The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A Forgotten Paper Museum of the Respublica Litteraria. Fragmenta-5-2011

The E loges o f Gaspard de M onconys: A Forgotten Paper M useum o f the R espublica Litteraria

Anne-Lise Tropato

Abstract

Keywords

On his wayfrom Rome to Paris in February 1642, Gabriel Naudé visited the cabinet o f curiosities of Gaspard de Monconys in Lyon, which the contemporary sources described as one of the richest in Europe. Impressed by its magnificence, he advisedDe Monconys to drafi a catalogue of all his medals, to be sent to their mutualfriend, the Roman collector Cassiano dal Pozzo, patron of the Museum Cartaceum. Eight months later, De Monconys launched an editorial project which intended to immortalize a part ofhis collection through a ‘paper gallery’o f forty copper-engravedportraits of cardinals. This recently rediscoveredproject typifies hisposition in a scholarly network and illuminates the importance he attached to visual imagery.

The Genesis o f an Erudite Editorial Project In 1644 part of Gaspard de Monconys’ (Lyon 1592­ 1664) cabinet was published as a ‘paper museum’: the Eloges historiques des cardinaux} The analysis of various previously undiscovered manuscripts, related to this editorial project, gives us insight on its genesis and allows us to answer various ques­ tions: how did the scholarly network of the European Republic of Letters make possible this publication? How did De Mon­ conys’ choice to focus on images influence this book? To what extent did Rome, in the person of the collector Cassiano dal Pozzo, play a role in the conception and in the realization, in Lyon, of this paper gallery? The main purpose of this chapter is to explore how the publication of the Eloges exemplified the importance of Italian models for the development of French artistic and scientific ideas throughout the seventeenth century. Gaspard de Monconys came from an old family of Bur­ gundy’s aristocracy, established since the fifteenth century in the region of Lyon (Fig. 1).2 Like his father and his grandfather, Gaspard held the noble titles of Sieur de Liergues et Pouilly-leMonial, conseiller du roi, and conseiller et maître des requetes au parlement des Dombes, and was also the Criminal Lieutenant and the Provost of the merchants of the city of Lyon.3De Monconys

F ra g m e n ta 5 (2 0 1 1 ) p p . 2 6 3 -2 8 0

D O I 1 0 .1 4 8 4 /J .F R A G .1 .1 0 3 5 2 0

Gaspard de Monconys, Cassiano dal Pozzo, Gabriel Naudé, Paper museum, Single-hatched engraving

1 Albi, Eloges historiques. 2 Beaume

and d’A rbaumont, L a

Noblesse, p. 244.

3 Schnapper, L e Géant, p. 262.

263

Anne-Lise Tropato —

4 Nicolas

Fabri

Gaspard

de

de

Peiresc

and

Monconys

were

aquainted in the early 1630s. Both the libraries of Aix-en-Provence and Carpentras conserve a copy of the letters which testify to their friendship, BMA, Manuscrits occidentaux, Fonds Peiresc, Corres­ pondance littéraire

de

Peiresc,

Tome VII: (This note continues on p. 276) 5 Claude Ménéstrier, gentleman of the guard of Cardinal Francesco Barberinis Roman cabinet, was a close friend o f Peiresc. He probably met De Monconys during his trip from Rome to Besançon, where he received the canon’s office, (This note continues on p. 276) 6 Guy Patin, in a letter to Charles Spon,

clarified that

he

knew

Gaspard de Monconys since the early 1620s in Patin, Lettres, I, Letter CLXXVI, pp. 325-331. 7 In 1653 De Monconys met Gassendi in his salon, in Paris as specified by Guy Patin in Patin, L e ttre , I, Letter CLXXIX, pp. 337-341.

Fig. 1: Leon Galle, Portrait o f Gaspard de Monconys, 1652, engraving, Archives Départementales de Lyon FGB 632 (4). Study for a bronze medal by Claude Warin?

8 Boniface Borrilly was a lawyer in Aix-en-Provence. A close friend of Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc, he was a collector of medals and natural rarities. (This note continues on p. 276) 9 BnF, NAF 5158/33. 10 Schnapper, L e géant, p. 262. 11 BnF, Duchesne 4 6 / fol. 89. 12 De Saint Charles, Traité, p. 667. 13 “M. de Liergues [...] s’est acquis parm y les Sçavants l ’e stime d ’etre un des hommes de France qui se connoissoit le m ieux, en Médailles,

(This note continues on p. 276) 14 Writing on Gaspard de Monconys encyclopaedic cabinet, Jean Antoine Huguetan resumes the duality o f Humanities and Natural Sciences in these terms: (This note continues on p. 276) 15 De Saint Charles, Traité, p. 667. (This note continues on p. 276)

264

was, above all, an active erudite and citizen of the European Republic of Letters. He was acquainted with Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc,4 Claude Ménéstrier5 Guy Patin,6 Pierre Gassendi,7 and Boniface Borrilly8in France, to Cavalier Guichenon9at the court of Savoy, to Remigius Faesch10in Switzerland, and to Sir Kenelm Digby11 in England, with whom he shared his greatest interest: his antiquarian works. Gaspard de Monconys indeed built over the years one of the most important cabinets of seventeenth-cen­ tury Europe. Furthermore, father Louis Jacob de Saint-Charles, librarian of the Cardinal of Retz and close friend of Gabriel Naudé, described it in his Traité des plus belles bibliothèques pub­ liques et particulières, written in 1644, as one of the “curieuses pièces de hEurope”.12 Ten years later, in 1665, it was still consid­ ered one of the most beautiful European cabinets and remained admired by foreigners.13 This collection constituted, like most cabinets of the great scholarly collectors of the early seventeenth century, a double encyclopaedia of humanities and natural sciences.14 It contained for example a library of about two thousands books, many painted or printed portraits of famous men,15

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

and, furthermore, a variety of '"peintures, camaïeux, inscrip­ tions, pierres, insectes et autres raretés*} GThese “rarities” were probably collected by his youngest brother, Balthazar, a famous traveler who visited Europe and the Orient, in search of the international protagonists of modern science. For instance, he knew Kircher and Torricelli whom he met in Italy, Boyle in England, Pascal, Roberval, and De la Chambre in Paris and shared with them an interest in astronomy, alchemy, medicine and optical physics.17His travel diaries testify that he took vari­ ous collector’s items to Lyon, such as medals from Florence, prints from Germany, mummies and crocodiles from Egypt, and paintings by Poussin, Titian and Dughet from Rome.18 These raretés probably constituted part of Gaspard’s cabinet.19 However fascinating they may have been, these finds were not what drew people to De Monconys’ cabinet: luminaries such as Gassendi20 or the Marquess of Sevigné21 mainly came to see the famous medals “dor, argent, airain, verre, plomb et autres matières*.11 In February 1642, Gabriel Naudé, a great libertin éru­ dit23 renowned for bringing together Italian Renaissance knowl­ edge and seventeenth-century French culture, travelled back to Paris after ten years in Rome.24On his way, he spent a few days in Lyon to admire De Monconys’ collection. During his stay he wrote about the cabinet to his close friend, Roman nobleman Cassiano dal Pozzo, in these terms: In the same manner, I arranged a visit to the Cabinet o f Sr D e Monconys, which is filled with many books, medals, and similar very curious and marvellous things. But I have admired

16 De Monconys, Journal des voyages, p. 1. 17 Ibidem. 18 Ibidem. 19 In theJournal des voyages, the activities ofthe two De Monconys brothers were dissociated. Balthazar, perhaps more the scientist “eut plus d ’inclination à pénétrer les causes, & chercher les raisons naturelles des curiositez", while

Gaspard is often reduced to one who “ramasser” [collects items]. (This note continues on p. 276) 20 Gassendi

must

have

visited

Gaspard de Monconys’ cabinet in 1647 before writing the preamble of his biography of Epicure, dedicated to Luillier: (This note continues on p. 276) 21 The Marchioness of Sévigné wrote in a letter to Madame de Guignan on 27 July 1672 that she had visited “le cabinet de M [...] et ses antiquaires", Sévigné, Lettres, p. 43.

22 De Saint Charles, Trai té des plus belles bibliothèques publiques, p. 667.

23 The expression is due to René Pintard, see Pintard, L e Libertinage érudit.

24 Bianchi, ‘Gabriel Naudé.

in particular the great number o f brass medals, for the most part large and even very large ones, that, to my mind, knows no equal in France or Italy. I have therefore urged him to make a catalogue and send a copy to Your Illustriousness [...] W ith this I conclude and humbly kiss your hands, at Lyon, February 17, 1642.25

According to Naudé, this numismatic collection was the most important part of De Monconys’ collection, and it justi­ fied the making of a catalogue.26 Eight months after this visit, De Monconys had already implemented his advice by immortal­ izing on paper part of one of the most impressive European col­ lections, only thirty years before its squandering.27As soon as 19 October 1642, permission was given to print a book which was eventually published in 1644 under the title of Eloges historiques des cardinaux illustres François et estrangers mis en parallele avec leurpourtraits au naturelpar le P. Henry Albi de la Compagnie de Iesus.18As briefly stated in the dedication, the cardinals’ portraits

25 “Sono parim ente andato a veder il Cabineto del S r de M onconis (This

note continues on p. 276) 26 W hat did Naudé really mean by catalogo ? The word catalogue was

only used from the eighteenth century onwards to designate collections. (This note continues on p. 276) 27 Bonnaffé, Dictionnaire, p. 187. 28 “Je A ntoine M illieu Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la province de Lyon suivant le privilège octroyé à ladicte Compagnie p a r nos Roys Tres Chrestiens H enry I I I le 10 M a y 1583. H enry I V le G rand de 2 0 Decembre 1606. & Louis X I I I à present regnant le 14 Fevrier 1611.

(This note continues on p. 276)

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Anne-Lise Tropato —

mentioned in the title are copies of some of the most beautiful pieces from the Lyon curio-cabinet: 29 On

Father

Henry

Albi,

see:

Michaud and Micaud, Biographie

[Mr D e Monconys] a p ris encore la p e in e de fa ir e exactem ent graver [the portraits o f this work] à sesfr a is sur les pièces de son

universelle, pp. 430-431; Bingen,

cabinet, e stim a n t p e u la despense q u ’il y a fa itt e p o u r satisfaire la

Philausone, p. 42; Jouslin, “Rien

louable passion q u ’i l a de servir, e t de gratifier le public.

ne nous p la ît que le combat ”, pp.

538-540;

Mannier,

Recherches,

pp. 244-248. 30 Since the contrast between Philip the Fair and Pope Boniface VIII, the French Church defended its

independence

against

the

Roman Curia, by enacting various measures and doctrines opposed to some prerogatives o f the Pope regarding the Church and of the

The very short time span between Naudé’s letter and the publication of the book indicates that his intervention sparked the editorial project. His involvement gives us insight into the circle in which the Eloges was conceived: De Monconys, Naudé and Dal Pozzo were citizens of the Republic of Letters, which constituted the “public” mentioned in the dedication whom the Lyon nobleman wanted to “serve and gratify”. Inspired by his visitor, De Monconys decided not to merely realize a catalogue of his collection, but to publish a little paper museum.

Church regarding the State. 31 The

Eloges

are

dedicated

to

Cardinal Mazarin. The authors copy, conserved at the municipal library of Lyon under the pressmark B M L-P art-D ieu / Silo Fonds ancien /1 0 4 6 8 9 , also possess

a non-typographical dedication to Richelieu, visibly added in a latter stage. Furthermore, the Manuscripts

Department

of

the BnF owns two unpublished letters which vouch for the direct relationship o f the two Monconys brothers, Gaspard and Balthazar, with the cardinals-ministers Richelieu and Mazarin. (This note continues on p. 277) 32 Pierre Daret and Louis Boissevin had for instance, published in 1652, a book with the title of: Tableaux historiques où sont gravez les illustres français et étrangers.

As well, the 1647 edition of the Eloge historique de M g r le prince duc dAnguien clarified in the title

the presence o f " -plans & figures en taille-douce ” Finally, De la Serre used the mention “enrichy de

figures” in the title page, process judged by Véronique Meyer as

A Paper Gallery Prima facie, the Eloges seems to be a book of classical history and spiritual eulogy, with five hundred and forty-eight pages of written biography regarding forty French cardinals. The author called upon by De Monconys, Father Henry Albi, was a Jesuit priest who already had published two hagiographies.29The Eloges can thus be placed in the tradition of Tridentine Catholic publications and their French “Gallican” counterparts, such as martyrologies and ecclesiastical histories.30 Many books of this kind published in France during the first half of the century were intended to receive the consideration of the ‘cardinal-ministers’ Richelieu and Mazarin: a publication coming from one of the King’s officials such as Gaspard de Monconys had therefore obvious political connotations.31 Yet our main concern are the cardinals’ “pourtraits au naturel’, mentioned in the title. At that time, not all authors and editors recognized the importance of images in scholarly publications and titles rarely mentioned illustrations. Even fewer were those editors who took the precaution of extending the royal privileges from the text to the illustrations.32 De Monconys and Father Albi were no exception to the rule, there was no copyright for the forty prints. However, they mentioned the quality of the engravings three times in the introduction to the reader. This introductory piece clearly specified that the initial project was not to write a eulogy in the tradition of the genre, but rather to copy the pieces of the Lyon collection:

“proprem ent exceptionnel” for the time, see Meyer, Un auteur du

It was originally not my plan [says Father Albi,] to present it to

X V IIèm e siècle.

you with so many ornaments, an therefore I have tried to fashion

266

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

it according to my forces, having only undertaken to add an abbre­

33 The Eloges bears witness to the

viated eulogy to the portraits o f these great prelates, that the schol­

constant conflict between text and

arly and praiseworthy efforts o f Monsieur de Liergues [...] have

image underlying hybrid publication such as paper museums, halfway

drawn from his rich cabinet in order to present them to the public.

between art and history; conflict

Father Albi emphasizes his involvement as well as De Monconys. According to him, the texts are subordinated to the portraits, and were added only later. Therefore, the portraits of prelates cannot be considered as mere illustrations since their pri­ mary function is not that of enriching the text. This shows De Monconys’ conception of the image as a self-sufficient support of knowledge: it is not merely used to complete the writing. Set­ ting aside the ekphrastic discourse, the portraits realized by the two engravers were meant to replace the literary prosopography. However, the graphical ensemble must have seemed more com­ prehensible to De Monconys when associated with Father Albi’s introductory and biographical texts. He therefore associated two different methods to showcase historical knowledge: one through images, the other through narrative.33 To him, text and image are two parallel circuits of communicating knowledge, dis­ tinct and complementary, conveying different kinds of cultural data. Furthermore, images allow for the analytic visual observa­ tion that is necessary for experimental science, a method that De Monconys may have inherited from Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc. This scientific approach of the image, shared by both scholars, already appears in an autograph letter De Monconys wrote to Peiresc in 1633.34 The Lyon erudite, instructed by Peiresc to send him information about the medieval golden rose of Saint Justus’ chapter in Lyon, had attached to his letter all the archival documentation he could collect, and a drawn copy of the object.35 De Monconys gives no written description of the work of art inside of the missive; the representation has to be only graphical. He thus demonstrates he shares with Peiresc the idea that valuing the commentary over the source would be “sin­ ful”.36For this reason, he clarifies:

which lasted until the nineteenth century. 34 BMA, Lettre M, g093; Ms 1791, fols. 109r-109v. 35 The golden rose which Peiresc was interested in, was originally offered in 1251 by Pope Innocent IV to the chapter of Saint-Just of Lyon as a token of gratitude for its unconditional support during the conflict between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines which divided Italy. This golden rose was kept until the eighteenth century in the treasury of the cathedral of Lyon, before disappearing. Peiresc had requested De Monconys information and asked him to confront it with the one found on the mortuary statue of Raymond Bérenger IV. 36 Peiresc’s

statement,

made

in

connection to Athanasius Kircher, is well known ; Peiresc and Cassiano Dal Pozzo, Lettres, p. 14, note 15 37 The correspondents of Peiresc had to guarantee the exactness of the copies they sent. Jean-François Lhote and Danielle Joyal evoke the reaction of Peiresc when he received the silver copy of an ancient onyx vase sent him by Cassiano dal Pozzo in February 1633. Peiresc, dreadfully angry, did not even thank his Roman correspondent for his precious gift. He wanted

j e vous envoye le p o r tra it que j ’e n ay f a i t tirer en m a presence, et

an exact replica and felt very upset

d u dedans, e t d u dehors d ’icelle avec ses m esm e proportions.

when Cassiano’s letter did not

The drawing has apparently been done in his presence and cop­ ied with identical proportions.37 De Monconys guarantees the fidelity of the copy to the model, satisfying his need for exact­ ness and allowing Peiresc to scrutinize the golden rose through “oculare ispezione”?3 The cardinals’ portraits are a similar source of historical and cultural information. De Monconys, in his quest to commu­ nicate knowledge, and according to his belief that sources should

specify that the measurements of the silver copy were the same as the original vase nor that he had been present when the examination and the comparison had been done. (This note continues on p. 277) 38 The term is used by erudite Carlo Cesare Malvasia in

1636 and

taken up in Bickendorf, ‘Musée de papier, p. 10.

267

Anne-Lise Tropato —

39 Caroli, pp. 176-295. 40 In a later letter to François Duchesne, Gaspard de Monconys emphasised Flemish

his

preference

engravers:

for

BnF, NAF

22092/181-182, 9 January 1654. 41 Capriolo in his R itra tti di cento capitani (1596) had done the same,

removing the decorated frame and presenting a closer profile of his captains, see Eichel-Lojkine, L e Siècle des grands hommes, p. 132.

42 Iv i , pp. 105-154. 43 Ivi, p. 109. 44 Bickendorf, p. 12.

‘Musée

de papier,

45 Antoine Schnapper bemoaned that Gaspard de Monconys' activity as collector was not better known, Schnapper, L e Géant, p. 262.

268

remain uncompromised, wants his public to be able to exert their own “ocular examination”. In order to “serve and gratify” the public, as stated in the dedication, he provided them with intact historical documentation about the cardinals. He chose to give priority to the likeness of his cardinals’ portraits, rather than the symbolical aspect that they could have conveyed. This need for mimetic representation, so prized by the seventeenthcentury amateurs,39 probably inspired him to choose Northern European copper-engravers,40 renowned specialists of portrai­ ture, who were able to engrave a lifelike profile of the cardinals which would allow spectators to focus on their physiognomy.41 However, this faith to the effigies means the defacto sac­ rifice of any symbolical messages the portraits could have car­ ried:42the only cultural data that De Monconys wanted to show on his portraits were the cardinals’ garments. This way, he con­ sciously ignored a large part of the encomium’s semiotic. For this reason, the portrait of Cardinal Cesare Baronio which figures in the Eloges can be considered exemplary of this iconographical process. Engraved after the famous print by Francesco Villamena, the cardinal’s face has been extracted from the surrounding scene of his studiolo and from all the emblematic objects it contained. Like all forty portraits of the Eloges, Baronio’s effigy has been standardized in a rectangular frame and resized to fit in the page (Figs. 2-3 ). The choice of this particular iconography also answered the need for unification that formed the fundament of De Monconys’ scholarly publication, recalling the reason­ ing formulated by Paolo Giovio during the precedent century. According to Patricia Eichel-Loijkine, Giovio indeed wanted to reproduce his varied collection into a gallery by copying his iconographical documents onto canvases of identical format.43 It seems that De Monconys, by publishing his Eloges, likewise presented his readers with his own conception of an imaginary gallery. To symbolize this physical space, the Lyon aristocrate could have had a frontispiece engraved, depicting his ideal museum, as many others did before and after him.44But to him, the images’ only value was scientific, which left no room in his book to depictions of imaginary objects. The absence of such a frontispiece and of the word “gallery” or “museum” in the title probably was one of the reasons why this precious little book of the Eloges had been forgotten by art historians for nearly four hundred years.45 Portraits in the Republic o f Letters To De Monconys, the artistic object has, beyond its aesthetic qualities, a more important documentary value serv­ ing the study of history. He makes no formal analysis of the

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

Fig. 2: Jean Baron (attr.), Portrait o f Jean Fracon, 1644, engraving, 17.5 x 22 cm, Lyon, B.M.L-Part-Dieu / Silo Fonds ancien/ 104689/ fol. 30.

Fig. 3: Anonymous, Portrait o f Jean Fracon, 1660, engraving, Paris, BnF - FO L-L N 4-18 (1) - fol. 692.

works’ style. His main concern is the collection as a whole, which allows him to recount a coherent historical narrative. If the origin of the forty engraved portraits had not been speci­ fied in the dedication, it would have actually been unclear that the Eloges is the only extant paper museum of the great Lyon collection. What kind of objects served as models for the engravings: medals, sculpted busts, or rather painted, printed, or drawn portraits? The indication given by Father Albi in the “Advis sur les pourtraicts” remains vague, referring imprecisely to “les medailles et lespourtraits originaux’ of De Monconys’ cabinet. Fortunately, some of the cardinals’ portraits were pub­ lished in 1660, almost unchanged, by François Duchesne, historiographer of King Louis XIV. Contrary to De Monconys, Duchesne mentioned the provenience of the portraits which illustrate his Histoire de tous les cardinaux François de naissance, taking care to explain, next to each portrait, the original model and its place of conservation.46 (Figs. 4-5) Duchesne had published seven years earlier, in 1653, a short text addressed to the citizens of the Republic of Letters, asking

46 Duchesne, Histoire.

269

Anne-Lise Tropato —

Fig. 4: Jaspar Isaac (after Francesco Villamena), Portrait o f Cesare Baronio , c. 1613, engraving, Paris,

BnF, Cabinet des estampes, Ed 127.

Fig. 5: Franz van den Wyngaerde, Portrait o f CesareBaronio, 1644, engraving, 17.5 x 22 cm, Lyon, BML-Part-Dieu / Silo Fonds ancien/ 104689/ fol. 446.

them to send him information about the cardinals whose eulogy he was writing:

47 BnF, Clair-1054/fol. 330/ François Duchesne Dessein de l ’histoire. 48 Definition of the Republic of

j e conjure les a m ateurs de l ’h istoire, de m e vouloir c om m uniquer ce q u ’ils en p o u r ro n t avoir ou descouvrir, afin que m on ouvrage en soit p lu s illustre e t p lu s p a r fa it.44

Letters’ epistolary network given by Lhote and Joyal, in Peiresc and Cassiano Dal Pozzo, L e ttre , p. 12. 49 Duchesne, Histoire, p. 249, Livre second, concerning the portrait of

Raoul de Grosparmy: “Ce portrait est tiré du C abinet de M onsieur de Liergues, Conseiller d ’E stat, & L ieu ten a n t C rim inel au Bailliage & Siège Présidial de L y o n ”; p.

651, Livre Second , concerning the portrait of Robert de Genève: (This note continues on p. 277) 50 BnF, Duchesne 4 6 / fol. 3. 51 BnF, NAF 22092/178/179/181182; BnF-Duchesne 46 / fols. 3, 5, 9, 10, 20, 22, 89.

270

Because the Histoire de tous les cardinaux was the result of a correspondence network, essentially a pact of mutual assis­ tance among scholars, Duchesne had to mention each ‘citizen’ who provided him with indications.48 For this reason, the book mentions De Monconys three times to specify that two of the three portraits he sent to Duchesne are engraved translations of medals that he owned.49 The first traces of their correspondence date back to December 1653,50 and the ten unpublished letters of the Lyon erudite to Duchesne conserved in the manuscripts department of the Bibli­ othèque nationale de France vouch for a relationship that lasted, at least, several months.51Unfortunately, in only one of them, De Monconys directly referred to his Eloges, to clarify, only partially, the provenience of his portrait of Cardinal Charles of Bourbon which is: “un portrait au crayon quej 3ay qui est celui quej 3ayfait

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

graver pour mettre dans le livre du père Alby ”.52 It is therefore possible to identify, for a few portraits only, the formal support (drawing or medal) which served as model. Yet the information remains in most cases too imprecise to determine which original works of art De Monconys owned. Thanks to the Duchesne’s indications, it is however still possible to recount the precise provenience of two of the Lyon portraits. The effigy of Cardinal Hugh of Saint Cher, pub­ lished identically in Duchesne’s Histoire, comes from the cabi­ net of Alfonso Chacón, and was published in his Vitae et gesta romanorumpontificum et cardinalium.53This book had also been mentioned as a reference by Father Albi,54 and De Monconys’ library certainly featured a copy. What is more, Duchesne also specifies that his engraved portrait of Cardinal Jean Fracon again, similar to that published sixteen years earlier by De Mon­ conys - was made after a drawn copy of a painting conserved at the Dominican church of Annecy, sent to him by Chevalier Guichenon, historiographer of the King and of his Royal High­ ness of Savoy.55De Monconys as well knew Guichenon : they had an epistolary relationship in the 1630s.56 If in 1653 Guichenon sent the drawing ofJean Fracon’s portrait to François Duchesne, it is then very likely he had done the same thing for the Eloges a few years earlier. Like Duchesne’s Histoire, the Eloges of Gaspard de Mon­ conys takes place in the circulatory system of knowledge that structured the Republic of Letters. This system also explains how Jean Baron, one of the two engravers of the Eloges’ plates, came to know of an unusual engraving technique called single-hatch­ ing, which he used in the Eloges, and whose inventor, Claude Mellan, used to gravitate towards the Republic’s scholar-citizens. The Method o f a “Learned Engraver”57 Claude Mellan was introduced to the Franco-Roman intellectual circles in 1624 by Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc.58 Thanks to this, he was associated with many literate men of the Respub­ lica Litteraria such as Naudé, Gassendi, and Henri-Louis Habert de Montmor, all of them acquainted with Gaspard de Monconys and his brother Balthazar. He also met Marquis Vincenzo Giustiniani, who realized during the 1630s his famous great “paper museum” known as the Galleria Giustiniana. From 1631 to 1636, working in Rome on the engraved reproduction of the ancient statues of Giustiniani’s collection, Mellan refined his single-hatching technique.59 Single-hatching, which involves the engraving of par­ allel cuts without any cross-hatching, is a technique for artists who want to emphasize material effects or volume effects, rather than the suggestion of chromatic values. Shade and volume are

52 BnF, NAF 22092/178. 53 Duchesne, Histoire, p. 229. 54 “M ais

comme

c’e ust

esté chose

diffidile d ’e nfermer dans un p e tit Escu, des Armoiries, comme elles se

trouvent

contrécartelées,

souvent &

écartelées,

couppés

de

plusieur pièces, & y fa ire reconnoistre p a r quelque m arque particulière, comme il seroit à propos, les blasons, & les ém aux diffrens dont elles sont composées: aussi a -t’on iugé que c’estoit chose aisée de les rencontrer dans le Ciacon, & les autres qui ont esté curieux de les recueillir.” in

Albi, Eloges, A dvis sur les pourtraits, unpaged. 55 Duchesne, Histoire, p. 692. 56 A letter of De Monconys to Guichenon on 5 September 1630 vouches for an epistolary relationship based upon exchanges of a large quantity of medals (about fifty medals by shipment): BnF, NAF 5158/33. 57 The quotation is by one of the most famous modern print collector, Mariette, Abecedario, p . 366. 56 Preaud and Brejon de Lavergnée, L ’Oeil d ’or, p. 105.

57 Ivi, p. 50. 58 Iv i , p. 110; number 145, 146, 147, 148, pp. 115-119. 59 Famous engraver Robert Nanteuil stated that print amateurs were still fixed in “cette fausse opinion que le m erite de la gravure consistoit uniquem ent à couper le cuivre avec netteté, en un travail léché et en un arrangement de traits fin s et le plus rapprochés q u ’il étoit possible les uns des autres”, Propos de N an teu il recueillis p a r Domenico Tempesti, in

Preaud and Brejon de Lavergnée, L ’o eil d ’or, pp. 13-14.

271

Anne-Lise Tropato —

60 Chantelou, Journal, p. 221: “Nous en revenant, il m a d it dans le carosse qu’il n ’a vait p o in t revu un certain graveur qui l ’é tait venu voir dès son commencement. Je m e suis souvenu que ce graveur est M elan. (This note

continues on p. 277) 63 Mariette resumes this particularity of

Mellans

style

very

well:

“Inven teu r d ’une m anière de graver nouvelle, qu’il a porté ju sq u o u elle pouvoit aller, il a étonné p a r la rapidité de sa course, et n ’a laissé à sesfoibles im itateurs que le désespoir d ’a voir

inutilem ent

m arché sur

ses traces et d ’en etre demeuré aux premiers pas ", in Mariette, Abecedario. p. 328.

64 See chapter Elèves, copistes et imitateurs in Preaud and Brejon de Lavergnée, L ’Oeil d ’or, pp. 85-103; Gady, ‘La Gravure d'interprétation. 65 BM, V. 10.67. 66 Worsdale, ‘Le Bernin et la France. 67 The print is part of a collection of portraits of cardinals known under the title Effigies N o m in a et Cognomina S.D .N . (This note continues on p. 281) 68 ING, S0068770/FC/44472. “Virgo modestiss.a. On each side of Cardinal

Rapaccioli's coat of arms: “Em m e P n c i p i on the left: “Guidus Renus BononiPinx”. On the right: “Baronius Incisor S .P " in Bibliothèque Nationale

de France, Inventaire, I, number 4. p. 266. 69 Claude Mellan

engraved some

prints after Berninis drawings: a Portrait o f Pope Urban VIII, BnF, Impr., Rés. Vélins 1080; and a D a v id strangling the lion, BnF,

Est., Ed 32; respectively in Preaud and Brejon De Lavergnée, L ’oeil d ’or, number 28, 27. (This note

continues on p. 277) 70 Marc

Worsdale

hypothesis of

Bernini

that

advances the

contained

the

drawings written

indications, (This note continues on p. 277)

272

therefore created by the increasing or decreasing thickness of lines and by the modification of their rhythm, closer together or farther apart. Less instinctive than the cross-hatching engrav­ ing, single-hatching is a more thoughtful technique: it is unable to render tonalities, shades and half tones to full extent, and in that respect calls upon the intellect rather than the senses. Is it this intellectual aspect that aroused the interest of scholars with knowledge of natural philosophy? Does it explain why in 1636, Peiresc and Gassendi asked Mellan to engrave, using single­ hatching only, his famous astronomical plates of the different phases of the moon?60 Perhaps these scholars understood that single-hatching printmaking was simple only in appearance and should rather be appreciated for its virtuosity. At the beginning of the 1640s this technique was too new to be widely diffused among a public more used to appre­ ciate the atmospheric tonality of the Netherlandish tradition.61 Many engravers and amateurs preferred, in those years, the engraving style of the past generation of Thomas de Leu, Mallery and the Wierix brothers, rather than Mellans innovative experi­ ments. Even Paul Fréart de Chantelou, one of the seventeenth century’s greatest art patrons and connoisseurs, confessed he did not appreciate prints of this kind.62Mellan’s intellectual and technically challenging art never actually gained a real following.63 Since his return to France in 1636 after a twelve-year-long stay in Rome, very few engravers, such as Michel Lasne or Pierre Daret, had occasionally tried their hand at the single-hatching technique, but it is usually admitted that Mellan found his first real disciple only in the 1660s with François Spierre.64 Before that, one of the most outstanding prints engraved by one of the first partisans of single-hatching, is the Virgin with Child, realized in the early 1650s by the French copper-engraver Jean Baron, after a drawing of Gian Lorenzo Bernini.65 These two artists were acquainted with each other in Rome, and Bernini seems to have appreciated the young engraver. The Italian chevalier indeed provided him with at least two drawings to be published in print: the famous Virgin with Child, which Baron engraved using only the single-hatching technique, and a model for a frontispiece depicting Emperor Otho III.66 Bernini may as well have introduced the engraver to one of his own patrons, Cardinal Rappacioli, whose portrait Baron engraved,67 as well as a dainty print of a Virgin in Prayer.6 Therefore, it is usually admitted that the Frenchman, like Mellan twenty years earlier,69 developed the single-hatching technique in Rome in contact with Bernini.70However, Baron had already demonstrated, ten years before his Virgin with Child, his taste for single-hatching technique in two of the plates he engraved for De Monconys.

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

To engrave his series ofcardinals’portraits, De Monconys had called upon two copper-engravers: a Fleming, who signed his plates with a monogram F.V.W. attributed to Frans Van den Wyngaerde, and Jean Baron.71 They produced at least fifty-seven plates, although only forty of them were published in the Eloges?1 For his portraits of Cardinal Hugh o f Saint Cher and Philippe de Levis, Baron began to use, since 1641, the single-hatching tech­ nique that he had never practised before. (Figs. 6-7) The two cardinals’ effigies are made with a single line technique, without cross-hatchings and very little stippling which Baron stopped using altogether on his latter plates. He empha­ sized here the technical discovery which finally allowed him to represent light, to delete the contours and reduce the shades to the extreme. There is no more trace of the dark printmaking to which Baron had been educated four years earlier by his Flemish master Jaspar Isaac, but rather the clear imprint of Mellan’s method.73 Cardinals’ Portraits rather than Insects The principle of iconographical organization of the Eloges is due, as we saw, to the greater historical and cultural value that De Monconys saw in the image, over its esthetical qualities. As in the ancient antiquarian Varro’s Hebdomads, men­ tioned by Pliny, the materials which are studied are listed accord­ ing to the depicted motif (and not according to the style of the representation).74 Christian art is certainly exposed implicitly into the Eloges but does not play, in itself, an essential role. Other contemporary publications used this same kind of classification. For instance, Antonio Bosio’s Roma sotterranea aimed at retrac­ ing the life of the first Roman Christian communities through the iconography of the catacombs.75 The ancient frescoes found therefore a central place in the book, however, they were still considered less as a source of information about the history of painting than about the history of the Catholic Church.76 In comparison to the renowned wealth and diversity of his cabinet, Gaspard de Monconys’ choice of engraving only his cardinals’ portraits may seem a bit bland. We would have liked to see his precious stones, his cameos or his insects. Neverthe­ less, by selecting forty cardinal portraits, the Lyon nobleman joined in a pioneering collecting movement, which, during those years, began privileging series of cardinal portraits over every other kind of iconography of power.77 But most of all, we must remember that the main addressee of the Eloges was Cassiano dal Pozzo. De Monconys knew the great Roman collector well: they had been acquainted with each other for ten years, since 1633, thanks to the network of the European Republic of Letters and more precisely thanks to the intervention of Peiresc, their mutual friend.78 Probably, De Monconys had also begun, in 1641, his

71 Brulliot, D ictionnaire , I, number 898, p. 113. 72 The unpublished prints are conserved in the BnF, cabinet des estampes, SNR-1. 73 Jean Baron was the apprentice of the overlooked Flemish engraver and publisher Jaspar Isaac, in Paris, from O ctober 1635 to 1638. The unpublished notarial deeds of his apprenticeship and of the juridical process which ended his formation are conserved in ANP, /M C /E T / XLIII/18 (19 October 1635); M C E T /X L III/17 (10 July 1639). 74 Schnapper, L e Géant, p. 114. 75 Bosio, R om a

sotteranea.

It

is

interesting to specify that Jean Baron

engraved

in

1651

the

frontispiece for the Latin edition of Bosio’s work. 76 Décultot, ‘Genèse, p. 15. 77 Francesco Petrucci listed the most im portant series of portraits of cardinals, which can be paralleled to De Monconys’, such as the one engraved for the publisher Giovan Giacomo De Rossi, the prestigious

series

of Cardinals

librarians of Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, and the other by Castello Ottensetein which contained 71 portraits. Petrucci, Tipologie della ritrattistica cardinalizia , p. 19.

78 In his letter of1633, De Monconys asked Peiresc to recommend him to Cassiano dal Pozzo: “ Voyla to u t ce que j e n au peu apprendre et sçavoir, et souhaiteroit a votre consideration particuliere po u r votre servir ce Gentilhom m e qui est proche M . le Card. Barberin, j e le fa iro it de tout mon coeur, vous conjurant de croire en to u t ce qui m e sera recommandé de votre p a r t j ’en auray un soin tres particulier et que je fairoy toujours gloire de vous servir et de vous temoigner p a r to u t que j e suis suis, Monsieur, Votre." in BMA, Lettre

M, g093. (This note continues on p. 177)

173

Anne-Lise Tropato —

Fig. 6: Jean Baron, Portrait o f H u g h o f S a in t Cher , 1644, engraving, 17.5 x 22 cm, Lyon, BML-Part-Dieu / Silo Fonds ancien/ 104689/ fol. 1.

79 Cassiano

dal

Pozzo wrote

to

Hensio about the relationship between his brother and Gaspard de

Monconys:

Liergues

“M onsieur

Monconys

de

consigliere

luogotenente general criminale per il R e in Lione, tiene con il S .r (This

note continues on p. 277) 80 Naudé, Epigrammata. 81 Claridge and Jenkins, ‘Cassiano.

274

Fig. 7: Detail of Fig. 6.

assiduous epistolary relationship with Cassiano’s brother, Carlo Antonio.79 He certainly knew the work of the Roman broth­ ers on the Museum Cartaceum. He was also aware that Gabriel Naudé worked for Cassiano during his Roman stay, and that he composed and published, only one year before his visit in Lyon, a series of epigrams for each portrait of a famous man from Dal Pozzo’s library.80 Although this collection of portraits had been the starting point of the Epigrammata, Naudé’s published works remained devoid of any prints. According to Ian Jenkins, Dal Pozzo subsequently had the desire to commission the cor­ responding portraits.81 The publication of De Moncony’s Eloges probably has to be related to these contemporary interests. If De Monconys’editorial project had not been intended for Dal Pozzo, the publication that would have resulted would probably have been very different from the Eloges. Although his collection of portraits reflects his strong piety and his bounds with the Jesuit order, the Lyon nobleman still might have empha­ sized another peculiarity of his cabinet rather than his portraits of famous men. Furthermore, if his editorial project had not been somehow linked to the Epigrammata, he might not have published his paper museum together with a written eulogy.

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

Above all, if the main addressee had not been the author of the Museum Cartaceum, De Monconys might have only drafted a traditional inventory, without the forty precious engraved por­ traits, the way Naudé suggested him. For this reason, the Eloges are symptomatic of what had been happening in France for the past ten years: French scholars and artists progressively imported the Italian model, reproduc­ ing works of art, translating theories and treatises, in order to give to French cultural production the means for its own devel­ opment. In 1642, the Eloges was not an isolated work. Remigius Faesch, for instance, had been working since 1628 on the draft of various inventories of his own collection, and most of all, pre­ cisely with the help of Gaspard de Monconys, on the writing of the first descriptive catalogue of Holbein’s artistic work.82 Peiresc, as well, had the project to publish a book about the most interesting gems in Europe, of which he owned a great collec­ tion. The Eloges, in relation to these similar publications, must therefore be considered as part of an answer to a same desire for universality of knowledge, beyond the walls of cabinets. These publications, which drew on a widespread desire for order, dis­ cipline and method, contributed to the reappraisal of the image as a self-sufficient support of knowledge. Eventually, such schol­ arly editorial projects contributed to the elevation of visual art­ ists to the rank of Corps Savant in France.83 When the Eloges were finally published in 1644, Mazarin, following in Richelieu’s footsteps, was preparing to implement his project of a Royal Academy of Arts.

82 Remigius

Faesch,

Thesaurus

rei

numerariae et H um inae industriae monumenta and the Faeschises kab­ inett, which contained information

about more than 150 drawings, 2000 wooden prints, some millions of prints and 8000 medals and coins. 83 French term for a kind of upper class intelligentsia.

275

Anne-Lise Tropato —

Continuation o f footnotes from p. 264

Continuation o f footnotes from p. 265

4 ... Lettre M, g 093, letter of De Monconys written in

19 ... The parallel between the two brothers seems to be

Lyon to Peiresc in Aix-en-Provence. BIC, Ms 1791, fols.

unequal since it makes less obvious the cognitive nature

109r-109v. ... see Bresson, ‘Peiresc’. Peiresc instructed him to hand

o f De Monconys’ collection, even if it is sometimes specified in the source that he collected with care “avec

a letter and three medals to Gaspard de Monconys:

soin". Gaspard and Balthazar, stigmatized in such a way,

Tamizey de Larroque, Lettres de Peiresc, p. 600, letter of Peiresc to Ménéstrier (5 August 1632).

appear so different from each other that Schnapper made the hypothesis that they constituted two different

... He possessed a large collection of paintings. Cf. mainly: Schnapper, Curieux du G rand Siècle, pp. 117­ 118. Tamizey de Larroque, Les correspondants de Peiresc. The relationship between De Monconys and Borrilly is attested since 1632, when the former sent the latter a

collections. It appears more likely that Gaspard’s cabinet had been partly enriched by the rarities that his brother brought back to Lyon. Balthazar herited Gaspard’s cabinet at the time of his death in 1664. Cf. ADL, 3E3899.

letter and some collectible items, Tamizey de Larroque,

... uTu huc inserito utram voles - quando & non m alè

Lettres de Peiresc, IV, p. 41, letter of Peiresc to Borrilly (15

altera, u t vides, refert alteram: & m em ini utram que

February 1632).

congruere cum alia in amplissimo cimerliachio Viri Nobilis

13 ... Monnoyes, Peintures, Camayeux, Inscriptions, Pierres, Insectes, & autres raretez q u il recherchoit curieusement

Casparis M onconisii Liergii, Proptaetoris Lugdunensis, asservata", in Gassendi, D e vita et moribus Epicuri.

dans le Thresor de la N ature, ou dans celuy de lAntiquité.

.

On v o it encore à Lyon son cabinet, q u ifa it l ’a dm iration des

sim ili m olto curiose et vistose m a sopra ogni cosa m i son

quale e ripieno di m olte p itture libri m edaillie et cose

Estrangers, & passe p o u r un des plu s beaux de l ’Europe", in

m eravigliato del num ero grande delle m edaglie di bronzo

De Monconys, Journal des voyages, p. 1.

p e r la p iù parte grandi a n zi grandissime che non credo sia

14 ... “la louable curiosité que vous avez de toutes choses belles, & la parfaicte cognoissance, laquelle dés vostre trendre jeunesse vous avez acquise de toutes les raretez du monde. Vostre excellent Cabinet est un riche tesmoin de cette verité. On y vo id en gros & en detail les merveilles de l ’A r t & de

ugualiato da nessun altro tanto in Francia come d ’I talia et pero lh o to rta to di fa rn e i l catalogo et m andarne la copia a VS.Ill.m a [...] alla quale p e rfin e bacio hum ilte le m a n i di Lione a l i 1 7 di febraro 1642". Lumbroso, N otizie,

Lettera91.

la N ature. I l est exquis, abondant, & divers, M a is ce qu’il

. During the seventeenth century, a catalogue was a

a de plus aymable, c’e st que les Graces en sont elles-mesmes les portieres; & que n u l n y entre q u il n ’en sorte a u ta n t

simple list, eventually numbered, but used w ithout the intention to concede a real im portance to the

satisfait de vostre courtoisie, que de vos raretez. C ’est là

individual nature. Collectors rather inventoried their

dedans, M O N S IE U R , & dans le triage des bons Livres,

collections under the title o f ‘booklet’, ‘description’ or

que vous destrempez les amertumes, de vostre Charge; & qu’apres vous estre dans le Palais lassé les y eu x sur le rouge

‘notice’. The w ord ‘catalogue’, during the seventeenth century, did not designate a real set of objects but

& sur le blanc, deux couleurs qui travaillent esgalement

rather an imaginary com bination o f collectible items.

la veue; j e veux dire le sang des coupables, & la blancheur

Fulvio Orsini and Adolfo Occo had already planned

de l ’innocence, vous allez au p a rtir de là vous esgayer sur

to create such a catalogo during the second half of the sixteenth century, outstepping the realms o f their

le verdure de l ’H istoire, & dans le parterre des louables curiositez”; Epistle to Gaspard de Monconys in De Boot,

cabinet.

L e parfaict Joallier, no p. This double characteristic

28 ... perm ets à A n thoine Decay M archand Libraire de Paris,

would have slowly became less pronounced from the

de fa ire im prim er & debiter les Eloges des cardinaux

1660s, when the encyclopaedic cabinet became less

illustres, François, & Estrangers composez p a r le Reverend

numerous. Schnapper, L e géant, p. 246.

Pere H enry A lby de la m esm e Compagnie reveus à Rom e

15 ... The inventory of the collection after death of the last heir clarifies that in 1682 only 256 books, 60 volumes

p a r trois Peres de nostre Compagnie, & ce po u r le term e de

with picturesand 135 unbound books remained in the

ou fa ire im prim er sur les peines contenues a u dit Privilege.

library. Part of those items were added after the death of

F ait en nostre College de Vienne ce 19 Octobre 1 6 4 2 ’’, in

Gaspard de Monconys. ADL, BP 1981.

Albi, Eloges, unpaged .

276

d ix ans accomplis avec defenses à tous autres de l ’imprimer,

— The Eloges of Gaspard de Monconys: A forgotten paper museum of the Respublica Litteraria

31 ... Gaspard was present in the bedroom of Cardinal

67 ... A lexandri Papae V II et R R . D D . S .R .E Cardd. N u m c viuentium , Jo Jacobo De Rubeis, 1658. An exemplary of

Alphonse Louis de Richelieu, brother of the minister,

the print is conserved in the ING, under the pressmark

during his agony; while Balthazar sent information from Rome to Mazarin. BnF, Arsenal/414-739/718.56

S0095843/FN/17590/14569.

Continuation o f footnotes from p. 266

J.L./347547; BnF, BALUZE 324, fol. 62.

69 ... The role played by Bernini in the development of single-hatching technique is furthermore explicated by Mariette when he writes about François Spierre: “François Spierre a quelquefois voulu im iter la m anière de

Continuation o f footnotes from p. 267

graver deM eUan à une seule taille, et cela lu ifu t sans doute inspiré et peut-etre dem andé m êm e p a r le B ernin; car ce ne

37 ... Peiresc therefore answered: “Je m e satisferai de votre

sont que les pièces q u ’il a gravée d ’a p r è le Bernin qui sont

témoignage pourvu que vous m ’a ssuriez que l ’e xamen et la

à une taille. L e Bernin avoit connu M ellan et sçavoit p a r

comparaison ont été fa its en votre presence": Letter XXIV

expérience que cette m anière à une taille étoit to u t à f a i t

of Peiresc, 25 February 1633, in Peiresc and Cassiano dal

propre à exprim er ce qu’il faisoit, surtout la sculpture, et,

Pozzo, Lettres, p. 28.

p ensant ainsi, il ne pouvoit m anquer d ’engager Spierre à suivre une méthode qui sera toujours du go u t d ’un sculpteur intelligent ", in Mariette, Abecedario, p. 366.

Continuation o f footnotes from p. 270 49 ... “Ce portrait est tiré d ’une médaiâe, conservée dans le cabinet de M r de Liergues, Conseiller d ’E s tat, &

70 . addressed to Jean Baron, on how to correctly engrave them using the single-hatching technique, see Worsdale, ‘Le Bernin et la France’, pp. 61-72, 69, note 46.

L ieu ten a n t C rim inel au Bailliage & Siège Présidial de Lyon, au revers de laquelle il y a un Temple & au costé la représentation des Apostres S. Pierre & S. Paul, avec cette devise Iusti intrarut in eam."; p. 705, Livre second,

concerning the portrait of Jean de Talaru: “Le crayon de ce portrait m ’a esté envoyé p a r M r de Liergues, ConseiUer d ’E s tat, & L ieu ten a n t C rim inel en Bailliage & Siège Présidial de Lyon, qui l ’a tiré d ’une M édaille qu’il conserve

Continuation o f footnote from p. 273 78 ... The latter correspondence of Peiresc and Cassiano dal Pozzo alluded to Gaspard de Monconys, bearing witness o f their mutual relationship, see Peiresc and Dal Pozzo, Lettres .

en son cabinet".

Continuation o f footnote from p. 274 Continuation o f footnotes from p. 272 60 ... Je lu i ai d it que présen tem ent il travaille peu, y en ayan t d ’a utres plus habiles dans cette profession, que sa gravure à m oi ne m ’a vait ja m a is plu, q u ’il ne songeait qua fa ire de beaux traits. I l m ’a reparti que néanm oins il avait gravé m erveilleusement bien, q u ’il avait vu, entre autres de lui,

79 ... CarlAntonio mio fratello continuo commertio di lettere, scrivendosi ambedue p e r ogni corriero, et il motivo ne è, che questo gentilhuom o si trova haver un gabinetto di varie curiosità e quasi ogni settim ana richiede che gli si provveda qualche cosa. [...] 1 6 ottobre 1651" in Lumbroso, Notizie,

Letter 17-xx, 84.

deux ou trois pièces du signor Poussin qui lu i sem blaient admirables, principalem ent une Sapience éternelle. Je lui ai d it que M . Poussin, aussi bien que moi, avait trouvé ses dessins fa ib lem en t gravés, n ayant songé quà ne fa ir e qu’un trait à sa gravure, au lieu de penser à im iter les ombres et les lumières, et les demi-teintes, ce qui était fo r t aisé p o u r ce que les dessins de M . Poussin étaient extraordinairement achevés, vu sa mauvaise m ain, qu’il n ’a vait donné à ces estampes que l ’écorce sans demi-teintes et sans ombres au degré q u ’il eut fa llu , et cela p e u r de corrompre ses beaux traits. L e Cavalier a reparti que cela lu i avait semblé bien gravé et beau".

277

Anne-Lise Tropato —

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