Utkuhiksalik: An Ancient Cultural Landscape

Utkuhiksalik: An Ancient Cultural Landscape (revised)1 Darren Keith and Andrew M. Stewart August 1999 ABSTRACT The cultural landscape of Utkuhiksalik, located between Franklin Lake and Chantrey Inlet on the lower Back River, Nunavut, is the setting of a specialized and unique Inuit way of life. The people of this region — the Utkuhiksalingmiut — developed a summer and fall fishery as the principal element of their subsistence economy, part of the larger Netsilik hunting, sealing and fishing subsistence pattern. Utkuhiksalik and its fisheries represent the most interesting aspect of this regional economy. The importance of Utkuhiksalik is reinforced by its documented cultural antiquity and by the many names and stories associated with places in the Utkuhiksalik landscape which refer to Inuit mythology and universally held expressions of Inuit oral tradition. Oral traditions hold that the area, and specific cultural features within the proposed site area, were inherited from the Tuniit, legendary predecessors of the Inuit. The fishery sites are sacred, requiring the performance of prescribed rituals by people living and working at these sites. Beyond the fisheries, several places within Utkuhiksalik are understood to be the sites for events of mythological importance to all Inuit. CONTENTS Abstract Introduction Consultations Site Description Part 1: Significance Regional Variation Pre-Contact Significance/Enduring Use Cultural Unity Part 2: Supporting Evidence The History and Seasonal Round of Utkuhiksalingmiut A Fishery of National Importance Remote History and Mythic Stories of Utkuhiksalik Conclusion References Appendix A - The Utkuhiksalingmiut Year Appendix B - Stories Told by Elders

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submitted in August 1999 to the National Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada; original version was submitted to the Board in October 1997.

INTRODUCTION Consultations The Hamlet of Gjoa Haven, Northwest Territories contacted the Secretary of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada (HSMBC) in the fall of 1994 requesting that the Board consider one of the historic sites in the area for designation. During the winter of 1994/95 Parks Canada staff worked with the Inniturliq Historic Site Committee of Gjoa Haven to determine the location of the historic landscape that they wanted to put forward. The Committee selected the Utkuhiksalik area of the lower Back River and it proposed that an oral historical and archaeological recording effort be mounted during the summer of 1995 to collect relevant information for a Board submission. Archaeologist Andrew Stewart and Anthropologist Darren Keith accompanied Elders to Utkuhiksalik by boat in August 1995 and completed an archaeological, place name and oral traditions survey of selected areas within Utkuhiksalik. The areas of Itimnaarjuk, Akuaq and Aariaq were mapped archaeologically and the entire Utkuhiksalik area was discussed with the Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders. Utkuhiksalik was first presented to the Cultural Communities Committee of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board during its fall meeting in September 1997. This meeting was attended by Uriash Pukiqnak of Gjoa Haven who was born and raised in Utkuhiksalik. Mr. Pukiqnak was the mayor of Gjoa Haven during the original consultations and research and is now the MLA for Gjoa Haven. Mr. Pukiqnak affirmed the support of the Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders for the nomination to the Committee and conveyed a sense of the strength of feeling that the people have for Utkuhiksalik.

Site Description Utkuhiksalik is located in the Central Arctic close to the mouth of the Back River, approximately 200 km from the tiny hamlet of Gjoa Haven (Figure 1). The proposed historic site area is a portion of the Utkuhiksalik and is broken into two regions: 1) Itimnaarjuk; and 2) Aariaq and Akuaq (Figure 2). Both regions are located on the Back River where it flows out of Franklin Lake (Tahirjuaq), next to a series of powerful rapids. Itimnaarjuk and Harvaqtuuq are the opposing banks of the lowest and most imposing rapid. Itimnaarjuk is also a large traditional fishing site and camp containing at least 66 archaeological features (Stewart 1995; Figure 3). Many of these features are related to the processing of fish, including drying and caching. The cultural features at Itimnaarjuk are concentrated on and around a bedrock promontory or hill that blocks the course of the Back River, causing the water to flow around it, mainly through a permanent channel and over a falls to the north, but also to the south during periods of high water (in spring). This secondary channel (Avalitquq) is a dry trough filled with boulders and gravel bars during summer and fall. Harvaqtuuq is the north bank of the river across from Itimnaarjuk and is the location of an ancient gaming site called Ak&uniqtarvik which is said to have been built by Tuniit, a people who, according to oral tradition here, as in many places across the Arctic, preceded the Inuit. The 2

Figure 1: Inuit culture areas and National Historic Sites in Nunavut.

entire proposed historic site area is understood in oral tradition to have originally been Tuniit land. Oral tradition also speaks to this location as being the site where the giant Inukpahugjuk fished by straddling the river between Itimnaarjuk and Harvaqtuuq and scooping out fish with his hands. There is a site on the rock at Itimnaarjuk where the impression of the giant’s testicles remain to be seen. This site could not be relocated during the 1995 field season and is thought to have eroded away. Further up river from Itimnaarjuk and Harvaqtuuq, right at the exit of the river from Franklin Lake, is a long cascading rapid full of pools. The south shore of this rapid at the upstream end is called Aariaq and the downstream end Akuaq. The many pools in the rapid allow fishermen using a leister (kakivak) to catch individual fish successfully. At both Akuaq and Aariaq there are huge boulders that are said to have been packed there on the back of the giant Inukpahugjuk. Akuaq and the region just to the south, Qatqaq, are also the locations of sites which are understood to be of Tuniit origin. Ownership of the Utkuhiksalik site is divided. To the west, upriver, Aariaq and Akuaq are on Crown land. To the east, downriver, Harvaqtuuq and Itimnaarjuk are on Inuit Owned Land. Harvaqtuuq, on the north side of the river, is within Inuit Owned Land parcel GH-07 and 3

Figure 2: Proposed Utkuhiksalik National Historic Site boundaries showing sites discussed in text and their relation to Crown and Inuit Owned Lands. (Base map: National Topographic Survey map 56 L/13, 1:50,000 series, Ottawa 1993

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Itimnaarjuk, on the south side, is within Inuit Owned Land parcel GH-05. (These particular Inuit Owned Land parcels are classified as ‘Surface Only’ under Article 19.2.1b of the Nunavut Agreement.) These are lands that are owned collectively by Inuit and administered through the land office of the Kitikmeot Inuit Association based in Cambridge Bay. The lands were originally selected by the community of Gjoa Haven (thus the ‘GH’ designation in the parcel number) during the land selection process of the Nunavut comprehensive land claim. The community of Gjoa Haven has, therefore, the most influence over land-use decisions on those lands. Community input is channelled through the community Kitikmeot Inuit Association (KIA) representative. The KIA representative for Gjoa Haven is Mr. Wally Porter, who was involved in the Utkuhiksalik project in 1995 and was on site during the research.

PART 1: SIGNIFICANCE A decision as to the significance of the Utkuhiksalik site was not made when it was first presented to the HSMBC in September 1997. The Board chose to reserve judgement pending the results of a framework study, now completed, called Inuit Traditions: A History of Nunavut. The results of this study and its implications for assessment of national historic site proposals was presented to the HSMBC, in brief, in the form of an agenda paper by Parks Canada staff historian Dr. Philip Goldring. Inuit Traditions identified three “...touchstones for recognising special places in the north which most distinctively commemorate the history of Inuit in Nunavut...” (Goldring 1998: 2): < < <

regional variation pre-contact significance/enduring use cultural unity

In this section, the Utkuhiksalik site will be considered with respect to each of these three considerations in turn.

Regional Variation Inuit populations are found across a vast section of the circumpolar north — from Siberia and Alaska to Greenland. These different locales posed different environmental challenges to resident populations and resulted in the development of regional variations in economic adaptation. These adaptations reach into areas of social organization, material culture, species utilization and language. Inuit Traditions recognises five major regions or culture areas within Nunavut and 48 sub-regional local identities (Goldring 1998). These major regions correspond to significant variations in subsistence life, social organization and dialect. Figure 1 shows the relative locations of the five major regions and the national historic sites commemorating Inuit history found in the Nunavut Territory. To date, the establishment of national historic sites based on criteria of significance defined by Inuit are limited to the Caribou Inuit region. The extent to which the Caribou Inuit 5

relied on inland resources — specifically caribou — is unique among the five major regions. The caribou provided food, fuel, clothing, shelter and the raw materials for tools. Fall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site and Arvia’juaq National Historic Site commemorate two variations of this economic system. The main event of the seasonal round for all Caribou Inuit was the fall caribou hunt commemorated at Fall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site. Arvia’juaq National Historic Site represents a significant variation on the generally inland lifestyle of the Caribou Inuit. The coastal Paallirmiut people gathered during the summers on the island of Arvia’juaq, a site of spiritual and social significance. In addition to the island’s significance as a spiritual gathering place, it represents a variation on the general Caribou Inuit economic pattern through the practice of summer harvesting of marine resources there. The proposed national historic site of Utkuhiksalik is the core of the territory of the Utkuhiksalingmiut, “the people of Utkuhiksalik”. Utkuhiksalingmiut are subsumed under the major regional grouping, Netsilik (Figure 1). The general economic or subsistence pattern in the Netsilik region involved winter and spring hunting of seals on the sea ice, as well as summer and fall fishing and caribou hunting inland (Balikci 1970, 1984). A significant proportion of the yearly nutritional needs of Netsilik Inuit was satisfied by the harvesting of fish along rivers at weirs. The Utkuhiksalingmiut, among all the sub-regional level groupings, developed and refined this aspect of the economy the furthest. During the 20th century, Utkuhiksalingmiut lived year-round in the interior, in and around Utkuhiksalik, surviving the winter on supplies of fish flesh and fuel oil cached during the previous summer and fall. Seasonal moves to the sea ice to hunt seals were intermittent and of shorter duration than among other Netsilik Inuit, usually occuring only in the spring. Utkuhiksalik itself was renowned througout the Netsilik region as a rich fishery and was often visited by members of other groups (sub-regional level groupings), such as the Illuilirmiut and Nattilingmiut. In addition to oral history about this inland fishery from Elders surviving from this period, eye-witness accounts made by ethnographers are recorded in Rasmussen (1931) and Briggs (1970). The importance of the fishery prior to the 20th century is established by oral history, archaeological evidence and by accounts left by early British exploration of this area.

Pre-Contact Significance/Enduring Use Clear evidence for an extensive native fishery based around a weir, or system of weirs, at Itimnaarjuk in the 1830s comes from George Back’s account of his descent and ascent of the Back River in 1834: ...thousands of fish lay all around split, and exposed to dry on the rocks, the roes appearing particularly prized. These, which were white fish and small trout, had been caught in the eddy below the fall, and kept alive in pools constructed for the purpose (Back 1836: 288). This meeting with Inuit was the first such encounter during Back’s descent of the river, attesting to the probable frequency and consistency of use of this place by Inuit. It has been recorded in Utkuhiksalingmiut oral tradition (see, for example, Rasmussen 1931: 467) and is remembered to 6

this day. Inuit were again seen fishing at this same site on July 30th, 1855 by explorers James Anderson and James Green Stewart: The rapids at the outlet of L. Franklin were partly passed by a portage and partly run. At their foot we saw 3 Esq. [Inuit] Lodges, in which were an elderly man, 3 women and a host of children, the others being absent. Large numbers of W. Fish [whitefish] and Trout were hung out to dry, as well as some deer meat. [Anderson 1941: 9/10] Again in 1879 the Utkuhiksalingmiut were visited by European travellers, this time in winter. The sledge party of the Schwatka expedition traded with Inuit at Utkuhiksalik for cached fish caught there during the previous summer and fall. One of the expedition leaders, Heinrich Klutschak, describes what he learned of the Utkuhiksalingmiut fishery through an interpreter: When the water drops back to its normal level in the fall fish are ...abundant in the rock pools [fish weirs]. They are beheaded, quickly gutted, piled tightly in great heaps, and covered with rocks as a food reserve for the winter. The heads and guts are boiled to produce a type of oil which has a perceptible, somewhat sweet smell and provides the natives with the rare convenience of illumination during the long [winter] nights. [Klutschak: 146]

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The unique subsistence pattern belonging to the Utkuhiksalingmiut during the 20th century, as documented, in part, by Parks Canada researchers in 1995, was well-established by the 1830s and continued through the 19th century. The 1995 field work also recorded the presence of

Figure 3: Site plan of Itimnaarjuk. (from Stewart 1996.)

archaeological features relating to Inuit occupation throughout the proposed historic site area, including a high concentration of archaeological features at Itimnaarjuk (Figure 3). The high frequency of dwelling features (tent rings as well as more permanent qarmat or qammat) at Itimnaarjuk supports the idea of continuing (repeated) seasonal (summer/fall) occupation there over many years or occupation by large numbers of people (e.g., summer aggregations), or both (Stewart 1995).

Cultural Unity The people of Utkuhiksalik, despite the distinctive emphasis in their subsistence pattern, have much in common with other Inuit of Nunavut. Utkuhiksalingmiut speak a dialect of Inuktitut. 8

They share many of the same technologies, customs, traditions and beliefs with other Inuit. One area of convergence is the shared belief that sites of important life-sustaining activities were sacred. At Fall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site, for instance, Harvaqtuurmiut Elders told of the care that was taken not to disturb or turn over the earth at caribou crossings (Harvaqtuurmiut Elders et al. 1995). Sites of such importance demanded the observance of certain rules to ensure their continued productivity. The fishing sites at Utkuhiksalik were of this sacred nature, requiring regulation of activities. At Itimnaarjuk, for example, one area (Miqsurvik) mapped in 1995 (Feature 43 in Figure 3), was designated as an outside sewing area during the seasonal fish runs. Anthropologist Knud Rasmussen first recorded this observance in 1923: The people reckon with three trout-fishing places near the mouth of Back River: Itivnaarssuk [Itimnaarjuk], then a little further up Akuaq, and then Aariaq, which lies nearest Lake Franklin. At these places no sewing must be done in the tents while fishing with the hook-harpoon [nikhik] is going on. If sewing has to be done, the worker must leave the village and go up into the hills. [Rasmussen 1931: 504] In addition, Rasmussen recorded other observances that were not discussed during the 1995 field visit to Utkuhiksalik: If trout is to be dried at these places, it must be laid on stones so that its head is pointing in the same direction as when it was caught, i.e. in the period when the trout go up-river all heads must point up and when they are going down all heads must point down the river. These fishing places also require special offering. The people say of them: “maniliru’jaujumahut: they want small offerings to bring luck.” If caribou have been killed here, the offering takes the form of a small piece of the tip of the tongue, a piece of fat, and a bit of meat of the head from the part that rested on the ground when the animal fell; the offering is laid by the head of the hunter under the [sleeping] platform skin. In the case of salmon a small piece is treated in the same way. [Rasmussen 1931: 504] These actions are characteristic of other key subsistence sites for Inuit. Arvia’juaq National Historic Site is also a recognized site of power at which offerings had to be made to ensure good fortune. In addition to its economic and spiritual importance, Utkuhiksalik has been identified as the setting of legendary events — events that are told as parts of legends known throughout Nunavut. In 1995, Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders associated specific archaeological features with some of these mythical events. Another aspect of shared oral history between people of the Utkuhiksalik and other Inuit is the Tuniit — specifically the Tuniit origin of several of the built structures (qarmat). Both of these legendary-historical aspects of Utkuhiksalik are explored further in the next section.

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PART 2: SUPPORTING EVIDENCE The argument for significance presented in Part 1, above, is based on historical and archaeological evidence. An overview of this evidence, derived from oral history, published eyewitness accounts, field observations and archaeological survey and mapping carried out by Darren Keith and Andrew Stewart for Parks Canada with Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders in 1995 (Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders et al. 1997, Darren Keith field notes, Stewart 1996) is presented in this section of the paper.

The History and Seasonal Round of Utkuhiksalingmiut The Utkuhiksalingmiut have lived in the area of the lower Back River from at least as long ago as the middle of the 19th century. According to Utkuhiksalingmiut oral tradition, they came from the sea known as Ukjuklik from the west coast of Adelaide Peninsula and from the Queen Maud Gulf area (Briggs 1970:12, Rasmussen 1931: 473). There were Utkuhiksalingmiut families on the lower Back River right up until the 1960s, when the last of them moved into the hamlet of Gjoa Haven. This relocation occurred as a result of famine at Garry Lake and establishment of services (schools, nursing stations) at Gjoa Haven, Spence Bay and Pelly Bay in the 1960s (Balikci 1984). The name Utkuhiksalingmiut is derived from a natural outcrop of soapstone (Utkuhiksaq) which is said to be shaped like a kulliq, or lamp, and is located somewhere in the vicinity of Aariaq (Figure 2). Although the precise location of this feature was not found during the 1995 field visit, this is one of the more important features which makes the proposed historic site area so significant to Inuit. Fishing was a primary food source to the Utkuhiksalingmiut. Lake trout (Salvelinus namaycush Walbaum), char (Salvelinus alpinus) and whitefish (Coregonus sp) provided food for people and dogs and oil for lamps. During the summer and fall the Utkuhiksalingmiut living along the Back River would dry and cache as many fish as possible for the winter months. Although important as a food source and for winter clothing, the fall caribou hunt did not play as large a role in the survival of the Utkuhiksalingmiut as it did further south with the Harvaqtuurmiut, who are associated with Fall Caribou Crossing National Historic Site on the Kazan River (Figure 1). Utkuhiksalingmiut congregated at Itimnaarjuk by July each year to intercept the yearly fish runs known to occur during this month (D. Keith field notes, Rasmussen 1931). The period during July and early August was spent at Itimnaarjuk catching individual fish, either by using a throw line and hook (nallut) or a leister (kakivak). Around the middle of August and into September fish would be abundant in the weir (haputit) and they were caught using hooked spears (nikhik) (D. Keith field notes, Rasmussen 1931: 484-5). During this whole period, fish were dried and the stomach, belly and head of the fish were boiled to make fish oil for the lamp or kulliq (D. Keith field notes). The leftovers from the fish processing were stored for the dogs. August and September were an important time for caching food for the winter and for procuring skins for clothing. During the middle of August, young people would travel into the interior in search of caribou. This was the time when caribou skins became useable as clothing for the coming winter (urqusat). As much fish and caribou as could be procured were stored away. The older people left behind would usually move upstream from Itimnaarjuk to Akuaq and 10

Aariaq (Figure 2). Here they would continue to fish and make more fish oil. When the young people returned from the caribou hunt in September, all would move back to Itimnaarjuk where fishing and caching continued until freeze-up. (This aspect of the seasonal round is abstracted from the yearly cycle which Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders described in detail to Darren Keith in 1995 and which is included as Appendix A to this paper.)

A Fishery of National Importance Fishing was key to the survival of the Utkuhiksalingmiut in all seasons. The variety of techniques for fishing and processing of fish in different seasons reflects the importance of fish. Inuit fished all winter long but it was the success of the summer fishery at Itimnaarjuk, Aariaq and Akuaq which provided the bulk of the year’s sustenance. The prominence of these fisheries was such that the total population of camps surrounding the fisheries during summer is estimated by Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders at several hundred people. Also, people from distant places came to share this natural wealth. The importance of fishing is underscored by beliefs and special rules which people observed when living in this area.

Summer Fishing and Fish-processing The Utkuhiksalingmiut usually arrived at Itimnaarjuk by the end of June or the beginning of July. At this time they would fish using a throw line and hook or a leister (kakivak). In the summer, fish were processed by splitting them up to the tail and removing the head and backbone. Care was taken to keep the two fillets joined together at the tail. This allowed them to hang the fillets from a drying line strung along the tops of small pillars of rocks, built in lines, called napariat. The positions of these lines of napariat were recorded during the archaeological survey at Itimnaarjuk in 1995 (Figure 3). After fish were dried they were stored in caches. There is at least one specific area for the caching of dried fish at Itimnaarjuk called pipsilirvik. Some fish were skinned completely from the head back so that they could be used as storage bags for fish oil (ulittuq). Oil (uqsuq) was also stored in any available container, including caribou and bird stomachs. Fish oil was prepared by rendering the bellies, stomachs and head of the fish. The stored oil would then be cached under boulders. One area containing a concentration of fish oil caches, called Uqsuqhilirvik, was recorded at Itimnaarjuk (Figure 3). Later in August the methods and location of fishing changed. The use of a throw line with hook and kakivak in pursuit of single fish below the falls was replaced by the use of the hooked spear or nikhik at a weir (haputit) above the falls where hundreds of fish could be taken quickly (Figure 3). The haputit, a boulder enclosure constructed in shallow water, served to concentrate large numbers of migrating fish that would enter through its one open end. Inuit would then spear and haul out the fish using the nikhik. Figure 4 is a reproduction of a drawing of Utkuhiksalingmiut fishing at the haputit drawn by an Inuk for Rasmussen in 1923 (Rasmussen 1931).

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Summer Fishery as a Regional Resource The fisheries at Itimnaarjuk, Akuaq and Aariaq were central to the subsistence of the

Figure 4: Drawing by Qavdlunaq for Fifth Thule Expedition (1923) of Utkuhiksalingmiut catching char at haputit with nikhik. Arrows show direction of swimming char (to right) and flow of water (to left). (Reproduced from Rasmussen 1931)

Utkuhiksalingmiut. There is ample evidence, however, that other groups in the region also came to appreciate these rich fisheries. There are sites in the Itimnaarjuk area that are recognized in oral history as being Nattilingmiut camp sites and caches: The groups other than Utkuhiksalingmiut didn't come here often to camp. The Utkuhiksalingmiut knew that Avalitquq's water would be very high just before the mosquito season began. They set up tents around here when they'd come from further up where they had been caribou hunting in the spring time. The Nattilingmiut knew that there were lots of fish down there, so they came to that place down there in the spring. The Utkuhiksalingmiut used to fish with weirs here and leave from this area. Sometimes the Nattilingmiut people would pair with an Utkuhiksalingmiut person that knew the area better. [Aqiggiaq in Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders et al. 1997: 27]

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Remote History and Mythic Stories of Utkuhiksalik The Utkuhiksalingmiut landscape is full of meaning. Utkuhiksalingmiut understand their land in practical terms, knowing where to hunt and fish and find all the resources needed for survival, but they also have a strong sense of its history and mythology. Ancient peoples, like the Tuniit, and figures of myth, like Kiviuq and Inukpahugjuk, are associated with this land and with specific cultural features at Aariaq and Akuaq. Inuit legend from the Central and Eastern Arctic tells of an earlier people, the Tuniit. Accounts vary from place to place, but some elements of Tuniit life are well known (Goldring 1998, Inuksuk 1987:34, McGhee 1981, 1996:135, Rowley 1994:370): they were generally considered to have been extremely strong people; they spoke a kind of baby talk; they used flintstone to make their tools and were unskilled in the preparation of skins; and they were good at moving large rocks and often used massive boulders to build their dwellings — on the other hand, they inhabited very small tent rings. Inuit are supposed to have displaced Tuniit at the time when the first Inuit arrived (between AD 1000 and 1500 at different places within the Central and Eastern Arctic, according to archaeological evidence [McGhee 1996]). Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders say that the entire area of Utkuhiksalik has structures that were built by the Tuniit. Several tent rings or qarmat with very large boulders at Akuaq and Aariaq are attributed by Elders to the time when Tuniit lived in this area. One constructed boulder feature attributed to the Tuniit is Ak&uniqtarvik located across the river from Itimnaarjuk near Harvaqtuuq. This is the site for the game Ujauttaq where a person is tied by the wrists to a rope strung between two high rocks. The person tries to flip over the rope in a gymnastics move with arms rigid so as not to allow their body to touch the rope. As a test of manhood there was often a sharp object like a knife or sharpened stick tied into the rope. It is said that Inuit would use this game to eliminate undesirable people instead of directly murdering them. Elder Arnaaluk said that it was a game of courage to mark the coming of age for men in her parent’s time (Arnaaluk in Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders 1997: 10). Over there, at a higher altitude, there are two rocks about so high that were set up on end fairly close to one another and matching in size. It is said to be a place to play ak&ungniqtarvik. It was the Ak&ungniqtarvik place of the ancient Tuniit people. (Judas Aqigiaq in Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders 1997: 15). Many Inuit stories from Greenland to Alaska relate “the marvellous adventures of the immortal Kiviuq” (Rasmussen 1931:365) — the famous culture hero — and the giant Inukpahugjuk. Here, on the lower Back River, their activities are etched in the features of the landscape. These are related in stories told by Elders on the Back River in 1995 and recorded on videotape. Two of these stories are translated, here, and presented in Appendix B. The first story describes the giant, Inukpahugjuk, striding across the river at Itimnaarjuk and travelling to Akuaq. The second one is about Kiviuq hiding in a cache which is located between Akuaq and Aariaq. Elder Judas Aqiggiaq tells this story of Kiviuq at the site of this enormous cache feature (see Appendix B).

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CONCLUSION Utkuhiksalik is the best representative site of a means of subsistence and way of life that is found, uniquely, among the Netsilik Inuit — the summer and fall fishery of the Utkuhiksalingmiut. This location is among the most productive fisheries in the Arctic. It is not unexpected, therefore, that a specialized subsistence pattern developed there, revolving around places like the river narrows at Itimnaarjuk, Aariaq and Akuaq where fish were concentrated seasonally. These places are at the centre of an annual round of movement of people. This round took people into the interior to hunt caribou, and sometimes to the coast to hunt seals, but always returned them to the sites along the lower Back River where fish, providing most of their yearly food, was harvested and stored. The Utkuhiksalingmiut developed and used technologies for mass harvesting (like the nikhik and haputit) and caching (e.g., uqsuqhilirvik) of fish and oil, refining them to a higher level of efficiency than found anywhere else. The area was famous, regionally, for its fish and the Utkuhiksalingmiut both shared and safeguarded its bounty with neighbouring groups like the Nattilingmiut through individual pairings or partnerships. Early, regular ethnographic observations make this site unusual in the Central Arctic. These written eyewitness accounts, beginning with George Back’s in 1834 and continuing with visits by outsiders in the 1850s, 1870s, 1920s and 1960s are evidence for continuous and consistent use as an important summer fishery during this period. This regularity suggests that the way of life described by Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders in 1995 has much in common with Inuit activities in pre-contact (pre-1834) times. Strengthening the importance of this area, and its candidacy as a national historic site, are the histories and legends associated with specific archaeological features within Utkuhiksalik, linking it with the larger Inuit world of myth and oral history. The widely-recognized Tuniit lived here — the origin of several heavy ring structures (qarmat) are attributed to them. The exploits of Kiviuq and Inukpahugjuk are also commemorated in built structures and natural features that are named in the landscape here. As a place of enormous value to the well-being of people and sustenance of life, the fisheries have spiritual properties that require observation of rules in common with other powerful places in Inuit culture.

REFERENCES Anderson, James. 1941. Chief Factor James Anderson’s Back River Journal of 1855. Canadian Field Naturalist 55, 1-2: 9-11, 21-26, 38-44. Back, George. 1936. Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River in the Years 1833, 1834, and 1835. John Murray, London. Balikci, Asen. 1970. The Netsilik Eskimo. Natural History Press, Garden City, New York. Balikci, Asen. 1984. Netsilik. In Handbook of North American Indians, volume 5, Arctic, edited by David Damas, pp 415-430. Smithsonian Institution, Washington. Briggs, Jean. 1970. Never in Anger: Portrait of an Eskimo Family. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass. 14

Goldring, P. 1998. Inuit Traditions: A History of Nunavut for the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada and the People of Nunavut. Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada Agenda Paper OB-1 (unpublished). Harvaqtuurmiut Elders, Darren Keith and Joan Scottie. 1995. Harvaqtuuq: Place Names of the Lower Kazan River. Unpublished Parks Canada Field Report (Ottawa). Inuksuk, Aipili. 1987. Tuniit memories. Inuktitut 66:33-36 Keith, Darren. 1995. Unpublished field notes, on file: Parks Canada, Yellowknife. Klutschak, Heinrich. 1987. Overland to Starvation Cove: with the Inuit in Search of Franklin, 1878-1880, translated and edited by William Barr. University of Toronto Press, Toronto. McGhee, Robert. 1996. Ancient People of the Arctic. UBC Press, Vancouver. Rasmussen, Knud. 1931. The Netsilik Eskimos: Social Life and Spiritual Culture. Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition 1921-24, vol.8, nos. 1-2. Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, Copenhagen. Rowley, Susan. 1994. The Sadlermiut: mysterious or misunderstood? In Threads of Arctic Prehistory edited by D. Morrison and J-L Pilon, 361-384. Archaeological Survey of Canada Mercury Series Paper 149, Canadian Museum of Civilization, Ottawa. Stewart, Andrew. 1996. Archaeology and Supporting Oral History at Itimnaarjuk and Nearby Sites on the Lower Back River, Northwest Territories. Unpublished field report for Parks Canada, Yellowknife. Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders, Darren Keith and Martha Tululik Dwyer. 1997. Utkuhiksalik: Place Names of the Lower Back River. Unpublished field report, on file, Parks Canada, Yellowknife. Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders. 1997. Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders Oral Histories and Legends 1995 Research Project. Recorded by Darren Keith and Martha Tululik Dwyer. Translated by Janet McGrath. Unpublished transcripts, on file, Parks Canada, Yellowknife.

APPENDIX A The Utkuhiksalingmiut Year The seasonal round of activities for the Utkuhiksalingmiut occurred over a wide area around the lower Back River and Chantrey Inlet. The broad structure of this round, organized by moons, is widely recognized among different groups of Inuit in the Arctic. The specific round described by Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders to Darren Keith in 1995, to Jean Briggs in the 1960s, and to Knud Rasmussen in 1923, gives details of local subsistence and settlement patterns that are unique to the Utkuhiksalingmiut. The description of this round which follows shows the importance of 15

fishing within the annual cycle. Qangataulaghaut (or Angataulaghat) ‘when the sun is starting to get higher’ — January/February Activities: During this period people would camp close to their caches, living off the cached meat and fish. Those who didn't have caches would continue to fish. Avunivik ‘when the seals miscarry’ — February/March Activities: People continued to camp by their caches until they were consumed and then they would go to Amujat, near the Back River mouth, to fish through the ice. In recent times, trips were made to Gjoa Haven during March to trade fox pelts for supplies. Nattialirvik ‘when the pup seals are born’ — April Activities: People were still fishing in the Amujat area through the ice. Some years people would go up into the ocean in Chantry Inlet (Tariunnuaq) to catch seals. Caribou would also be hunted and the meat dried. Skins were prepared to make tents (itsait). Any cached food was usually finished by this time. Qavavik ‘when the pup seals start shedding their first fur’ — May Activities: People would leave their igloos and begin to live in a qarmaq which was made of snow blocks with a caribou skin roof. People were beginning to move up river and are now in the Katjat area around Taphiuraq and I&uuqtuuq. At this time the snow and ice is melting daily and the sled (qamutik) had to be stored someplace cool during the day so that the earthen runners would not melt off. Travel was usually at night and caribou skins were often used to shade the runners. Nurirvik ‘when the caribou calves are born’ — June Activities: Clothing was repaired and water-proof boots (ipirauhiq) were made. As everything was almost melted at this time, tents were now used. River ice breaks up. People were continuing to move towards Itimnaarjuk and were camped at I&uuqtuuq, Hadjivik, Innituuq, Taphiuraq, Kuugarjuaq, Kingarjuannuaq, and Itimnaarjuk itself. People were watching for the little birds to hatch, which is a sign of when the fish start coming down the river. The black and white stone at Tahiuraq was consulted to see if there would be a good fish run. The colors of the stone would be brilliant if there were going to be many fish. By the end of the month, most everyone had moved to Itimnaarjuk. Ittavik Qanguitut ‘when the birds lose their feathers’ — July Activities: People were gathered together at Itimnaarjuk after living in smaller separate groups during the winter. Sometimes 300 to 400 people were camped at Itimnaarjuk and even across the river at Harvaqtuuq. People begin fishing in earnest and making dry fish and fish oil. The fish were skinned back from the head so that the skin came off complete forming a sack (ulittuq) in which oil could be stored. Fishing is done at this time with a line or leister (kakivak) to catch individual fish. Kanguagit Ittavia ‘when the birds that laid eggs shed their feathers’ (Piarit) — end of July Activities: Same as Ittavik Qanguitut. Pangnirit Amirairvia ‘when the velvet comes off the older caribou’s antlers’ — beginning of August Activities: During the early part of the month people continued to fish with lines and leisters. Around the second week of the month the fish would arrive from the ocean running up the river and the people began fishing in the weir (haputit) with hooked spears (nikhik). Also around the middle of August the younger hunters would move away from the river in search of caribou. Tiqituqat Amirairvia ‘when the younger caribou’s velvet comes off their antlers’ — end of August Activities: Young people are out hunting and the older people often move up river to Akuaq and Aariaq to continue fishing and making fish oil.

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Ukiaq ‘ the autumn moon’ — September Activities: Older people still fishing and younger people hunting caribou. When finished caribou hunting, everyone would return to Itimnaarjuk to continue fishing at the weir (haputit). All the leftovers from fish processing would be boiled to get more oil to store. Fish are now not dried but cached whole. Women would make boots and duffels from caribou skin. This was usually a time of plenty and a time of celebration as the large group was together. At the end of the month women would start to sew the warm winter clothing. Ukiap Aipaa ‘The second or following autumn’ — October Activities: The big group would break up at this time. Sometimes people would stay around Itimnaarjuk but most often people would start moving toward winter campsites at Amujat. People moved from living in tents to living in a qarmaq either made of ice or snow blocks and topped with a caribou skin. As soon as the ice was safe to travel on they would travel by dog team and sled (qamutik). Women would continue sewing clothing inside the qarmaq. Siqinnaut ‘when the sun departs’ — November Activities: In recent times people would use fish nets through the ice at Amujat. They would fish for the dogs and for themselves. People lived in iglus now. They would go and retrieve some of their cached meat at this time. They would go by dog team to get supplies from Gjoa Haven. Trapping was done at this time. Ubluilaut ‘when there is no dawn’ — December Activities: Continue to fish and trap and travel to Gjoa Haven. A celebration feast was held around Christmas time (Quviahugvik) and fish eggs were eaten.

APPENDIX B Stories Told by Elders, July 1995 Inukpahugjuk Packs Two Stones to Akuaq and Aariaq as told by Judas Aqigiaq I'm not sure where the giant came from when he carried Aivrujaq. He carried Aivrujaq on his shoulders with a giant boulder piled on as well. It is not known where he came from, so I don't know either. He carried them like that until he arrived at [Akuaq]. When he arrived at the spot, he deposited the first one where it is now. That is how the story is told. Once he positioned that one he carried the rest of the load up further and propped it up the way it is now. His footprints from the journey have been seen before. They are huge footprints and people knew of them in this area. That is to say, they used to be huge. As when the winter ice would melt in summer causing a stream, it created a muddy condition in the ground. Down in Itimnaarjuk, I was able to see these prints myself, when they were in their hardened state. But at that time they were already becoming narrow with wear. I remember when they became even slimmer and eventually they just disappeared. The river had worn them away. The water from the river and the pressure of the ice completely wore away any sign of the original footprints. Legend tells us that he arrived to the top of Aivrujak, stood up, lifted his load, and placed it down just so. It’s quite a way from Harvaqtuuq and Itimnaarjuk and he had to balance himself — and he was quite heavy. While he was over there, he scooped up fish from the water like they were hatchlings. [Translator's note: this is probably where his testicles made an imprint in the ground]. But because he was so huge, he probably didn't have much problem stretching himself across. 17

I'm not sure where he came from when he went to Itimnaarjuk. [extracted from Aqigiaq in Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders 1997: 23-27]

The Creation of Fog as told by Quinangnaq In the land of Akuaq on a mountain top [Qatqaq] — no — it was not a giant but Kiviuq that was said to be buried under rocks. We can see it, it is visible. If we went traveling that way, the mountain is prominent and we could go see the burial site. The inside of the burial place still has rocks arranged inside. As long as they survived the earthquake movements we had once, the rocks would all be in place. The inside of it is well-built, and you can still see the original arrangement. Kiviuq was buried there in a cache [Kiviup Pirujaa]. He was buried under rocks in a cache but buried alive — he didn't die. Back then, there was a grizzly bear that was sneaking up to the people’s caches in winter. The bear would steal their stores of fish and caribou meat. The bear was continually doing this and the stores were always getting low. Kiviuq wanted to be buried because the bear would eat all the stores of meat. So one winter he was buried in that cache. One day in the spring when the days became longer, he heard some scratching at the base of the cache. He heard the sound of scratching and the noise of what sounded like hands moving things around. It turned out to be foxes. He was careful not to make any banging or movement that would scare away the animals. Then something big was outside pulling stones away. It turned out to be the grizzly, and it hauled Kiviuq out of the cache by his heels. Once he had Kiviuq out of the cache, he gave him some air. But Kiviuq wasn’t breathing, so the bear took off Kiviuq’s skin clothing and laid him on the clothes and rolled him up in them. They came from Kuuktaaq by Tahirruannuaq to Nahiqsurviarruk. I'm not sure exactly if they went to Nahiqsurviarruk or Nahiqsurvigruaq, as these two places are very close to one another. So from this place, the grizzly hauled Kiviuq along, over the ground. As the bear hauled him along, he’d check him now and again without stopping. Once in a while, he would look back at him and then stop to go see that he was breathing. Only later in the day, did some snow fall on the ground making the going easier. Hauling Kiviuq was such hard work for the bear that he was very sleepy when he arrived home. When his young ones saw the bear, they ran so enthusiastically to meet him that their noses were full of mucus. The bear sucked the mucus from the cubs and they bounded home crying, ‘Our father has arrived! Our father has arrived!’ His wife began to sharpen her ulu with a file. They even had files! As the bear was nearing the camp, he hid Kiviuq inside his coat. Whenever Kiviuq would go crossways, the bear would straighten him out and adjust his position. When it was time to sleep, the bear went to sleep for quite a few days. While he was deep in his sleep, Kiviuq would climb out on the pillow and eventually he could stand right up without the bear noticing. Even though the bear was asleep, he would still lick the cubs’ mucus from their noses. ‘Mother! Mother! Father! Father! Are the eyes opening of the one you hold? Are the eyes opening?’ the cubs cried. Kiviuq was stealing an eyelash from the bear each time he opened his eyes slightly. There was an axe right in front of the bear and once in a while he’d stand up holding the axe — they even had an axe! Once the grizzly called out, ‘Yes, you two. Open your eyes! Today when your dear one reaches with his hand, he 18

picks it up lightly. Open your eyes, you two!’ The bear’s wife all the while was in the porch sharpening her ulu. Kiviuq tried to get away from the bear but kept on coming back until it was well asleep. Without going right up to the bear, he took the axe from in front of him and suddenly chopped the bear right in the lower abdomen. Then Kiviuq ran away from them. As he ran, every time he looked back, he could see that the bear was following him. Then Kiviuq came across Ki’miarunnuaq, and he was going with all his might. When he came up to Ki’miarunnuaq, he was sucking his index finger. He harpooned the crater there with an eyelash, and turned it into a big hill. Kiviuq continued running and when he looked behind him, the bear appeared all of a sudden bounding after him. It was advancing towards him quickly, and Kiviuq quickly crossed a little stream that he came upon. All the while he was still sucking his finger. He threw a harpoon into the river and it became a big river. The water came from Tahirruannuaq [translator’s note: literally ‘little big lake’]. The bear was upset and waiting by the river, thinking he had Kiviuq outsmarted. Then he saw him across the way. He called out, ‘How did you go across? How did you go across?’ Kiviuq replied, ‘I ate my way across and drank my way across!’ So the bear without hesitation began to drink the water and eat his way across. He finally reached the other side, but he was so full that he began to shake and then he exploded. When he exploded, the whole area in front of him became clouded and foggy. Kiviuq skinned the bear and dried the skin on a big rock in this area. So that is how Panirhirvik got its name. It is because Kiviuq dried the bear skin there. [extracted from Quinangnaq in Utkuhiksalingmiut Elders 1997: 6-8]

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