The Nabataean Legal System: Traditional Customs or Written Codes التشريع النبطي: أَعراف متداولة أم قوانين مكتوبة

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،٣‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪٢٠٠٩ ،٢‬ﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺃَﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ‪‬ﻤ ‪‬ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

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‫ﻤﻠﺨـﺹ‬

‫ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺨﻼل ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ؛ ﺴﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺃﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺤ‪ ‬ﹶﻜﻤ‪‬ﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺒﺔ ﻜﻭ‪‬ﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﻅﻤﺕ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﻟﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻨﻘﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻗﺩﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻐﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﻜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻨﻅﻡ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻔل ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ ﻟﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺼل‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺍﻭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻀ‪‬ﺭ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤ ‪‬ﻭﻟﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﻭﻨﻲ ‪ .(١٥٨ :٢٠٠٣‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤ ‪‬ﻭل‬ ‫ﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻓﹶﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﻨﻤﻁ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻤﻊ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺃُﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻐﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺸﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺘﻨﺘﻘل ﺒﺒﻁﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻜﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﻻﺤﻘﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻟﻘﺏ "ﻤﻠﻙ"‪،‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺴﻲ ‪ (١٧٣ :١٩٩٤‬ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺒﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﺍﻓﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﺸﺘﻰ ﻤﻨﺎﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺃَﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻜﺏ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺜﻤﺔ ﺴﺅﺍل ﻤﻬﻡ ﻴﻁﺭﺡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻫﻭ‪ :‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫* ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺭﺍﻨﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺸﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺯﺭﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﺴﺘﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ‪٢٠٠٨/١٠/٢١‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻭﻟﻪ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺭ ‪٢٠٠٩/٥/٢٦‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ‬

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‫© ‪ ٢٠٠٩‬ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪/‬ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﳏﻔﻮﻇﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺃَﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ‪‬ﻤ ‪‬ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺔ؟‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ؟ ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﻗﺩ ﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ؟ ﻭﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺭﺽ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻅﻴﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﺒﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻤﻘﺘﻀﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻤﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﻜﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻫﻴﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤ ٍﻭ ﻤﺅﻜﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻅﻠﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤ ٍﻭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﺍﺌﻥ ﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺠﺎﻭﺴﻥ ﻭﺴﺎﻓﻴﻨﺎﻙ ‪A. Jaussen‬‬ ‫‪ and R. Savignac‬ﺒﺘﺩﻭﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﻤﺩﺍﺌﻥ ﺼﺎﻟﺢ )‪.(Jaussen –Savignac 1909‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﻋﻘﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻯ ﻜﺒﻴ ‪‬ﺭ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻥ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻷﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺼﺩ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﻀﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺸﺭ ﺴﺘﺎﺭﻜﻲ ‪ J. Starcky‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ١٩٥٤‬ﺃﻭل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺩﻴﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺤﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ )‪ .(Starcky 1954‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ )‪ (Y. Yadin‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ)‪.(Yadin 1962; 1963; 1971‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻋﻨﻭﺍ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺒﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ‪ :‬ﻏﺭﻴﻨﻔﻴﻠﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،(1974; 1992) Greenfiled‬ﻭﻓﺘﺴﻤﻴﺭ ﻭﻫﺎﺭﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ‪ ،(1978) Fitzmyer – Harrington‬ﻭﻓﻴﻠﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻤﻭﻨﺩ ‪ ،(Hammond et al. 1988) Ph.Hammond‬ﻭﻟﻭﻴﺱ ‪ ،(1989) N. Lewis‬ﻭﻜﻭﺘﻭﻥ ‪H.‬‬ ‫)‪ ،Cotton (1997‬ﻭﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻴﺏ )‪ ،(1998‬ﻭﺠﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﻠﻲ ‪.(1993; 2000) J. Healy‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٠‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻴﺎﺭﺩﻴﻨﻲ ‪ A. Yardeni‬ﺒﻨﺸﺭ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ )‪ .(Yardeni, 2000‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﹶﺜ ‪‬ﻡ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺒﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻨﺸﺭ ﻻﺤﻘﹰﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ‪(Abdelaziz‬‬ ‫)‪ ،2004‬ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫)ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ‪ .(٢٠٠٦‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﻭﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ "ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻘﻭﺸﻬﻡ" )ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﻭﻨﻲ ‪.(٢٠٠٣‬‬ ‫‪- ١٦٢-‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،٣‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪٢٠٠٩ ،٢‬ﻡ‬

‫• ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻬﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻭﺍﺒﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺼﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﺯﺠﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻨﻀﻭﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﹸﺘﻨﹶﻀﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻅ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﻌﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻜﺎﻵﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺩﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻤﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻴ‪‬ﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﻬﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ‪,‬‬ ‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺠﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺩﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﻨﻘﻠﺕ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺨﺫﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺜﻠﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺩ ﻱ ل ﺍ ﺩ ﻱ ﻥ ﻭ ل ﺍ ﺩ ﺏ ﺏ‬ ‫"ﻭﻟﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻻ ﻤﻘﺎﻀﺎﺓ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﻻ ﺤﻠﻑ ﻴﻤﻴﻥ"‪ ،‬ﻭ ل ﺍ ﻡ ﺕ ﻥ ﻭ ﺏ ﻙ ل ﺵ ﻫ ﻱ ﺩ "ﻻ‬ ‫ﻁﻌﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻬﻭﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻵﺘﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻭ ل ﺍ ﻥ ﻙ ﻫ ل ﻥ ﺭ ﺵ ﻱ ﻙ ﺩ ﻱ ﻥ ﻭ ﺩ ﺏ ﺏ "ﻭﻻ ﻴﺤﻕ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻀﺎﺓ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﺽ" )‪ ،(Kraeling 1953 : n° 12/ 25‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﺭﺓ‪ :‬ل ﺍ ﺩ ﻱ ﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ل ﺍ ﺡ ﻭ ﺒل "ﻻ ﻤﻘﺎﻀﺎﺓ ﻭﻻ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﺔ )‪ .(Gropp 1986: nos 1/10, 5/12‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤ ٍﻭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺒ‪‬ﺩ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻟﺩﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻨﻤﻁﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺃﻭﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ؛ ﻭﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻨﺤ ٍﻭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺜﻕ ﺒﻴﻊ ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﻨﺨﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﺩ ﻓﻙ ﺭﻫﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﺩ ﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﺩ ﺘﺄﺠﻴﺭ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫)ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪.(Yardeni 2000:271-296 :‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤ ٍﻭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻤل ﺇﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫‪- ١٦٣-‬‬

‫ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺃَﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ‪‬ﻤ ‪‬ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺔ؟‬

‫ﺒﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻭﺭﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺼﻴﻎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ﻭﻭﺭﺍﺜﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ)‪.(Healey 1993: 42‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺸﺘﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺯﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺭﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺼﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ )‪.(Abdelaziz 2004: 198-200‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﻋﺭﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺔ؛ ﻓﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ "ﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ؟" ﻭﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ "ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻋﺭﻑ(" ﺍﻟﻠﺫﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺩﺍﺌﻥ ﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﻴﻨﻁﻭﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﻭﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺤﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﻤﺎ؛ ﺴﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ "‬ ‫ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺜﺭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻜﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﺭﺠﻌ ﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺜﻤﺔ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻱ )‪ (CIS II 209‬ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﺩﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻭ ل ﻡ ﺭ ﺍ ﻥ ﺍ ﻙ ﻭ ﺕ ﻙ ﻥ ﺱ ﺥ ﺕ ﺩ ﻥ ﻫـ ﻱ ﻫـ ﻱ ﺏ ]ﺏ ﺏ[ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ‬‫ﻭﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ "ﻤﻌﺒﺩ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ ﻕ ﻱ ﺱ"‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺦ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺒﺩ )‪Nehmé 1998: 69‬؛ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﻭﻨﻲ ‪:٢٠٠٣‬‬ ‫‪ .(١٨٥‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻗﺩ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ "ﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ" ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺸﻴﻑ ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ "ﻕ ﻱ ﺱ ﺍ" ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ "ﻗﻴﺎﺱ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻟﻑ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻴﻘﻴﺴﻪ ﻗﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺩ‪‬ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﺎ ‪‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺫﺭﻩ ﹶﻗﻴ‪‬ﺱ‪) ‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ‪ ،٢٠٠٣‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻊ‪ . (٥٦٠ :‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺒﻴﺕ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻴﺸﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺎﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺒـ "ﺍﻷﺭﺸﻴﻑ"‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻴﺔ ﻨﺴﺦ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎل ﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺨﻼﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤل ﺃﻥ ﺒﻴﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻨ ﹰﺎ ﻟﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺨﺎل ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻻ ﺘﺫﻜﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺏ ﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎل ﻜﻌﻘﻭﺒﺔ ﺠﺯﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻫﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﺒﺙ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﺨﺎﻟﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﻟﻺﻟﻪ ﻤﻤ ﱠﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫‪- ١٦٤-‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،٣‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪٢٠٠٩ ،٢‬ﻡ‬

‫ﻤﻤﺜﱠﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻨﻭﺏ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻨﻤﻠﻙ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴ ﹰﺎ"‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺠﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﻠﻲ )‪ (Healey 1993: 44‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻔﻅﺔ "ﻥ ﺱ ﺡ ﺕ ﺍ" ﺘﻌﻨﻲ "ﺴﺠ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﺔ "ﻥ ﺱ ﺥ ﻭ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤ ٍﻭ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻭﺜﺎﺌﻕ ﺘﺤﺫﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺤﺭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ )‪ (CIS II 204‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻨﺤﻭﺘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻬﺒﻪ ﻟﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻴﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻡ ﻥ ﺯ ﻡ ﻥ ﺵ ﻁ ﺭ ﻡ ﻭ ﻫـ ﺏ ﺕ ﺍ ﺩ ﻱ ﺏ ﻱ ﺩ ﻫـ ﺩ ﻱ ﺕ ﻉ ﺏ ﺩ ﺏ ﻫـ‬‫ﻙ ل ﺩ ﻱ ﺕ ﺹ ﺏ ﺍ ﻡ ﻥ )‪ (٢٦‬ﺏ ﺃ ﺏ ﺵ ﻥ ﺕ )‪ (٢٥‬ل ﺡ ﺭ ﺕ ﺕ ﻡ ل ﻙ ﻥ ﺏ ﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ)ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻴﺏ ‪ :١٩٩٨‬ﻨﻘﺵ ‪" (٢١٧‬ﻤﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺒﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺒﻪ )ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﻪ( ﻜل ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﺫ ‪ ٢٦‬ﺁﺏ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻟﻠﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﻭ‪‬ل ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺫ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻤﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺝ ﺇﻴﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺜﻤﺔ ﺼﻙ ﻫﺒﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻓﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻁﺒﻊ ﻓﻠﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺒﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺤﻭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺭﻯ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ " ﺵ ﻁ ﺭ ﻡ ﻭ ﻫـ ﺏ ﺕ ﺍ ﺩ ﻱ ﺏ ﻱ ﺩ ﻫـ"‬ ‫ﻫﻭ )ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺒﻴﺩﻫﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻨﺴﺦ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺨﺎل ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺸﺒﻪ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ" ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )‪ (CIS II 204‬ﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻨﻘﺵ ‪(CIS‬‬ ‫)‪ II 209‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ"‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺸﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺴﻭﻯ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻋﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺅﺭﺥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻊ )‪ ٩‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ‪ ٤٠-‬ﻡ‪ (.‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺭﺥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ )ﻕ ﻱ ﺱ( ﻟﻡ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﻭﻨﻲ ‪ .(١٩٩ :٢٠٠٣‬ﻭﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ "ﻕ ﻱ ﺱ" ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻓﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﻟﻪ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺩ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻵﻟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺴﺘﺤل ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺎﻟﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ ﺨﻼ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻘﺵ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺭ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Jaussen and Savignac 1909:165, no 8‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ "ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ" ﻤﻊ ﺍﻵﻟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﺤل ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺎﻟﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻯ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺒﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻟﻪ "ﻕ ﻱ ﺱ" ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺒﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﻻ ﺘﺤل ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ ‪-‬ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻪ ﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺒﺩ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻥ؟ ﻭﻟ ‪‬ﻡ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺴﺩﻨﺘﻪ ﻏﺭﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ" ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻌﺒﺩ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ "ﻕ ﻱ ﺱ" ﺃﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫)ﺍﻷﺭﺸﻴﻑ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺜﱠﻘﻭﺍ ﻋﻘﻭﺩﻫﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﻔﻅﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪- ١٦٥-‬‬

‫ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺃَﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ‪‬ﻤ ‪‬ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺔ؟‬

‫ﺨﺎﺹ ﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ "ﺏ ﻱ ﺕ ﻕ ﻱ ﺵ ﺍ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻨﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﻅﻭﺍ ﺒﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺒﺔ ﺘﻭﺜﻕ ﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻨﻘﺵ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻴﺤﻤل ﻨﺼﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺒﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻨﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Hammond et al. 1986: 77-80‬ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫)‪ (١‬ﻡ ﻫـ ﺩﻱ ﺍ ﻱ ﺕ ﻱ ل ﻫـ ﻡ ﻥ ﻙ ﺱ ﻑ ﻭ ﺩ ﻫـ ﺏ ﻭ ﻕ ﺭ ﺏ ﻭ ﻥ ﻭ ﺯ ﻭ ﻥ ﻙ ل‬ ‫ﻫـ ﻭ ﻡ ﻥ ﻙ ﺱ ﻑ ﺍ ﻭ ﻥ ﺡ ﺵ ﺍ ‪ (٢) .......‬ﻭ ل ﻙ ﻡ ﺭ ﻱ ﺍ ﻑ ل ﻕ ﺍ ﺍ ﺡ ﺭ ﻥ ﺍ ﻉ ﻡ ﺍ ﻙ‬ ‫ل ﺕ ﺍ ﻙ ﺭ ﻱ ﺯ ﻉ ﻭ ﻥ ﻕ ﺩ ﻡ ﺩ ﻥ ﻫـ ﻑ ﻱ ﺕ ﺡ ل ﻕ ﻭ ﻥ )‪ (٣‬ﻉ ل ﻭ ﻫـ ﻱ ﺩ ﻱ ﻉ ﺏ ﺩ‬ ‫ﻙ ﻉ ﻱ ﺭ ﻙ ل ﺩ ﻱ ﻉ ل ﺍ ﻙ ﺕ ﻱ ﺏ ﻑ ﻱ ﻑ ﻉ ﻡ ﻫـ ﺩ ﻱ ﻱ ﺵ ﺕ ﻙ ﺡ ‪ (٤) ........‬ﺏ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭ ﻡ ﺍ ﺭ ﺏ ﻉ ﻫـ ﺏ ﺍ ﺏ ﺵ ﻥ ﺕ ﺕ ل ﺕ ﻱ ﻥ ﻭ ﺱ ﺏ ﻉ ل ﺡ ﺭ ﺕ ﺕ ﻡ ل ﻙ ﻥ ﺏ ﻁ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭ ﺡ ﻡ ﻉ ﻡ ﻫـ ﻭ ﺕ ﻭ ‪" .....‬‬ ‫‪ −‬ﻤﻥ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻫﺏ ﻭﻓﻀﺔ ﻭﻗﺭﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﺅﻨﺔ ﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﻭﻨﺯ ‪ (٢) .......‬ﻭﻟﻠﻜﻬﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻜل ﺠﻤﻴﻌﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻗﺒل ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺤﺴﺒﻭﻥ ‪ (٣) .......‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻤل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ ﻓﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ‪ (٤) .....‬ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻡ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺒﺂﺏ ﺴﻨﺔ ﺜﻼﺜﻴﻥ ﻭﺴﺒﻊ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺏ ﻟﺸﻌﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺕ ﻭ ‪......‬‬ ‫• ﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ"‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻟﻔﻅﺔ "ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ" ﻓﻲ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺇﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ‪(CIS II 179, 199,‬‬ ‫)‪ ،206‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ ﺨﻼ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﺴﻡ ﻤﻔﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﺅﻨﺙ ﻴﻘﺎﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻻﺴﻡ "ﺨﻠﻴﻘﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺩ ﻟﻼﺴﻡ ﺫﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫)‪ .(Hoftijzer et al. 1995: 374‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﻡ "ﺥ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ" ﻤﺸﺘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺫﺭ "ﺥ ل ﻕ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻠﻕ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻫﻭ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺜﺎل ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺒﻕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ‪ ،٢٠٠٣‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ‪.(١٩٥ :‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻴﺏ )‪ (٩٧ :٢٠٠٠‬ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻟﻠﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ "ﺨﻠﻴﻘﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ "ﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻨﺅﻴﺩ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻟﻔﻅﺔ "ﺥ ل‬ ‫ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ" ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺫﻜﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻵﺘﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ )‪:(Yardeni 2000: 278-283‬‬ ‫ﻭﺏﺭﺍﻭﻥﻙﺡلﻱﻕﺕﺯﺏﻥﻱﺍﻭﺏﺭﺍﻭﻥﺩﻱﻡﺕﻙﺕﺏلﻉلﻡ‬ ‫‪ −‬ﻭﺇﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﻜﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻋﺭﻑ( ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻹﺒﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ ﻟﻸﺒﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺘﺄﺠﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ‪(Yardeni‬‬ ‫)‪:2000: 296‬‬ ‫* ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻤﺄﺨﻭﺫﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺵ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Hammond -Johnson D.- Jones R. « A Religio-Legal Nabataean Inscription from the Atargatis‬‬ ‫‪Al-cUzzā Temple at Petra », BASOR 263 (1986), 77-80.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ ‪ ،٣‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪٢٠٠٩ ،٢‬ﻡ‬

‫‪ −‬ﻉ ﻡ ل ﻭ ﻡ ﺍ ﺭ ﺱ ﻙ ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ ﻉ ﻡ ل ﻭ ﺕ ‪..‬ﺱ‬ ‫‪ −‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﻭﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻜﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻜﻌﺭﻑ( ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭ‪.......‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺘﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )‪(Yardeni 2000: 271‬‬ ‫ﻭﻁﺭﻱﻕﺵﻁﺭﺍﺩﻥﻫﻉلﻱﺩﻫﻡﻙﺡلﻱﻕﺕﻁﺭﻱﻕﻫ‬ ‫‪ −‬ﻭﻴﺭﺒﻁ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ )ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ( ﺒﻴﺩﻫﻡ ﻜﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻜﻌﺭﻑ( ﺍﻟﺭﺒﻁ ‪.....‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ "ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ" ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺡ ﺭ ﻡ ﻙ ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ ﺡ ﺭ ﻡ ﻥ ﺏ ﻁ ﻭ ﻭ ﺵ ل ﻡ ﻭ ل ﻉ ل ﻡ )‪(CIS II 197‬‬ ‫"ﺤﺭﻡ ﻜﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻜﻌﺭﻑ( ﻤﺤﺭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻟﻸﺒﺩ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡ ﺭ ﻡ ﻙ ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ ﺡ ﺭ ﻡ ﻥ ﺏ ﻁ ﻭ ﻭ ﺵ ل ﻡ ﻭ ل ﻉ ل ﻡ )‪(CIS II 199‬‬ ‫"ﺤﺭﻡ ﻜﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻜﻌﺭﻑ( ﻤﺤﺭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻟﻸﺒﺩ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡﺭﻡﻙﺡلﻱﻕﺕﺡﺭﻡﺍﺩﻱﻡﺡﺭﻡلﺩﻭﺵﺭﺍﺏﻥﺏﻁﻭﻭﺵلﻡﻭ‬ ‫)‪،(CIS II 206‬‬ ‫"ﺤﺭﻡ ﻜﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ )ﻜﻌﺭﻑ( ﺤﺭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻡ )ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ( ﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻯ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻤﻴﻴﻥ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﺩ ﻋﺭﻓﻭﺍ ﻨﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺕ ﻋﻘﻭﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ‪،‬؛ ﺇﺫ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻼﻩ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺜﻤﺔ ﻋﺭﻑ ﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﻋﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ "ﻙ ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ" ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺫﻟﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺴﺠﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﺭﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﺎ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﻜﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺼﻴﻐﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺫ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺅﺸﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ )‪٩‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ‪٤٠-‬ﻡ( ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺘﺤﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘﺩﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻤﺭ ‪‬ﺩﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﻠﻔﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺏ ﺒﺩﻭﻱ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﻭ‪‬ل ﻟﻘﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻠﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺤﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺫﺭﻭﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺘﻨﻭ‪‬ﻉ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺇﻋﻼﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﻓﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﺒﺙ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺩﻓﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺨﺎﻟﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺵ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪- ١٦٧-‬‬

‫ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺃَﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ‪‬ﻤ ‪‬ﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺔ؟‬

‫ﻭﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺹ ﻵﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺜﻤﺔ ﻤﺩﻭ‪‬ﻨﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺘﺤﻤل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗل ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﺹ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻘﻭﺒﺘﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﺵ ﻵﺨﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭﻭﻱ ﺴﺘﺭﺍﺒﻭ ‪) Strabo‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ‪ (Healey 1993: 40‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺩﻡ ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺸﺅﻭﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻜﺭﻴﻡ ﺴﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻤل‬ ‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺨﺎل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﺠﺎﻟﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺎﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﺽ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ )‪ :(Starcky 1954: 161-181‬ﻭﻕ ﺏ ل ﺕ ﻡ‬ ‫ل ﻙ ﻭ ﺩ ﻱ ﻥ ﻭ ﻑ ﺕ ﻭ ﺭ ﺍ ﻭ ﺍ ﺱ ﺭ ﺕ ﺝ "ﻭﺍﺸﺘﻜﻴﺕ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻡ"‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻭﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻡ*‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺼـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻨﺨﻠﺹ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺯﻴﺠﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﻗﻭﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﺩﻡ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ؛ ﻓﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﺤﻀﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻫﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻀﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﻀﻊ‬ ‫ﻼ ‪CIS II :‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺠﺯﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻏﺭﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺎﻟﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ )ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫‪.(206, 217‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻟﻔﻅﺔ ﺡ ل ﻱ ﻕ ﺕ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺸﺭﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻴﺒﺩﺃ ﺘﺄﺭﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺌﺯﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻅل ﻴﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻀﻌﻑ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻤﻼﺯﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻠﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻁﻭ‪‬ﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫* ﻟﻠﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺤﻭل ﺭﺘﺒﺔ "ﻑ ﺕ ﻭ ﺭ ﺍ" ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭ" ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪Savignac et al. 1957: 197-217; Negev 1976: :‬‬

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‫ﻡ‬٢٠٠٩ ،٢ ‫ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ‬،٣ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ‬

‫ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺩﻭﻴﻥ‬،‫ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ‬،‫ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻭﺀ‬.‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬.‫ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬،(Hammond et al., 1986: 77-81) ‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺒﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻨﺤﺔ‬ .‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺒﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻨﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺭﺍﺀ‬-‫ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠـﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬ .‫ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬،‫ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‬.‫ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ‬،٢٠٠٣ ،(‫ﻡ‬١٣١١/‫ﻫـ‬٧١١ ‫ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﺠﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ )ﺕ‬،‫ﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‬ .‫ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﺽ‬،‫ ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻓﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬.‫ ﻨﻘﻭﺵ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻡ‬١۹۹۸ ،‫ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬،‫ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻴﺏ‬ .‫ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﺽ‬،‫ ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﻓﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬.‫ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‬،٢٠٠٠ ،‫ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬،‫ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻴﺏ‬ ٥٤-٤٧ :١٤ ‫ ﺃﺩﻭﻤﺎﺘﻭ‬،"‫ "ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻴﺔ‬،٢٠٠٦ ،‫ ﻤﻬﺩﻱ‬،‫ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ‬ .‫ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺭﺍﺀ‬،‫ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺭ‬.‫ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻘﻭﺸﻬﻡ‬،٢٠٠٣ ،‫ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﻭﻨﻲ‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻤﺎل ﻏﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻗﺒل‬،١٩٩٤ ،‫ ﻫﺘﻭﻥ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺴﻲ‬ .‫ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﺽ‬،(‫ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻙ ﺴﻌﻭﺩ )ﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ‬،‫ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‬،‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬ Abdelaziz, M., 2001, Les formules juridiques dans les inscriptions nabatéennes. Ecoles Pratique des Hautes Etudes à la Sorbonne, Paris, (unpublished Ph.D Theses). Abdelaziz M., 2004, «Notes on the Nabatean legal System». Dirasat 32, T. 2, Humanity and Social Science, Jordan University: 198-200 Abdelaziz M., 2006, « Notes sur quelques inscriptions Nabatéennes du sud de la Jordanie ». Ancient Near Eastern Studies 43, Melbourne University: 118-129. Cantineau J., (2 vols), I 1931, II 1932 Le Nabatéen. Paris, Leroux. Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum.1907, Pars II, Tomus 2, Inscriptione Aramaicas Continens, Paris. Cotton H. M., 1997, « Land Tenure in the Documents from the Nabataean Kingdom and the Roman Province of Arabia ». Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 119: 255-265. Fitzmyer J. - Harrington J. A., 1978, A Manual of Palestinian Aramaic Texts (Second Century B.C. - Second Century A. D. In Biblica et Orientalia 34, Biblical Institute Press, Rome. Greenfield J., 1974, « Studies in the Legal Terminology of the Nabataean Funerary Inscriptions». In E. Y. Kutsher, Henoch Yalon (ed.), Memorial volume, Jérusalem, Ramat-Gan/ Department of Hebrew and Semitic Languages, Bar-Ilan University: 6482. Greenfield J., 1992, « Some Arabic Loanwords in the Aramaic and Nabatean Texts from - ١٦٩-

‫ﻤﻬﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻭﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻨﺔ؟‬‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻤ‬ ‫ ﺃَﻋﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬:‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻁﻲ‬

Nahhal Hever ». Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 15:10-21. Gropp D. M., 1986, Salve-Sale Deeds from Samaria. Harvard University, Cambridg, Massachusetts, (Unpublished Theses). Hammond Ph.- Johnson D.- Jones R., 1986, « A Religio-Legal Nabataean Inscription from the Atargatis Al-cUzzā Temple at Petra ». Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 263: 77-80. Healey J., 1993, The Nabataean Tomb Inscriptions of Mada’in Salih.: Oxford University Press, Oxford. Healy J., 2000, « A Nabataean Inscription Containing Religious Laws from the Atargatis Temple at Petra ». In W. Hallo (éd.), The Context of Scripture, Monumental Inscriptions from the Biblical World, v. 2, Leiden/ Boston/ Köln, Brill: 166-193. Hoftijzer J.- Jongeling K., 1995, Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. 2 vols., Leiden/ New York/ Köln. Jaussen A.- Savignac R., 1909, Mission archéologique en Arabie. La Société des Fouilles Archéologique, Paris. Kraeling E., 1953, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri: New Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. from the Jewish Colony at Elephantine. The Brooklyn Museum, New Haven. Lemaire A., 1999, « Le HÉREM dans le monde nord-ouest sémitique ». In L. Nehmé (éd.), Guerre et conquête dans le Proche-Orient ancient. Antiquités sémitiques IV: 79-92. Lewis N., (éd.), 1989, The Documents from the Bar kokhba Period in the Cave of letters, Greek Papyri. Jerusalem. Negev A., 1976, « The Nabatean Necropolis at Egra ». Revue Biblique 83: 225-241. Nehmé L., 1998, « Une Inscription nabatéenne inédite de Bosra". Syria : 63-73. Répertoire de l’épigraphie sémitique. Published by the Committee of Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Imprimerie nationale, Paris. Savignac R. et al., 1957, « Une inscription nabatéenne provenant du Djôf ». Revue Biblique 64: 197-217. Starcky J., 1954, « Un contrat nabatéen sur papyrus ». Revue Biblique 61 :161-181. Yadin Y.,1962, «Expedition D-The Cave of the letters ». Israel Exploration Joiurnal 12 : 227-257. Yadin Y., 1963, «The Nabataean Kingdom, Provincia Arabia, Petra and En-Geddi in the Documents from Nahal Hever ». Jaabericht Ex Oriente Lux 17: 227-241. Yadin Y., 1971, Bar-Kokhba, The Rediscovery of The Legendary Hero of The Last Jewish Revolt Against Rome. Wiener Bindery, Jerusalem. Yardeni A., 2000, Text book of Aramaic, Hebrew and Nabataean - Documentary Texts from the Judaean Desert: A. The Documents - B. Translation, Palaeography, Jérusalem, Concordance. The Hebrew University, The Ben-Zion Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History. - ١٧٠-

‫ﻡ‬٢٠٠٩ ،٢ ‫ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ‬،٣ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﹼﺩ‬

The Nabataean Legal System: Traditional Customs or Written Codes

Mahdi Abd Al-Aziz and Hussein Al-Qedreh*

ABSTRACT The research presented here is an attempt to illustrate the nature of the Nabataean legal system seeking to find out a clear answer concerning the question if the Nabataean law consists of traditional costums or written codes. It tries to study some aspects concerning this matter reflected by the Nabataean inscriptions on legal nature or containing legal formulae. Keywords: Nabataean Inscriptions, Aramaic, Ancient Law, Nabataean Law.

* Queen Rania Institute for Tourism and Tradition, Hashemite University, Zarqa, Jordan. Received on 21/10/2008 and accepted for publication on 26/5/2009.

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