as apartheid critique. Keeping in mind the year of release, as well as the social circumstances of the time, mostly the May 2008 xenophobic riots, the notion, that the movie’s message is not necessarily fixed on the past, manifests. It appears that “history continues to haunt the present and distort the meaning of democracy” (Pucherová 2011: 110). The arrival of another racial group  

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shows how fragile the rainbow nation is and how deeply rooted the radical discriminatory apartheid ideas in truth still are. It brings out the old behavioural patterns that derive clearly from a democratic understanding of a nation. It appears that the society, which is weak at its core, tries to empower itself via the discrimination of others. The case that District 9 makes is that the occurrence of apartheid is atemporal, in that by changing the victims, the powers that lead to it or its name, its reality remains the same. In showing apartheid as a reality beyond its historical delimitations – and the alternative past of District 9 reinforces this understanding – the phenomenon is shown as intrinsic of the human nature (Fikretoglu n.d.: 4). This notion implies, that the phenomenon is also not necessarily limited to the country of South Africa. Accordingly, “the prawns are a graphic embodiment of our subjective perception of those we consider other. The D-9 plot is a satiric depiction of how we, a universal we, behave toward relived other” (Hairston 2011: 4). The movie thus aims at sharply criticizing the globally observable xenophobia. Consequently, it can be regarded as an alert about the developments regarding the treatment of refugees. This voiced critique ultimately defines the movie’s dystopian nature. In the film, the process of othering is partly overcome at an individual level via Wikus’ conversion into an alien and his corresponding realization about their true nature. “His transformation […] does restore a sense of collective class identity across racial, cultural and national divisions” (Smith 2012: 158). Only by becoming one of them and thus repositioning himself from familiar concepts, he is able to understand the other side. However, it has to be noticed, that his transformation is not a voluntary one. The way Christopher Johnson, the alien protagonist, treats Wikus during his search for asylum, reveals the full extent of the aliens’ capability of empathy and hence the humanity in their nature. This image is highly reminiscent of the proles’ description in Nineteen Eighty-Four2, as here; the society’s outsiders turn out to have more human features than the superior classes as well. The proles […] [are] not loyal to a party or a country or an idea, they [are] loyal to one another. […] The proles had stayed human. They had not become hardened inside. They had held on to the primitive emotions (Orwell 2008: 172). These revelations not only prove the biased opinions wrong, they also confirm that the source of the intolerances lies in lacking engagement with the other social group. In                                                                                                                 2  I actually suppose the similarity of names, prawns and proles as well as Wikus and Winston, is not a mere coincidence.    

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order to overcome those cultural or social prejudices, a change in perspective is imperative. Learning to understand others by gaining knowledge about their respective background and situation is the first step towards a more integrated society. It appears that in a way District 9 tries to promote such a cultural transformation as well. This, as well as the general critical tone described earlier, ultimately vindicates the movie’s declaration as dystopian. V. Conclusion In conclusion, the paper at first established a broad overview of the dystopian prototype novel Nineteen Eighty-Four, as a means to exemplify the genre. It dissolved that it uses a harsh imagery of totalitarian politics, in order to criticize the real socio-political shortcomings of the time. As a following step, the results in respect to the representation of society and politics were applied to the movie District 9, set in contemporary Johannesburg. A close look at the film demonstrated its dystopian nature, although certain typical characteristics remained unfulfilled. Yet, the society depicted clearly derives from a wishful illustration, as it revealed grave xenophobic attitudes towards those not considered equal to South Africans. Setting the movies plot into the past and contemporary context of the country dissolved various parallels to real developments. Therefore, it can be concluded that District 9 aims at criticizing the society’s shortcomings in terms of the treatment of other cultural groups. As this is a crucial indicator for dystopian fiction, the movie’s attribution to the genre can be regarded as justified. The attempt to find a satisfying answer to the problem expressed in the movie remains futile, as it symbolizes one of the central questions of our times. A look at the presented examples of current xenophobic attacks in South Africa, as well as the present developments regarding the treatment of refugees in Europe, confirm this assumption. Although this is a rather unsettling result, the movie must be regarded as a chance. Voicing social injustices at a public sphere and thereby raising awareness about the unacceptable circumstances, is the first step of a desired socio-cultural transformation. Even though it is the government’s responsibility to find a better solution to the problem, than merely shutting the refugees out of society, every citizen, either South African or European, holds a certain additional liability. Kipling was already well aware of the importance of changed perspectives in the process of intercultural convergence. Only be crossing over the sea, either real or imagined, we will eventually be able to realize that ‘They’ is only a sort of ‘We’.  

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VI. Bibliography Primary Sources District 9. Blomkamp, Neil. Sony Pictures, 2009. Orwell, George. Nineteen Eighty-Four. London: Penguin Books, 2008. Secondary Sources Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. London: Routledge, 1995. Atkins, John. George Orwell. London: John Calder, 1954. Caraivan, Luiza Maria. “Post-Apartheid Johannesburg: An Urban Palimpsest.” Journal of The Romanian Society for English and American Studies (RSEAS) 17 (2011): 31-41. Web. 27 Sept. 2014. Claeys, Gregory. The Cambridge Companion to Utopian Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2010. Cornwell, Gareth, Dirk Klopper, and Craig MacKenzie. The Columbia Guide to South African Literature in English since 1945. New York: Columbia UP, 2010. Crick, Bernhard. “Introduction and Annotations.” In Nineteen Eighty-Four, by George Orwell, 1-136. Oxford: Clarendon, 1984. Duponchel, Marguerite. “Who’s the Alien? Xenophobia in Post-apartheid South Africa.” Thesis. University Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne, 2009. Fikretoglu, Burcu. “Forgiving the Sci-Fi Alien - District 9 as a Postcolonial Apologia.” (n.d.): n. pag. www.academia.edu. Web. 26 Sept. 2014. Hairston, Andrea. “Different and Equal Toegehter: SF Satire in District 9.” Journal of the Fantastic in the Arts 82nd ser. 22.3 (2011): 322-46. Hermann, Isabella. "Der Umgang Mit Dem Anderen in District 9. Eine Politikwissenschaftliche Betrachtung Von Science Fiction." Thesis. LMU, n.d. Johnson, Scott C. C. “The Real District 9: Cape Town's District Six.” Newsweek. N.p., 13 Mar. 2010. Web. 26 Sept. 2014. Kipling, Rudyard. “We and They.” In Debits and Credits, 432-434. Oxford: University of Oxford Text Archive, 1926. Mari, Lorenzo. “Plural Ghetto. Phaswane Mpe’s Welcome to Our Hillbrow (2001), Neill Bloemkamp’s District 9 (2009) and the Crisis in the Representation of Spaces in Post-apartheid South Africa.” Prospero. Rivista Di Letterature Straniere XVII (2012): 265-85.  

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Nicolini, Kim. “District 9, Ugly Marvel.” The South African Civil Society Information Service 2009. N.p., 29 Aug. 2009. Web. 26 Sept. 2014. Patel, Khadija. “Analysis: The Ugly Truth Behind SA’s Xenophobic Violence.” Daily Maverick. N.p., 28 May 2013. Web. 27 Sept. 2014. Pucherová, Dobrota. The Ethics of Dissident Desire in Southern African Writing. Trier: WVT, Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2011. Schimkus, Andreas. Jahrtausend Buch: 2000 Jahre Weltgeschichte. Stuttgart/Zürich/Wien: Das Beste GmbH, 2003. Simpson, J.A., and E.S.C. Weiner. “Dystopia.” The Oxford English Dictionary, Second Edition. Vol. V. Oxford: Clarendon, 1989. Simpson, J.A., and E.S.C. Weiner. “Communism.” The Oxford English Dictionary, Second Edition. Vol. III. Oxford: Clarendon, 1989. Smith, Eric D. Globalization, Utopia, and Postcolonial Science Fiction: New Maps of Hope. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Switzer, Les, ed. South Africa's Alternative Press: Voices of Protest and Resistance, 1880s-1960s. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Voorhees, Richard J. The Paradox of George Orwell. Lafayette, IN: Purdue US, 1971. Womack, Kenneth. Books and Beyond: The Greenwood Encyclopedia of New American Reading. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2008.

 

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