Success Portrayals of Filipina Migrants in a Filipino Newspaper in Japan

October 15, 2017 | Autor: Yellowbelle Duaqui | Categoría: Migration, Filipino Diaspora Studies, Filipina entertainers in Japan
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Chapter 3

Success Portrayals of Filipina Migrants in a Filipino Newspaper in Japan Yellowbelle Del Mundo Duaqui

The hackneyed image of the Filipina migrant in Japan is that of the Filipina entertainer.1 (Faier 2007, 154; Suzuki and Takahata 2007; Tyner 1997, 20–25; Tyner 1996, 78–89) Definitely with sexual undertones, this image of the Filipina in Japan has been widely portrayed in popular media either as victims or as economic opportunists.2 Even while present-day realities of Filipina entertainers in Japan are quite obscure, this image has persisted in Philippine and Japanese societies.3 But what is lacking in the public imaginary of Japanese and Filipinos who reside in Japan and Filipinos in the Philippines as well – is the existence of Filipino migrant individuals in Japan who hardly fit the archetype at all. These individuals challenge the popular, taken-for-granted assumptions attached to being a Filipina in Japan. More importantly, the life stories of these Filipinas speak of unimaginable possibilities turned into lived experiences – foremost of which is the professionalization of their skills and talents in addition to international recognition and the colorful melding of their transnational experiences. Celebrated in a Filipino migrant newspaper known as Jeepney Press as success stories and as exemplars for the Filipino community in Japan, the life stories of Filipinas shatter the convenient but disturbing image relegating them as mere entertainers. However, as the distribution channels and languages (English and Filipino, and very minimal Japanese) used by Jeepney Press can only cater to Filipinos living in Japan, the spread of awareness regarding these Filipina success stories does not reach the larger Japanese public and Filipinos in the Philippines.4 The main goal of this paper is to analyze Jeepney Press as a piece of mi44

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grant literature.5 It will clarify and evaluate the stereotype of Filipinas in Japan based on the traditional notion of entertainers as prostitutes. While sociological studies notably possess a penchant for generalizations, their main strength lies in clarifying and in sifting out mere stereotypes from scientific truths through rigorous study. According to John Macionis, a “stereotype” is defined as “exaggerated descriptions applied to every person in some category.” The problem with stereotypes, according to Macionis, is that it regards all individuals considered to be a member of a particular category as one and the same instead of treating them by the law of averages. Second, Macionis points out that stereotypes tend to “ignore facts and distort reality” by blowing up some “element of truth” that it contains. Third, stereotypes “sound more like a ‘put-down’ than a fair-minded assertion” (Macionis 2001, 21). Hence, this paper seeks to arrive at an evaluation of “Filipinas in Japan” as a category and focus on their stories of agency and empowerment amidst their marginal position in Japan. BACKGROUND OF JEEPNEY PRESS

Jeepney Press, as a migrant newspaper, is a cultural artifact different from traditional newspapers, given its transnational dynamics. While traditional newspapers are studied with frameworks pegged at the national scale, migrant literature demands a transnational analysis. Content analysis can reveal data that is transnational in nature while the researcher accesses it through the Internet. This paper culled data from a website and a blog site managed by Jeepney Press, enabling the conduct of content analysis. Jeepney Press is a product of migrant life speaking primarily of the migrant experience as a “reality sui generis.”6 The ideas in circulation in the newspaper also naturally deal with migration and the migrants themselves.7 Being a cultural artifact borne by international migration, Jeepney Press is a transnational “social fact” produced by the interaction of the material conditions8 surrounding the incubation and publication of the migrant newspaper amid a diasporic situation, the migration experience and other transnational practices of its writers, and the intercultural nature of the ideas surfacing on its pages. Jeepney Press published its maiden issue in Japan in January 2003 with a circulation of 5,000 copies. The first issue consisted of 12 pages and circulated mainly in Tokyo and a few key cities in Japan (Sun 2013, 26). In the 10th anniversary of Jeepney Press, Dennis Sun (editor-in-chief and art director) noted that the distinguishing feature of the paper lies in the quality of its content.

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

…Jeepney Press demonstrated itself to be unique among the other Filipino newspapers and magazines circulated in Japan. There was no news about politics, no gossips about your favorite celebrities, and the pages were limited to put more weight on content and substance rather than commercial advertising. That was the concept of Jeepney Press. (Sun 2013, 26)

According to its official website, Jeepney Press today distributes 30,000 copies per issue all over Japan. It is distributed every other month in February, April, June, August, October and December,9 a total of six issues a year. Japan’s winter 2013 marks its 10th year of existence and its 60th issue. According to the editor, the newspaper doubled not only its circulation but also the number of its staff in the last ten years.10 (Sun 2013, 26) Map 1 shows the percentage of distribution of Jeepney Press in Japan. Map 1. Percentage Distribution of Jeepney Press in Japan

Source: http://jeepneypress.com/page2.html

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According to the Jeepney Press website (based on its June 2008 circulation), the newspaper is mostly distributed in the following regions: Kanto (42 percent), followed by Chubu (20 percent), Kansai (15 percent), Chugoku (7 percent), Tohoku (5 percent), Kyushu and Okinawa (5 percent), Hokkaido (3 percent), and Shikoku (3 percent). Its circulation has remained stable through the years.11Jeepney Press is distributed free in Japan where Filipinos congregate such as the Philippine Embassy and its various consulates, Philippine Airlines offices, Philippine National Bank and Metrobank, Catholic churches, Filipino-owned stores, shops and restaurants, Filipino civic organizations, and other Filipino enclaves. Published by Asia Vox Limited, Jeepney Press provides “practical information, language and cultural education and lifestyle features for Filipinos in Japan.”12 Majority of its target readers are Filipino migrants who are mostly professionals based in Tokyo, and those who belong to the middle-income level. According to its website, Jeepney Press is “a non-profit and non-commercial publication run by a staff of volunteers” whose mission is to contribute in building a “unified, diverse and responsible Filipino society in Japan.”13 It will be accomplished by “promoting community involvement in issues concerning Filipinos in Japan and encouraging constructive, positive, educational and inspirational dialogues among Filipinos.”14 The other goals of Jeepney Press include the promotion of knowledge and resource sharing, the strengthening of existing relationships and establishing incipient relationships with the various Filipino communities all over Japan, and the organizing of “collaborative projects” and “community-based cultural programs.”15 PROFILE OF JEEPNEY PRESS WRITERS

Table 1 (see Appendix 1) lists down the profile of 18 writers of Jeepney Press in 2010.16 Table 2 (see below) shows that 15 out of the 18 writers are gainfully employed in Japan, while one is a Catholic priest and two others are graduate students. The employed ones work as an English teacher (28 percent) followed by freelance visual artist or editor (11 percent). Their occupations also suggest that they are legal migrants in Japan.

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

Table 2. Occupations of Jeepney Press Writers Occupation

Frequency

% (N = 18)

English teacher Visual artist / editor Graduate student Sales staff Consultant/Director Physician Researcher Banker University lecturer Catholic priest

5 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

28% 11% 11% 6% 6% 6% 6% 6% 6% 6%

Table 3 reveals the writers’ length of stay in Japan. Most writers have stayed in Japan between five to nine years (28 percent) followed by those between 20–24 years (17 percent) and one to four years (17 percent). One Jeepney Press writer has stayed for more than 25 years in Japan, and the shortest stay is a year. The publication preferred writers who have spent a considerable time living in Japan. Table 3. Duration of Stay in Japan of Jeepney Press Writers Length of Stay

Frequency

% N = 18

25–30 years 20–24 years 15–19 years 10–14 years 5–9 years

1 3 2 2 5

6% 17% 11% 11% 28%

1–4 years

3

17%

Jeepney Press claims that it has “paved the way of having a pool of Filipino writers based in Japan.” (Sun 2013, 26) The editor pointed out that before Jeepney Press, other publications writing about Japan employed Filipino writers based in the Philippines who did not know first-hand what life in Japan was like. (Sun 2013, 26)

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PERCEPTIONS ON THE CONDITION OF FILIPINO MIGRANTS IN JAPAN

In its website, Jeepney Press stated that it aims “to help uplift the conditions of the Filipinos in Japan through information and education.”18 It is based on several assumptions of the publisher and the editorial board on the conditions of Filipinos in Japan. In an interview with its editor on its 10th anniversary issue, Dennis Sun elaborated on the mission of the migrant newspaper: During the few years before Jeepney Press was born, I had been actively going around supporting Filipino events and monitoring the situation of Filipinos in Japan. During these travels, I was fortunate and very glad to meet so many successful, educated and established Filipinos in Japan. I asked them about my vision of creating a paper that would help upgrade the standard and image of Filipinos in Japan and they all gave their share of contributing articles. Filipinos had a very bad image in Japan, most especially during that time. We were looked down as a people. I had to show our countrymen that we can be successful and make our dreams come true in Japan despite this low image of ours. We had to write about these successful Filipinos so the other Pinoys (Filipinos) can have models to follow. This is basically why there are no showbiz celebrities featured in Jeepney Press. Why? It’s because our celebrities are these successful Filipinos in Japan. This is what Jeepney Press is for. It is about us. (Sun 2013, 26)

The editor underscored the perceived poor image of Filipino migrants in Japan. As a Filipino migrant artist,19 he wanted to do his share in improving it. His brainchild Jeepney Press aimed to enhance this image – not by targeting the Japanese audience – but by targeting the Filipino migrants as readers. With the Filipino migrant readers in mind, Jeepney Press aimed to inform and educate them, provide role models, and enhance their public image by featuring the life stories of Filipino migrants considered successful and worthy of emulation. These assumptions surfaced in an article on its writers and columnists, showing that even their writers share the views of the publisher and the editorial board.20 Thus, the writers expressed their views on the status of Filipinos in Japan. There are voices that highlighted the convenience experienced by Filipinos in Japan and the better quality of life they enjoy compared with their life in the Philippines. For instance, Dr. Gino C. Matibag, the resident doctorcolumnist of Jeepney Press, states that: “In In general, Filipinos in Japan live better economically. Understandably, most want to go back to the Philippines but the country does not offer any better living conditions.” Another regular Jeepney Press columnist, Neriza Sarmiento-Saito, concurs that: “Compared

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

to the Filipinos in the Philippines, I think they are more comfortable here. Wherever you put the Filipinos, they will always be a happy people. I think the conditions are getting better.” Stephanie Jones-Jallorina, a regular writer, observes that: “So far, I have seen and met Filipinos who are well-to-do financially, physically and spiritually. They have easily adapted to Japan and consequently are able to provide for the needs of their respective families back home. They brought along their faith that keep and sustain them through hardships, loneliness and challenges.” However, there are also Jeepney Press writers who point out that the current conditions are bad, and therefore, requires improvement. Rey Ian Corpuz laments that, “We are still under-represented in the Japanese community.” Another writer from Gifu Prefecture, Edward Labuguen, echoes the same sentiment: “We are still under-represented. Look at the Brazilians, Peruvians, Chinese and Koreans. Even if we are as many as them, they are a stronger force in the Japanese society.” A long-time Filipino migrant in Japan, Anita Sasaki points out that most Filipinos in Japan are still “ignorant about their rights, benefits and privileges” within Japanese society. There are also views acknowledging discrimination against foreigners in Japan, particularly towards Filipinos, characterizing Filipino migrant life in Japan as a struggle for recognition. Arlene Dinglasan states that, Knowing how prejudiced and racist Japanese society can be, the Filipinos in Japan sometimes have to struggle to be proud of being Pinoy [Filipino]. Add to that the ‘not-so-pleasant’ image that unfortunately fellow kababayans [compatriots] have somehow built in one way or another, sometime in the past or even at present, we have to work extra hard to be seen in a better light. Fortunately, as slowly as it may be, more and more Filipinos in Japan are proving themselves deserving of a fairer treatment. Whether it accounts to the society’s increasing open-mindedness or the Filipinos’ hard work finally bearing good fruits, the conditions of Filipinos in general in the Japanese society has been showing some improvements in recent years.

In summary, the writers have noted that while the economic well-being of the migrants has been met in Japan, they need more political representation. Such views frame the opinion pieces and articles of migrant writers, in line with the mission of Jeepney Press as a migrant publication. It could also be explained that the participation of the migrants as volunteer writers in Jeepney Press is an inherently political act or a personal move to address this perceived lack of representation in Japanese society.

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EMERGENT THEMES AND PATTERNS

 A content analysis of Jeepney Press issues (available online in http://jeepneypress.com and http://jeepney-press.blogspot.com/) was conducted in order to see the common themes and patterns from the various columns and sections of the newspaper. Table 4 (see Appendix 2) presents a listing and brief summary of the 46 columns and major sections in the migrant newspaper between 2005–2012. The articles are written in English or Filipino with some Japanese words. For the benefit of Filipino readers, kanji (Chinese characters) are normally accompanied by romaji (Roman characters) and its English or Filipino translation. Table 5 below reveals the themes and patterns from the columns and sections listed in Table 4. Out of the 22 themes and patterns commonly discussed in Jeepney Press, most of the columns and other sections of the migrant newspaper are devoted to topics dealing with migrant life stories (11 percent), travel (11 percent), and community activities (9 percent). Table 5. Themes and Patterns of Jeepney Press Articles, 2005–2012 #

Themes and Issues

Frequency

% N=46

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 21

Migrant life stories Travel Local migrant community activities Studying in Japan Rules in Japan Spirituality and ethics Letter from readers Working in Japan Parenting and child rearing in Japan Financial management Trivia Health Japanese education system Philippine culture Housing in Japan Shopping and leisure in Japan Returning to the Philippines Social issues in Japan Environmental concerns Comics Jokes Zodiac

5 5 4 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

11% 11% 9% 6% 6% 6% 6% 4% 4% 4% 4% 4% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2%

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Table 5 reveals the “private” concerns of Jeepney Press writers, as well as the “general” concerns of Filipino migrants in Japan. Ten out of the 22 themes and patterns are devoted to topics on cultural assimilation and coping strategies in Japan as a migrant destination country. These migrant assimilation-related themes are the following: (1) local migrant community activities (9 percent), (2) studying in Japan (6 percent), (3) rules in Japan (6 percent), (4) letter from readers (6 percent), (5) working in Japan (4 percent), (6) parenting and child rearing in Japan (4 percent), (7) Japanese education system (2 percent), (8) housing in Japan (2 percent), (9) shopping and leisure in Japan (2 percent), and (10) social issues in Japan (2 percent). Letters from the readers usually involve adjustment issues in Japan. These topics are considered as focal issues by writers of Jeepney Press and are hence treated as “public” issues. C. Wright Mills, in The Sociological Imagination, defined the term “public” as “non-private, non-individualized feelings and responses of large numbers of people” (Mills 1959, 61). The above mentioned concerns are regarded “public” in the sociological sense in this paper as they are discussed and consumed in a community context – in a Filipino migrant newspaper with a Japan-wide circulation — by authors who have experienced such migrant concerns themselves. FILIPINO MIGRANTS AS TOURISTS AND RETURN PROSPECTS

But while ten themes or 45 percent of the 22 themes are devoted to migrant concerns in Japan, issues related to the Philippines remain a common interest. Three themes delve directly on the Philippines: travel (11 percent), Philippine culture (2 percent), and returning to the Philippines (2 percent). Along with migrant life stories, travel serves as the biggest preoccupation among Jeepney Press writers and it includes travels within Japan, the Philippines, other Asian as well as European and North American destinations. On Philippine travels, it includes travels in the hometowns or provinces of the migrant writers and in major tourist destinations. At times, their travel essays even compare Japanese and Philippine societies, revealing not only the tendency for migrants to be a “tourist” in their native land but a propensity to compare the two countries. Such essays are analytical – even reflective – as writers claim to know the Philippines deeper from their vantage point as migrants in Japan. Travel facilitates not only the expansion of imaginaries but also the concrete building of transnational lives among Filipino migrants in Japan. According to Koichi Iwabuchi (2002, 17) in his study of “Japan’s return to Asia” in the 1990s, travel is one example of “transnational social practice”

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that “transgresses borders” and it is made possible by globalization. Hence, migrant writers – in their travelogues in Jeepney Press – reveal themselves as active actors of globalization by documenting and publishing what is essentially a border-transgressing act. Furthermore, playing the tourist role is a success projection, for all the symbolic and financial capital attached to international travel as an opportunity that is not accessible to everyone. Being a “tourist” is an experience of power, in contrast to the “labor migrant” experience. The empowerment that tourism bestows on the individual is supported by state policies in the world. After all, every country today, rich or poor, tends to espouse touristfriendly state policies in general, espousing the neo-liberal worldview of the “tourist” as an important development agent to hasten domestic growth. In contrast, being a “labor migrant,” based on the analysis of Parreñas (2001, 24–25), means being subject to the “macroprocesses” produced by globalization: the formation of the “global city” (Cohen 1992; Sassen 1988, 1994, 1996c, 1996d), the feminization of the international labor force (Sassen 1988, 1996a), the “opposite turns of nationalism” (Sassen 1996b), and the formation of an economic bloc of postindustrial nations. (Reich 1991; Sassen 1993) Worse, Lan (2006, 3) describes the treatment of Filipina migrant domestic helpers in Taiwan as “disposable labor” and “disdained aliens.” As Jeepney Press writers share tales of their travels in the Philippines, their insights on the existing social conditions, or even their critique of Philippine society, the readers of migrant travelogues are made to think about issues of loyalty and commitment to the native land, patriotism, and the ever-lurking exit option, that is, return migration. Themes relating to Japan and the Philippines reveal the transnationality of the concerns raised in Jeepney Press columns. While themes are focused on Japan, concern for the Philippines also enters the picture as reflected in a regular column titled “Drive-Thru,” which tackles the issue of return migration to the Philippines. In an article titled “Mission Possible,” Stephanie Jones Jallorina described her inner thoughts and feelings about going back to the Philippines and chose “mission” as the one word to describe how she viewed her return. The editor assigned her to write about the anxieties of returning to the Philippines, Jallorina noted that it is: “...the anxiety of how it feels like when, after living so many years in Japan, finally, you go home and you seem like a total stranger in your own home, or in your community. And, before reaching home, you have to go through this sad phase of goodbyes, and it has always never been easy.” Jallorina’s anxiety over the prospect of returning to the Philippines is

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shared by countless other Filipina migrants. Nicole Constable (1999, 213– 216, 223–224) interviewed Filipina domestic helpers in Hong Kong and noted what she describes as “ambivalence” in their responses on the question of returning to the Philippines. While respondents in her study continue to speak of the Philippines as their “home,” it is in Hong Kong (or in the homes of their Chinese employers) that they claim to be more “at home,” at this point in their lives. Filipinas in her sample recounted stories of infidelity and physical abuse in the hands of their Filipino husbands in the Philippines, as well as animosity from their children who hate them for leaving the home in order to work abroad. There are also stories of tentative returns, wherein some Filipino women end up going back to Hong Kong as they found reinserting into their Philippine households and social circuit no longer easy to do, and missing the individualism and consumerism afforded by their lives in Hong Kong. They also prefer fulfilling their familial duties from afar, while forging their personhood in a foreign place where they feel freer and more empowered. This preference for transmigrancy among Filipina migrants is a point of departure for another concept in migration studies dealing with “dual consciousness” that migrants, regardless of race, tend to share. If the ubiquitous presence of the Philippines as a topic in the Jeepney Press articles is of any indication, it could be gleaned how Filipino migrants in Japan live in dual worlds: their bodies are in Japan but the Philippines lurks in their consciousness. This finding had already been observed among migrants in other races in migration literature. Peggy Levitt’s Transnational Villagers (2001) coined the concept “keeping feet in both worlds” to describe the phenomenon of continuous migrant participation in their countries of origin while railroading their way into the countries of reception based on the experience of individuals from Miraflores who migrated to the United States. This phenomenon was documented and theorized in different terms by scholars, naming it as “double belonging,” “double consciousness,” “hybrid existence,” “exilic existence,” and “borderline existence” and describing this state as “being both inside and outside,” “out of place,” “living in the borders,” “living in the interstice” and “living in in-between worlds.” (Cueto, in Baggio and Brazal 2007, 1–8; Dayal 1996, 46). Cueto (2007, 5) explains that a “hybrid existence” is an “unstable identity where conflicting traditions – linguistic, social, religious and ideological – are negotiated in order to deal with the joys and pains of living, including its ambivalence, in order to make a life in spite of the seeming contradictions, or, despite the high consequences for personal life, intimacy, and self-identity.”

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Based on table 5, the concern for travel (11 percent) is rivaled and matched by a concern to know about the lives of fellow migrants in Japan (11 percent), revealing the transnationality of migrant concerns (conflating social and geographic spaces between Japan and the Philippines). It also reveals the ambivalence in the feelings and attitudes of Filipino migrants in Japan manifested in the pages of Jeepney Press as their focus vacillates between the country of origin and the country of destination. CELEBRATING THE SUCCESS STORIES: DETERMINANTS AND INDICATORS

Looking at the way by which migrant lives are presented in the columns about migrant life stories in table 5, it becomes apparent that most migrant writers share a passionate predilection to highlight success achieved by fellow Filipinos in Japan. Dennis Sun stated the editorial policy of the newspaper in featuring personalities: “success in the field of endeavor, fame from what they are doing, charity workers…anyone who could spark inspiration basically.”21 Jeepney Press columns that present migrant life stories are the following: “Centerfold” by various authors, “PasaHERO” (Passenger/Hero) by various authors, “Mukha” (Face) by Arlene Dinglasan, “On The Road To” by Neriza Sarmiento Saito and “Off a Beaten Track” by Maria Concepcion Pidelo-Ona. Both “Centerfold” and “PasaHERO” sections feature Filipino migrants across different locations in Japan. The column titled “PasaHERO” (Passenger/ Hero) – true to the spirit of “journeying in the world of Filipino migrants in Japan”22 – is a play on the Filipino word pasahero (passenger) and the English word “hero” by putting them together in order to suggest that Filipino migrants who are viewed as heroes are on board the Jeepney Press. Being on board means being featured in this publication whose title represents the Filipino jeepney,23 a public utility vehicle in the Philippines tracing its social history from abandoned American army jeeps used during the Second World War.24 In addition, Sarmiento-Saito’s “On the Road To” focuses on featuring Filipino migrants from the Kansai region while Pidelo-Ona’s “Off a Beaten Track” delves on “unconventional” Filipino migrants in Nagoya. Dinglasan’s “Mukha” (Face) features new faces in the Filipino migrant community in Tokyo. The columns reveal the Jeepney Press writers’ interest in knowing about Filipino migrants in Japan and in sharing their stories with the Filipino community. The five columns present migrant life stories in a celebratory manner – as success stories to be celebrated by the community. The tone of their writing is triumphalist, drawing attention to the victories of the migrants in their educational pursuits and professional careers in Japan. To some extent,

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such migrants are elevated on a pedestal and held as exemplars for all Filipino migrants in Japan to emulate. With the Jeepney Press catchphrases “Celebrating the Lives and Success of Filipinos in Japan” or “Making the Pinoys (Filipinos) Proud!” announced in every issue on its cover page, it is not difficult to see how the migrant newspaper packages each featured Filipina migrant as a trophy of achievement and as torchbearers of Filipino pride. Understanding Jeepney Press is an undertaking that should begin with an understanding of what “success,” as a concept, means from the point of view of the Jeepney Press editorial staff. To accomplish this, this paper shall focus particularly on the articles under the two longest-running sections of Jeepney Press that regularly features Filipino migrant personalities, “PasaHERO” and “Centerfold.” These two sections are written by various individuals, as well as regular writers such as Dennis Sun and Irene Sun-Kaneko, the publisher.25 A close reading of the 19 articles under “PasaHERO” and 40 articles under “Centerfold” or 59 articles published in Jeepney Press between 2005–2012 had been done to probe into the migrant life stories theme that emerged from the open coding that was done on table 4. Among the 59 articles from the combined sections of PasaHero and Centerfold, 30 articles involved the Filipina migrants in Japan listed in table 6 (see Appendix 3). Twenty-seven (or 90 percent of the sample) are Filipinos born in the Philippines who later migrated to Japan for various reasons while two are Japanese-Filipinos and another one is a British-Filipino who migrated to Japan. Majority of the sample comprise of Filipinos born in the Philippines who later migrated to Japan in their adult lives. Clearly, to be featured in Jeepney Press, one needs to have Filipino parentage but not necessarily a hundred percent Filipino, as shown by the presence of bicultural individuals in the sample. The duration of stay in Japan also appears to be a crucial basis. All the featured Filipina migrants have stayed for a long time in Japan; the longest stay is more than 40 years while the shortest is seven years. Four Filipinas in the sample have stayed in Japan for 30 years or more and another four have already stayed for 23 years. One of the Filipinas featured in PasaHero in the January–February 2009 issue of Jeepney Press is Norma Suno, who is described by her friends as a monumentong nilulumot (moss-covered monument)26 because she has lived in Japan for so long than anyone could remember.27 Hence, it could be claimed that all the Filipinas featured in the “success sections” of Jeepney Press are long-term residents in Japan. One of the success hallmarks used by Jeepney Press, therefore, indicates that the Filipina migrant should have spent a considerable time living in Japan.

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Moreover, migration platforms seem to function as an important point in the selection of success stories. Most of the Filipinas in the sample are directly hired workers of Japanese companies or came to Japan as performing artists or started out as entertainers and domestic helpers (11 individuals or 37 percent). Some Filipina migrants in the sample have immigrated to Japan as spouses of Japanese men (7 individuals or 23 percent). Other Filipina migrants are recipients of a Japanese government scholarship (5 individuals or 17 percent), spiritual missionaries or pastoral workers (2 individuals or 7 percent), moved to Japan due to family (1 individual or 3 percent) while there are some others (mostly Japanese-Filipinos) who were born in Japan as Japanese citizens (2 individuals or 7 percent). It shows here that the migration platforms of those who qualified to be Jeepney Press success stories are quite varied. But it should be noted that most of them came to Japan initially as workers of Japanese companies or entertainers for large concert halls down to the humble o-mise (Japanese hostess club). Some of these women transitioned as spouses to Japanese men, indicating that these categories used to analyze migration platforms in Japan should not be treated as watertight compartments that remained static through time. Another popular platform among the female success stories is as spouses to Japanese men. This particular migration platform is fraught with stories of rough beginnings. Helen Francisco’s story is a case in point.28Helen was brought to Japan by her former Japanese husband, a producer for a recording company, in 1989. After a brief stay in Japan, she went back to the Philippines and stayed there for five years because she did not like Japan at first. She went back to Japan when Yuri, her only daughter, was born in 1994. Since then, she has seriously built her career in Japan as a radio disc jockey. Her marriage, however, ended in divorce. Another case is Fanny Minda Maranon Mirasol Kyo’s story.29 She met Kyo in Davao City who was then a business client of her father’s logging business. He courted Fanny and she fell in love with him. However, her father strongly opposed her engagement because Kyo is Japanese, and refused to attend their wedding later. After getting married and having two daughters, the couple decided to move back to Japan in 1962. In summary, the indicators of success used by Jeepney Press in selecting stories include the following: that the migrant should have Filipino parentage, that she should be a long-term resident in Japan, and that she came to Japan legally as a directly hired worker or as spouse to a Japanese national. This seems to be the sociological profile of individuals considered successful based on the analysis of the migrant life stories in Jeepney Press.

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RETHINKING THE “ENTERTAINER AS PROSTITUTE” STEREOTYPE: SUCCESSFUL FILIPINA ENTERTAINERS IN JAPAN

In addition to the success determinants mentioned above, among the indicators used for selecting success stories in Jeepney Press– and a crucial one – is occupation. Table 7 reveals that majority of the Filipina migrants in the sample are professionals (83 percent) doing white-collar jobs in Japan. Most of the occupations of Filipina migrants who are considered successful by Jeepney Press are employed as professional singers (30 percent) in Japan who specialize in jazz and pop music, enka (traditional-style Japanese popular ballad)30music, or experiment with fusion music. Most of them are recording artists who have released music albums under Japanese production companies. The next are the social or pastoral workers (13 percent) who are known for their work in the local church, usually Catholic, and volunteers for migrant causes, and followed by two radio disc jockeys/radio announcers (7 percent) who maintain regular radio programs in Japan airing Filipino music. Table 7 does not, however, imply that the Filipina migrants are employed only in singular occupations. Many of them actually juggle multiple occupations, which are often related to one another. For instance, Maria Theresa Gow, a British-Filipino migrant in Japan featured in Jeepney Press (November–December 2006), is a professional singer, radio disc jockey, television reporter, and actress rolled into one. Ramona, a Japanese-Filipino featured in Jeepney Press (September–October 2006), is a singer who performs regularly in mainstream hotel lounges and live house singing industry in Japan and offers private singing lessons to amateur singers. Ramona is also an entrepreneur, operating a shop selling clothes and jewelry in Hakusan, Tokyo and an online store, as well as lending capital to aspiring entrepreneurs. For her part, Lucy Montebon Nishikawa, a Filipina migrant married to a Japanese national featured in Jeepney Press (January–February 2011), is an enka singer who also works at a convenience store in Kyoto. Table 7. Occupation of Filipina Migrants Featured in Jeepney Press Occupation

Frequency

% (N = 30)

Professional singer Social worker/pastoral worker Radio disc jockey/Radio announcer Not indicated Journalist

9 4 2 2 1

30% 13% 7% 7% 3%

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Table 7. (cont’d.) Hostess club manager (“Mama-san”) English teacher Entrepreneur Thespian Graphic designer Banker Tour guide Figure skater Chef Domestic helper Student

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3%

University professor

1

3%

Most of the Filipina migrants featured in Jeepney Press who work as performing artists/professional singers/radio disc jockeys/television hosts/movie actresses are all technically considered as “entertainers.” Such jobs, however, tend to be lumped together with sex-related work, thus blurring the boundaries between the Japanese entertainment industry and the sex industry within it and invariably contributing to the stereotyped image of Filipina migrants. The stereotyped view holds Filipina entertainers as prostitutes in general, a view that is clearly not based on facts, a point also made by two of the leading Japanese scholars on Philippine Studies, Nobue Suzuki and Sachi Takahata, in their study of Filipino male boxers and hostos (hosts) in Japan, which underscored the feminization of male labor in Japanese society. Suzuki and Takahata states that: In contemporary Japan, the category of “entertainment” work performed by Filipino women (Filipina) migrant workers has been narrowly located within “the sex industry.” This has been epitomized by the term “Japayuki” (Japanbound) entertainers whom Japanese and foreign observers alike often myopically equate with prostitutes. (Suzuki and Takahata 2007)

Japanese scholars like Suzuki and Takahata view the ‘entertainer-asprostitute’ stereotype on Filipinas in Japan as problematic, given the reality that “entertainment” work in Japan is broad and it is not exclusively situated within the Japanese sex industry. Data from Jeepney Press supports this point, showing the variety and nuances of entertainment-related occupations in Japan which plays out in concert halls, music lounges, live houses and hotels to television, the silver screen, and radio broadcasting.

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

The following cases of Filipinas to be discussed here seemingly appear as aberrations to the popular stereotype. After all, their proven talent, success, wealth and international recognition do not coincide with the view that perceives individuals in the “entertainment” category as less respectable than other occupations. CASE 1: MARIA THERESA GOW

Maria Theresa Gow is a British-Filipino professional singer and a radio disc jockey in Japan. She is also a movie actress, known for the roles she played in Ultra-man Gaia, J-wave Good Morning Tokyo, Sma-Station and Ace wo Nerae and a television reporter for The Za and Kinyou Taburotto, programs on Chiba Television. In the Jeepney Press article featuring Gow, the British-Filipina lady narrates how she experienced getting type-casted as a prostitute in her movie roles simply because she is half-Filipina. Noon [In the past], I used to get jobs as a Filipina hostess which I hated so much because of the stereotyped image foreigners have of us...but when I shot my first leading movie, Rosario no Shizuku [Rosario’s Dripping] as a Filipina hostess, I thought na ako ang mag-iiba no’n! [that I will be the one to change that!] So, in that movie, I acted very carefully (not to exploit too much of the hostess image). In many ways, I think that a lot of people who saw the movie may have seen a different side of Filipinos from what they had thought previously about us. (Umemoto and Sun 2006) CASE 2: RAMONA

Ramona is a Japanese-Filipina discovered by Japanese record producers while singing at a live house in Makati City, Philippines. The Japanese record producers, impressed by her talent, signed her as a recording artist on the spot. At age 16, she passed an audition search for new talents by Toshiba EMI and she was considered an aidoru (pop idol). She recorded some demo tapes in Japan. After several months, she had to return to Manila because her mother did not like her working in Japan at a young age. A few years later, she returned to Japan to record some more albums. At present, she is active in performing in the mainstream hotel lounge and live house singing industry in Japan and does weekly music lounge stints at the Sky Lounge of the Metropolitan Hotel in Ikebukuro, Tokyo. She sings in famous jazz clubs in Ginza and in top Tokyo hotels in Tokyo like Century Hyatt, Okura, Metropolitan, ANA, and Ark Hills. For live house, she does shows at Satin Doll and Birdland, where she plays the piano as well. She is also a music teacher and an entrepreneur.

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CASE 3: MARIA EVA

Maria Eva, a Filipina singer in Japan, started singing professionally in 1991. She released her first music album titled Maria Eva’s Club in the same year. Done in collaboration with young Japanese artists, the album mainly consisted of original pop and jazz songs. Her second album titled Stardust was mostly jazz with a Tagalog (Filipino) song, Dahil Sa Iyo (Because of You), arranged by a Japanese pianist named Naoki Kitajima who is the pianist of the famous Japanese violinist Naoko Terao. Maria Eva received a special award called Japan Jazz Vocal Award for Best Singing Techniques in 2002. (Sun 2006) CASE 4: CHARITO

The fourth one is Charito, a Filipina jazz singer who is popularly known as the “Jazz Superstar in Japan” and awarded twice by the Tokyo Swing Journal. She goes on tours in Asia and Europe, with some positive reviews of her live performance in German newspapers. She graced the billboards of Nice in France when she performed in Pierre Cardin’s Palais Bulles. She has participated in jazz conventions and jazz festivals in Asia, Europe, and Latin America. (Santos 2008) With 11 albums, Charito is the first Filipino singer to collaborate with many respected icons in the international music industry. Her albums are recorded in Tokyo, New York, Brazil, and France. She is the first vocalist in the world to be accompanied by the Manhattan Jazz Orchestra, as attested by her Nica’s Dream album. She has worked with top-caliber musicians such as Ivan Lins, Sarah Vaughn, Herbie Hancock, and Marcus Miller. She performed to an audience of 70,000 in Montreal, Canada and conducted a music workshop in Poland. In the Philippines, she was featured in ABS-CBN’s Bravura and other documentary programs. She was a guest at the Philippine International Jazz Festival. She is also involved in charity work, as a founder of Because We Care Foundation. (Santos 2008) CASE 5: MARLENE DE LA PEÑA LIM

Filipina jazz singer Marlene de la Peña Lim has been featured thrice in Jeepney Press (2007, 2009 and 2011). Known as the“Filipina Superstar in Japan,”“Japan’s First Lady of Songs,” and “Jazz Diva,” Marlene or “Mariin” is a versatile singer whose repertoire includes jazz, fusion, and pop music. Under CBS/SONY, Marlene has more than a dozen albums that reached the top five hits in the Japanese jazz charts for several weeks. She became a full-fledged star at the age of 21 with her own television and radio shows.

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

She has endorsed various products for television and print advertisements, and has been invited to sing at major events in Japan. She has established herself as a jazz/fusion/pop idol in Japan. From a “pop princess,” she has transformed herself into a serious jazz performer. She entered the international music scene by doing concerts at jazz festivals in the USA, Canada, Japan, and Asia. She has recorded some 30 albums. (Sun 2007) Like other Filipina entertainers who made it big in Japan, she has to deal with the fact that she is a Filipina during her career-building years. According to Marlene: When I first came to Japan, the image of the Filipino women was at its worst. I remember, during that time, most Japanese tourists were male. That was really a bad time. When I do interviews even back then, I never hid the fact that I am a Filipino. Everyone knew I am one. And my success was never a question of my nationality. I just did my best and whatever image they had about Filipinos did not affect me at all. Once I remember talking with some Filipino women several years ago and they told me that my success in Japan brought high hopes for them as Filipino women. That really made me feel good. (Sun 2007)

Marlene, Maria Eva, Charito, Ramona, and Maria Theresa are the top five most successful professional Filipina singers in Japan who have been featured in Jeepney Press. What made these Filipina migrantsa success story in the Japanese entertainment world are their strong mass appeal, established reputation as Filipino artists in Japan, and the commercial success of their albums, movies and concerts. Their music is consumed mainly by the Japanese public, as their popularity and professional careers have been launched and continue to be anchored within the Japanese entertainment industry. Their success in Japan certainly goes against the entertainer-as-prostitute stereotype linked to Filipina migrants in Japan in the popular imagination that are sometimes reproduced by the mass media. Even as they themselves encounter the negative stereotypingin Japanese society, the five Filipinas have been able to use their talent productively and effectively to challenge the negative image of Filipinas in Japan and to prove their worth in the Japanese entertainment industry. With their unquestionable talent, as Marlene de la Peña Lim stated, being recognized in Japan is no longer a “question of nationality.” (Sun 2007) Their stories prove that talent and hard work are indelible sources of human agency, defying the cultural tendencies framing their racial identity of being Filipinas as “inferior” or “bad women.”

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JOURNEY TO SUCCESS:SOCIAL MOBILITY OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN JAPAN

Social mobility, an important concept used in the sociology of inequality or the sociology of class and stratification, is a useful indicator of success attainment that will be applied in this paper. The concept of social mobility can illumine our understanding of the cases of Filipina migrants in Japan who are featured in Jeepney Press as success stories. It is interesting to trace how the Filipina migrants’ social positions have changed and how their selfhoods have evolved in the course of living in Japan. How far have they navigated opportunity structures in Japan in order to achieve social mobility? An analysis of their individual mobility can also shed light on their status as foreigners in Japan and offer a glimpse as to how Japanese social structure works. Three life stories will be narrated here, based on Jeepney Press articles, focusing on changes and achievements in their education, occupation, marital status, and geographic mobility. The cases of Alma Reyes-Umemoto, Josie Nistal, and Helen Francisco were selected to illustrate aspects of social mobility in their migration experiences. CASE 1: ALMA REYESUMEMOTO

Alma Reyes-Umemoto first came to Japan in 1978, and immediately fell in love with Japanese society. Since that trip, she became what she termed as a “Japanese freak.” She found out about the “Monbusho” program, a scholarship offered by the Japanese government. She thought that it was an opportunity to learn about traditional Japanese design. She applied and came to Japan in 1986 as a Japanese Education Ministry scholar. She took her master’s degree in design at the Kyoto Institute of Technology. (Fernandez 2005) After she graduated, she worked as visual aids manager for McKinsey & Co., an American management consulting firm in Japan. Her job involved presenting graphics and charts for client manuals. This started her link with publication design. After a few years, she worked for Graphic-sha Publishing, which also handled books on design and graphics. Here, she focused on editorial work. She learned to mix writing and designing, valuable skills that she would later put to good use as freelance editor and graphic designer. She married a Japanese national and has a child. Since her marriage, she has been doing freelance design work. (Fernandez 2005) Alma’s job during the time of her interview with Jeepney Press was designer/editor for ricorico, a production and editing group in Japan. In this firm, she got involved in producing “Mini House Style,” a Harper Design International book available in English bookstores in Japan co-produced be-

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tween ricorico and Loft Publications, a Barcelona-based publisher. (Fernandez 2005) Her travels have expanded since she got married. Her husband’s job enabled her to visit countries such as France, Senegal and Dakar in Africa. (Fernandez 2005) CASE 2: JOSEFA NISTAL

Josefa Nistal, known to many Filipinos as “Ate Josie” of Samahang Pilipino (Filipino Association), is an active Filipino community leader in Japan. She is always present in various Filipino community events, and is usually seen spearheading or organizing one. This, she is able to accomplish, despite her busy career as the chef of the Luxembourg Embassy in Tokyo. Josie started a career in the culinary arts by taking an online culinary education program at the International Corresponding School-Pennsylvania while working as a domestic helper for an Italian family who brought her with them from Manila to Japan. In 1996, someone told her about the Luxembourg Embassy’s search for a chef. Being fourteenth in the list of applicants, Josie did not expect to make it. Applicants were normally given a one or two-week job trial. With Josie’s likeable personality, the Ambassador and his wife asked Josie to be present for a cook-out and to prepare a fullcourse dinner. Fresh pasta was required on the menu. Applicants were asked to make use only of ingredients in the kitchen. She served stir-fried spinach, homemade tagliatelle with fresh tomato sauce and panacotta for dessert to the couple. The pasta she made happened to be the Ambassador’s favorite, and Josie got her biggest break in Japan. “We don’t know what you think of the job Josie but we are hiring you,” the Ambassador of Luxembourg remarked. They even paid Josie for joining the test. (Chavez 2009) At the time of the Jeepney Press interview, Josie has been working for the Luxembourg Embassy for almost 12 years doing what she does best. She has served the Imperial Family of Japan and said that it was the most nervewracking moment of her culinary career. She has been praised by a number of guests, including the Hyatt Hotel manager who described her as “small but terrible.” (Chavez 2009) CASE 3: HELEN FRANCISCO

Helen’s migration story started with her marriage to a Japanese national, a records producer, who brought her to Japan in 1989. She returned to the Philippines soon because she did not like Japan in the beginning. After giving birth to a daughter, she went back to Japan and was determined to stay

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there. It was during that period when InterFM was born, and she became one of the pioneer radio disc jockeys. InterFM was the only international radio station in Japan then. Since then, she has had a flourishing media career in Japan. (Dinglasan 2005) As an InterFM disc jockey, Helen joined a contest for individuals in her field in a Karaoke Festival held in Odaiba, Tokyo. Out of the 30 contestants, she won second place. A records producer discovered her during this event and persuaded her to release an album. In 1997, she released her album, Coconuts Love, done in reggae style and consisting of Filipino songs in English rendered by Filipino singers such as Jose Mari Chan, Gary Valenciano, and Kuh Ledesma. Her main livelihood during the time of the interview with Jeepney Press was her television career with WINS Channel, where she learned the Japanese language, technical skills, directing, editing, and camera shooting. During days when she has no shooting, she also served as the manager for customer service. Since 2000, she has her own radio program in Nagoya, the Radio Eye 79.5 World Connection Tugtugang Pinoy (Filipino Music-Playing), where she plays Filipino music. (Dinglasan 2005) In general, the 30 Filipinas in the sample experienced upward social mobility in the course of living in Japan. They have achieved “intragenerational social mobility” which is defined as “a change in social position occurring during a person’s lifetime.” (Macionis 2001, 283) Macionis (2001, 282) cites earning a college degree, landing a high-paying job, and marrying an individual with high income as examples of “upward social mobility.” Meanwhile, examples of “downward social mobility” include losing a job, dropping out from school, or getting a divorce. (Macionis 2001, 282) Among the 30 Filipinas in the sample, only Helen Francisco’s case involved a divorce with her Japanese husband. But whatever decline in social mobility she might have had due to her divorce, it is seemingly more than compensated by her extraordinary success in the Japanese entertainment world. Her mobility enabled her to bridge the world of radio broadcasting, music album recording, and television reporting. Meanwhile, Josie’s humble beginnings in Japan did not offer a clue at all that she would have a prestigious position as an embassy chef later on. But her online culinary education was an investment that paid off, pulling her out of domestic servitude and giving her upward social mobility. Her migration to Japan was the greatest catalyst in her career, as it provided the opportunity to launch her culinary career. Lastly, Alma Reyes-Umemoto’s case speaks of two important transitions in her migration history to Japan. The first one was the transition from school to the world of work. After obtaining her master’s degree in design

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from the Kyoto Institute of Technology, she found work in a U.S. multinational company in Japan. It broadened her skills in publication design and enabled her to move to her next job with a Japanese publishing company. Again, she acquired new skills on book design, which she later put to good use in an international book project on house design, where she acted as editor and researcher. All her skills have been helpful in doing freelance work as a graphic designer while being a wife and a mother. Alma’s second important transition was her marriage to a Japanese national, which gave her a child and enabled her to travel overseas. The cases of Helen, Josie and Alma might appear too good to be true to the critical eye. After all, there are Filipinas in Japan whose lives are left out of Jeepney Press, whose migration histories might be marked by painful experiences, career derailments, vulnerability – and as other migration scholars are wont to call it – victimization. Not fitting in the success narrative of Jeepney Press, the unpublished stories of these nameless Filipina migrants in Japan are not necessarily failure stories. Leah Briones (2009), in her study of the occupational experiences of Filipina migrant domestic workers in Paris and Hong Kong, asserted that women could possess “agency” in the context of victimization. Briones argues that “agency” can lead to being “capable” in a Foucauldian sense, wherein powerless women are able to “carve out spaces of control” under conditions of oppression. In her attempt to reconcile victimization with agency, Briones argues that Filipina domestic workers abroad possess “agency” that are “simultaneously constrained and enabled.” (Briones 2009, 80) Her argument could also be applicable to Filipina migrants in Japan who are trapped in oppressive conditions. For instance, based on the experience of Filipina runaway brides in rural Japan, their marriages might have trapped them in an oppressive situation in the beginning, yet it is also the same situation that allowed them to escape poverty in the Philippines and come to Japan where there could be more opportunities for them to improve their life; and the decision to run away was the logical and positive next step in the direction of personal autonomy and self-determination as a Filipina migrant in Japan. (Faier 2008, 630) CONCLUSION: READING MIGRATION FROM A MIGRANT PUBLICATION

According to Paul Brodwin in his study of the Haitian diaspora, “collective subjectivity” pertains to “the way that people define their group’s essence and represent it to others.” The scholar notes that the subjectivity of migrant groups normally begins with an experience of marginality and “unstable relations of difference” in the society where they live. Marginal-

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ity is defined here as “the predicament of ambiguous belonging.” (Brodwin 2003, 383) It is in this context that Jeepney Press as a migrant literature must be understood. It was an endeavor that started with a sense of marginality in a dominant society. Hence, the mission of Jeepney Press to publish individual success stories is more than just a personal triumph for those who have been featured in the paper, but also a product of “collective subjectivity” of the Filipino migrants and their desire to represent themselves as a group to Japanese society as well. Thus, the portrayals of success in Jeepney Press have served as the theme of this migrant publication. The individual cases discussed in this paper presented stories of journeys to self-making and personal success. But collectively, these cases are held together by a collective desire to accomplish a Filipino community under diasporic conditions. There is desire for recognition to define not only the selves of each Filipina migrant, but to present these selves collectively as one group of successful Filipinos in Japan who deserve recognition in a foreign land. This paper analyzed the Jeepney Press concept of “success” sociologically by looking at the socio-demographic profiles and migration backgrounds of the featured personalities. While this paper lent sociological tools to probe into the themes and patterns of the stories of the Filipina migrants in Jeepney Press, there is still more work to be done in assessing how the migrant newspaper is consumed and its effect on the audience. This paper was able to challenge the widespread “entertainers as prostitute” stereotype by analyzing several cases of successful Filipina migrants in Japan. Although the readership of Jeepney Press is limited to the Filipino community in Japan, its focus on featuring Filipino migrant success stories is already a step forward in improving the image of Filipino women in Japan.

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APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 Table 1. Background of Jeepney Press Writers #

Name

Column Title

Occupation

Length of Stay in Japan*

1

Renaliza Chavez

Sa Tabi Lang Po (Getting Off)

Not indicated

15 years

2

Rey Ian P. Corpuz

Achi Kochi (Here and There)

Assistant English teacher

2 years

3

Joseph S. De Leon

J-Way

5 years

4

Arlene Dinglasan

Mukha (Face)

English teacher/ Assistant language teacher Language teacher

5

Yellowbelle D. Duaqui

Arangkada Pinoy (Speed up, Filipino)

Graduate student

1+ year

6

Arlene Esperida

Walang Sabit (No Free Riders)

Assistant language teacher/ Freelance designer/ Visual artist

Not indicated

7

Stephanie J. Jallorina

Drive-Thru

Sales staff

2 years

8

Edward P. Labuguen

E-Deshou (It is Good)

Consultant/ Director

8 years

9

Gino C. Matibag

Pisnging Langit (Piece of Heaven)

Physician/ Researcher/ Writer and blogger

7 years

10

Mylene Miyata

Pedestrian Lane

Not indicated

7 years

11

Alma Reyes

Traffic

Freelance editor/ Layout designer

23 years

12

Neriza S. Saito

On The Road

University lecturer

28 years

13

Frances Saligumba

Stopover

Not indicated

12 years

14

Christopher A. Santos

Per assignment basis

Vice-President for a Tokyo-based American bank

20 years

15

Anita A. Sasaki

Kuwento ni Nanay (A Mother’s Story)

Not indicated

15 years

16

Sally C. Takashima

Kansai Crusade

English teacher

20+ years

17

Marty M. Timbol

Shitte Iru? (Do You Know?)

Not indicated

Not indicated

18

Robert Paul A. Zarate

Pagmumuni-muni sa Dyipni (Reflections aboard the Jeepney)

Catholic priest

9 years

*As of 2010.

10+ years

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APPENDIX 2 Table 4. Columns and Other Sections Published by Jeepney Press, 2005–2012 #

Author

Column/ Section Title

Description

Period of Publication

1

Roger Agustin

Japonesque

Tells a story through a photo (taken by the columnist himself) of the particular season in which the latest Jeepney Press issue comes out accompanied by personal anecdotes on travels around Japan

2006–2009

2

Richard Diaz Alorro

A Cup of Tea

Talks about social developments such as the Facebook phenomenon, what he loves about Japanese society, book reviews and academic topics

2012

3

Anonymous

Geisha Kikay (Playful Geisha)

Serves as a “Letter from the Readers” section answered with pun and witticisms by Geisha Kikay

2006–2009

4

Dr. Miriam Sun Arenas

BIYAHE Na! (Let’s Travel!)

Features travel destinations in the Philippines

2011–2012

5

Arleniks

Walang Sabit (No Free Riders)

Regular comics about Philippine culture

2012

6

Cleo Umali Barawid

Okaasan Journal (Mother’s Journal)

Shares topics on parenting or mothering and the world of children’s popular culture in Japan

2011–2012

7

Marcial Caniones

Itlog na Pula (Red Egg)

Features letters from children of Filipino migrant workers in Japan

2012

8

Rey Ian Corpuz

Achi-Kochi (Here and There)

Mainly relates travel experiences around Japan and between Japan and the Philippines; daily living; work experience in a Japanese workplace

2006–2009

9

Joseph S. De Leon

J-Way

Narrates the author’s experience of living in Japan since day one and starting his career as an Assistant Language Teacher in Ibaraki as well as his charity works in the Philippines

2006–2009

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Table 4. (cont’d.) 10

Arlene Dinglasan

Mukha (Face)

Features a transcript of interviews done with Filipino migrants in Japan, a new “face” every issue, with interviewees coming from very broad backgrounds such as bicultural individuals, students, domestic helpers, drivers, or familiar faces in the Filipino community in Japan

2006–2009

11

Yellowbelle Duaqui

Arangkada Pinoy (Speed Up, Filipino)

2009–2011

12

Nanette Ochoa Fernandez

Paraa! (Stop!)

Tackles socio-political issues in the Philippines, analyzes Filipino migrant practices in Japan such as fundraising concerts and outreach programs and imparts experiences of the author as a student in Japan Recounts her experiences in Japan as a foreign student and as an English Language Teacher, and explains the meaning of important dates and events in Japan as well as the changing of the seasons

13

Stephanie Jones Jallorina

Drive-Thru

Discusses her personal mission, return migration plans and anxieties (from Japan to the Philippines)

2011–2012

14

Irene Sun Kaneko

Signpost

Gives practical tips on disaster prevention and community support, driving in Japan, cigarette smoking in Japanese public areas, emergency tips, and alien registration

2006–2009

15

Maria Carmelita Z. Kasuya

Candles

Discusses spiritual matters based on the Roman Catholic tradition

2012

16

Amelia Iriarte Kohno

K!

Shares her experiences, particularly her struggle with cancer

2010–2011

17

Edward Labuguen

e-DESHOU? (Isn’t it the Case?)

Talks about Philippine nationalism and politics; the activities of Filipino migrant groups in Gifu

2012

2006–2009

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Table 4. (cont’d.) 18

May Graziella Masangkay

Yield

Discusses serious social issues in Japan such as suicide, bullying, and to a certain extent, Filipino pride

2006–2009

19

Dr. Gino Matibag

Pisnging Langit (Face of Heaven)

Readers send their health or medical concerns and as Jeepney Press’s resident physician/health consultant, gives medical advice and discusses health tips or clarifications regarding healthrelated issues

2012

20

Marx Mello

Parang Life (Like Life)

Talks about the experience of living in Tokyo – for example, the inconvenience of staying in cramped apartments and the convenience of vending machines around the metropolis

2006–2009

21

Alex Milan

Isang Barya Lang Po! (Loose Change Only!)

Gives financial management advice concerning savings, investment, planning, real estate, inheritance; also talks about health and spirituality

2012

22

Mylene Miyata

Pedestrian Lane

Shares tales and insights on marriage and family living in the context of a JapaneseFilipino marriage, raising a bicultural child in Japan, and the experiences of the author’s friends

2006–2009

23

Maria Concepcion Pidelo Ona

bahAI kubo (Nipa Hut)

Talks about parenting Japanese-Filipino kids and a mother’s experience with the Japanese public preschool system (yōchien) and socializing bicultural children into multilingualism and multiculturalism

2006–2009

24

Maria Concepcion Pidelo Ona

Off a Beaten Track

Features migrant Filipinos in Nagoya deemed to be “unconventional” and newsworthy by the author

2010–2012

25

Marivic Oyama

Charms and Crystals

Fortune telling good for two months based on the Chinese zodiac

 

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

Table 4. (cont’d.) 26

Jade Pangilinan

Jeep Trips

Mostly discusses her “off the beaten path” travel experiences in the Philippines from Pampanga down to Sarangani Island as well as developments in Kapampangan arts and culture

2006–2009

27

Jose Miguel Parungao

Beep-Beep

Features short jokes contributed by readers

2012

28

Ping-Ku

Kansha Alkansha (Gratitude to the Penny Bank)

Shares in-depth analyses of her travels and other interesting topics like positive psychology

2012

29

Jeff Plantilla

Isang Araw sa Ating Buhay (One Day in Our Lives)

As Jeepney Press’s resident lawyer, writes about legal issues faced by Filipino migrants in Japan and other socio-political issues; also talks about social developments and the spiritual activities of the Filipino community in Kyoto, Nara, and Shiga

2012

30

Abie Principe

Shoganai: Gaijin Life (Couldn’t Be Helped: Foreigner’s Life)

Talks about everyday concerns and tips for daily life in Japan

2012

31

Loleng Ramos

Kapatiran (Brotherhood)

Features relevant topics in Japan or to the Filipino migrant community and other environmental concerns such as the 3/11 disaster, nuclear energy, and global warming, among others

2011–2012

32

Alma R.H. Reyes

Traffic

Shares her experience and her friends’ as former Japanese government scholars in Japan, her experience of child rearing in Japan, as well as other stories about living in Japan and some Philippine customs and traditions

2006–2009

33

Neriza Sarmiento Saito

On The Road To

Features Filipino migrant personalities in Kansai region every issue, and includes transcriptions of interviews with them

2006–2009

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Table 4. (cont’d.) 34

Elena Sakai

Halo-Halo (Mixed)

Presents transcribed interviews of the author with JapaneseFilipino children like her

2012

35

Frances Saligumba

Stopover

Imparts lessons on character formation, spiritual principles, Chinese moral principles, and some personal stories

2006–2009

36

Anita Sasaki

Kwento ni Nanay (A Mother’s Story)

Focuses on community events as well as activities of the author’s charity-oriented organization

2012

37

Dennis Sun

Daijoubu Da! (It’s Okay!)

Advice on various issues surrounding life in Japan and life in general, directed to Filipino women in Japan

2006–2009

38

Dennis Sun

Sunny Side-Up

2006–2009

39

Warren and Wayne Sun

Double Vision

Delves on stories about his experiences and that of his friends in Japan – such as shopping, leisure, and consumption activities Discusses amusing trivia about Japan and the Philippines, tips on daily life as well as lifestyle and consumption trends

40

Sally Cristobal Takashima

Kansai Crusade

Gives simple financial advice to readers and how Filipino migrants in Japan can invest in the Philippines, recounts travel experiences in Asia (particularly between Japan and the Philippines) and experiences in flying on some airlines, and community events in the Kansai area

2006–2009

41

Marty Manalastas Timbol

Shitte Iru? (Do you Know?)

Specializes on trivia and other human interest stories about Japanese society, Philippine society and other general information

2006–2009

42

Various Authors

Centerfold

Features per issue different Filipino migrants in Japan from various professions and are perceived and celebrated as successes by the migrant newspaper

2006–2012

2012

73

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

Table 4. (cont’d.) 43

Various Authors

PasaHero (Passenger/ Hero)

Features Filipino migrants, Japanese-Filipino individuals or Japanese citizens in Japan who are perceived to have “celebrity status” within the Filipino migrant community in Japan

2006–2011

44

Jasmin Vasquez

Ano Ne! (Well, Is that So?)

Talks about church activities and the Filipino migrant community in Nagano; offers practical tips to the Filipino migrant community in Japan

2012

45

Isabelita Manalastas Watanabe

Advice ni Tita Lita (Tita Lita’s Advice)

Features letters from Filipino readers in Japan and answers to issues raised such as parenting, health concerns, immigration problems, and financial management

2012

46

Fr. Bob Zarate

Pagmumunimini sa Dyipni (Reflections on the Jeepney)

Discusses Filipino behavior in Japanese Catholic churches, good manners, and analysis of Philippine political and social issues.

2006–2009

Date Published

January– February 2008

May–June 2008

January– February 2009

March–April 2009

May–June 2009

July–August 2009

Sept–October 2009

Nov– December 2009

#

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

Jeepney Press Section

Si Arlene Dinglasan na Taga-Teatro!

Ligaya Hosoya: A Gratitude for the Gift of Life

Marita Castañeda: The Lady Entrepreneur

HALF: A New Generation

Basic Heroism

Getting the Best of Both Worlds

Not indicated

Not indicated

Article Title

Arlene Dinglasan

Ligaya Hosoya

Marita Castañeda

Elena Sakai

Elizabeth Chavez

Norma Suno

Anita Sasaki

Ninfa Sasaki

Name of Migrant

Filipino

Filipino

Filipino

FilipinoJapanese

Filipino

Filipino

Filipino

Filipino

Race

Actor, Teatro Kanto

Not indicated

Entrepreneur

Promotions consultant; Singer for a band named “Eloja”

Domestic helper, foreign family and Japanese households in Japan; chef, Filipino restaurant in Japan; helped a friend manage a club in Kawasaki, Japan

“Forerunner and Frontrunner of the Filipino Media in Japan”

Employee, New Media Group (an international IPTV company); formerly a “Mama san” in an o-mise owned by her late Japanese husband

Assistant language teacher, Takanezawa Board of Education

Occupation

APPENDIX 3 TABLE 6. FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN JAPAN FEATURED IN JEEPNEY PRESS, 20052012

Not indicated

Not indicated

Since the mid80s

Not indicated

30+ years

“Monumentong Nilulumot”

Not indicated

30 years

Length of Stay in Japan*

March–April 2010

January– February 2011

Sept–October 2005

Nov– December 2005

January– February 2006

9

10

11

12

13

Table 6. (cont’d.)

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

PasaHERO

PasaHERO

Maria Eva: A Songbird Soars High

Alma ReyesUmemoto: Sharing a Passion on Design and the Written Page

On The Air With Helen Francisco

A Girl Named Lucy…

Sr. Josie…The Nun with an Amiably Loving Heart!!!

Filipino

Filipino

Alma ReyesUmemoto

Maria Eva

Filipino

Filipino

Filipino

Helen Francisco

Lucy Montebon Nishikawa

Sr. Josephine Tan Dugay

Singer; Music teacher (home-based)

Designer/Editor ofricorico, a production/ editing group, where she got involved in producing “Mini House Style,” a Harper Design International book available in English bookstores in Japan co-produced between ricorico and Loft Publications, a Barcelona, Spain-based publisher; first job in Japan Visual aids manager, McKinsey & Co.; second job - Editor, Graphic-sha Publishing; freelance graphic designer

DJ/Radio and TV host/Customer service management/Program editing/Commercial recording; Pioneer DJ in InterFM, the only international radio station in Japan that time; host to a radio program in Nagoya called “Radio Eye 79.5 World Connection Tugtugang Pinoy” since 2000; Reporter, technical director and camera man for WINS Channel

Enka singer; convenience store employee in Kyoto

Pastoral worker, Franciscan Sisters of the Immaculate Conception, Kyoto Diocese

23 years

Not indicated

16 years

23 years

7 years

March–April 2006

Sept–October 2006

Nov– December 2006

14

15

16

Table 6. (cont’d.)

Breaking the Barriers

Ramona Reigns Supreme!

Centerfold

Centerfold

Nelia Kanakubo: Rated K!

Centerfold

Maria Theresa Gow

Ramona

Nelia Kanakubo

BritishFilipino

Filipino

Filipino

Professional singer/Radio DJ/TV reporter/ actress; people know her from the roles she played in “Ultra-man Gaia,” J-wave Good Morning Tokyo, Sma-Station and “Ace wo Nerae”; Emcee, “The Za” on Chiba TV; Reporter, “Kinyō Taburotto,” Chiba TV

Singer, mainstream hotel lounge and live house singing industry in Japan; weekly music lounge stints at the 25th floor sky lounge of the Metropolitan Hotel in Ikebukuro; sings jazz in famous jazz clubs in Ginza; She does stints at top hotels in Tokyo like Century Hyatt, Okura, Metropolitan, ANA, Ark Hills, etc. For live house, she does shows at Satin Doll and Birdland, where she plays the piano as well. Also teaches private singing lessons to serious students who aspire to become professional singers; Shop owner in Hakusan, Tokyo, where she sells clothes and jewelry; She also has an online store in Yahoo and trades in Ebay; She also helps other people start their own home-based business.

Social worker, Kapatiran, for 8 years at the time of interview. Kapatiran is a project of the Nippon Sei Ko Kai or the AnglicanEpiscopalian Church in the Tokyo Diocese born in 1988 that assists Filipina spouses - most of them entertainers - in dealing with marital problems with Japanese men such as domestic violence, cultural misunderstanding, etc; Labor Section of the Philippine Embassy in Tokyo

12 years

Not indicated

Not indicated

July–August 2007

Sept–October 2007

January– February 2008

July–August 2008

January– February 2009

17

18

19

20

21

Table 6. (cont’d.)

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

The Epitome… That is Tita Mely!

Fanny: First of All!

Charito: The Artist

Tonette Binsol: A Living Memory of Unconditional Love and Service

Marlene: The Music and Magic

Amelia Iriarte Kohno

Madam Fanny Minda Maranon Mirasol Kyo, known as the “First Lady among the Pinoys in Japan”

Ikebana expert and tour guide in Kyoto, Japan; former president, Philippine Ladies in Japan and Kyoto Pag-Asa Filipino Community; Adviser, Philippine Community Coordinating Council

Elementary school public teacher, choreographer, and ballet teacher in Davao, Philippines; civic worker in Goi Church, Japan; Filipino community in Japan leader; first Filipina president of the Foreign Wives in Japan and the first Filipino member of ASIAN LADIES; one of the first lay people to help organize the Tokyo International Pastoral Center renamed later to Catholic Tokyo International Center or CTIC; first and only English teacher, Chiba Prison; first Filipina in Japan to be a licensed Ikebana teacher; first Filipina awarded by Chiba Prefecture as civic worker

Filipino

Filipino

Jazz singer, known as the “Jazz Superstar in Japan”; Founder, “Because We Care” Foundation

Tenured assistant manager, Mizuho Securities; former mathematics professor in top universities in the Philippines; an IT expert; web designer; videographer; artist; scientist

Jazz/Fusion/Pop idol/Musical performer; known as “Filipina Superstar in Japan,” “Japan’s First Lady of Songs,” and “Jazz Diva”

Filipino

Filipino

Antonina A. Binsol

Charito

Filipino

Marlene dela Pena Lim

Kyoto resident for nearly 30 years

More than 40 years

Not indicated

Not applicable

Not indicated

March–April 2009

May–June 2009

July–August 2009

Sept–October 2009

March–April 2010

22

23

24

25

26

Table 6. (cont’d.)

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

Centerfold

Adding Extra into the Ordinary: An Interview with Mrs. Linda Taki

Marlene: Jazzing Up Japan

Show-casing a Pioneer Filipina in Hokkaido: Susan P. Fujita

Madame Josie: J’aime Faire Cuire!

Emi Watanabe: A Star on Ice

Filipino

Filipino

Linda Taki

Chairman, Chubu Philippines Friendship Association; member of the Board of Trustees, Aichi International Association; Ikebana teacher and former president, Ikebana International Nagoya Chapter; member and former chairman of the Board of Directors, Nagoya International School; volunteer and president, Nagoya International Association; chairman, Central Japan International Society; coordinator, NPO Internship Program, Aichi Shukutoku University

Jazz singer

Not indicated

Filipino

Susan P. Fujita

Marlene dela Peña Lim

Chef, Embassy of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg in Japan; President, Samahang Pilipino - Tokyo

Pioneer figure skater in Japan; book author; teacher of figure skating to kids; spearheads ice skating shows in Manila malls in cooperation with the Department of Tourism in Tokyo

Filipino

JapaneseFilipino

Josefa Nistal

Emi Watanabe

35 years

23 years

Not indicated

11 years working for the embassy

Not indicated

May–June 2010

Sept–October 2010

May–June 2011

Sept–October 2011

27

28

29

30

Table 6. (cont’d.)

Centerfold

The Gift of Crosses

Marlene: Looking Back

Rosemarie Aritaka: Unfolding Fukuoka’s Pinoy Pride

Centerfold

Centerfold

Carmina Mancenon: A Ray of Hope

Centerfold

Maria Carmelita Z. Kasuya

Filipino

Filipino

Filipino

Rosemarie Aritaka

Marlene dela Peña Lim

Filipino

Carmina Mancenon

Professor, University of Tokyo; researcher

Jazz singer

Events producer; certified English-Tagalog legal interpreter; employee, Fukuoka International and Domestic Airport; radio announcer, Love FM 76.1 with program called “The Daily Tips Tagalog;” assistant language teacher; founder of an English center ; founder, Global Filipino Japanese Association in Fukuoka that helps Filipinos with legal problems, give support to battered housewives, and offer emergency help in Fukuoka

12th grader, K International School, Tokyo; participant, Annual Global Youth Summit/ Global Changemakers Program, London; One of the Final 6 Youth chosen by the British Council Japan to present at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland; founder, “Stitch Tomorrow” http://www.stitchtomorrow.org/; http://www.twitter.com/StitchTomo-rrow), an online social enterprise business

Not indicated

32 years

23 years

Not indicated

Yellowbelle Del Mundo Duaqui

81

NOTES

1. Filipino entertainers started to arrive in Japan in the 1980s. 2. James Tyner (1996, 78–89), in his study of the social construction of Filipina migrant entertainers in Japan, had identified four images: Filipina migrant entertainer as Other, Filipina migrant entertainer as Prostitute, Filipina migrant entertainer as Willing Victim, and Filipina migrant entertainer as Heroine. 3. In the late 1980s, former Philippine President Corazon C. Aquino imposed a temporary ban on sending Filipina entertainers to Japan. This was followed by another temporary moratorium on the deployment of Filipina domestic workers to foreign countries on January 20, 1988, which aimed to protect Filipino female migrants from abuse and exploitation abroad (de Guzman 2003). During the administration of former Philippine President Fidel Ramos, former Department of Labor and Employment Secretary Nieves Roldan-Confesor issued various department orders in 1994 that imposed stricter requirements for Filipino entertainers bound for Japan. It led to a sharp decline in the number of Filipinos deployed in this occupation (Candazo 2012). In November 1991, following public outrage over the mysterious deaths of Filipino entertainers in Japan reported by the media, the Ramos administration made a policy to disallow women under 23 years old to work as entertainers in Japan. This led to a dramatic decrease of deployment figures, resulting to a backlash felt by the Japanese sex industry, recruitment agencies and the women themselves whose incomes were affected by the policy. Japanese politicians soon pressured the Philippine government to lift the ban, in response to a strong lobby formed by recruitment agencies in Japan. In the long run, the moratorium had been lifted, but the Philippine government retained the minimum age requirement in the policy (Oishi 2005, 66). 4. For Jeepney Press’s10th year anniversary, an article came out on the history of the migrant publication and an interview with its editor-in-chief Dennis Sun. He stated that in addition to English and Tagalog (Filipino) languages, Jeepney Press also publishes Japanese language articles. However, the purpose of the Japanese language articles is not to reach out to a larger Japanese audience, but to “spark interest that could lead them [Filipino migrants in Japan] to seriously study Japanese and go to a Japanese language class.” He believes that Filipino migrants in Japan, in order to be as successful as Filipino migrants in the United States, must master the Japanese language in order to be respected and become successful in Japanese society. In Sun’s own words, “I have always compared the Filipinos in America and Filipinos in Japan. Filipinos in America can speak English and have a good command of their language. However, Filipinos in Japan are generally not proficient in the Japanese language. Although some could communicate verbally somehow, many are still at a loss somehow when it comes to reading and writing in Japanese. When a Filipino succeeds in America, I feel proud, of course. But when a Filipino succeeds in Japan, that is something else! It is because of the enormous cultural gap and language barrier that a Filipino has to overcome.” (Sun 2013, 26–27) He stated that “I want Filipinos to be successful with what they do. And I want to celebrate their success and share them to other Filipinos. I have seen and experienced personally how some Japanese looked down on us. And I want to tell other Filipinos that we are a great people and

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SUCCESS PORTRAYALS OF FILIPINA MIGRANTS IN A FILIPINO NEWSPAPER IN JAPAN

we need to work on what we need to improve to raise our flag and image in this country.” (Sun 2013, 27) 5. The author is grateful to Dennis Sun and Irene Sun-Kaneko, the publishers of Jeepney Press, for allowing me to study and write about their newspaper. My heartfelt thanks also go to the following who have helped me in writing this paper: Prof. Maria Rosario Piquero-Ballescas (Regional Development Studies, Toyo University), Prof. Junichi Akashi (Tsukuba University), Jeorge Alarcon Jr. (PhD student, Waseda University), Lisette Robles (MA student, Sophia University), and Rus-Lyn June Ola (MA student, University of the Philippines Diliman). 6. According to Fulcher and Scott (2007, 33), “sui generis” is a Latin phrase that the sociologist Emile Durkheim used to mean “of its own type” or “distinctive to itself ”. Put simply, it means a reality “existing on its own”. Durkheim used this phrase to describe “social facts,” which “consist of manners of acting, thinking and feeling external to the individual, which are vested with a coercive power by virtue of which they exercise control over him” (Durkheim 1895, 52; as cited in Fulcher and Scott 2007, 34). 7. In a Jeepney Press (November–December 2010) interview with Sun that appeared in a pasaHERO feature story titled “Dennis Sun: Global Pinoy,” he underscored the need to popularize “good news” about Filipinos in Japan to his Japanese and other foreigner friends in order to challenge the latter’s perception that “nothing good comes out” of the Philippines. This story served as a tribute to Sun after being awarded one of the “Outstanding Global Pinoys” for his contribution to the field of arts and journalism by the SM City Pampanga during the opening of the SM Global Pinoy Center last September 2, 2010. 8. According to Dennis Sun, Jeepney Press was originally conceived as a magazine because he felt that he “could be more creative with a magazine.” “I can have endless number of pages. I can create unique and interesting layouts. In the newspaper format, I am limited in the number of pages. The pages are not glossy. Actually, the main obstacle is the cost of printing. Magazines are expensive to print. And printing preparation takes a week longer compared to the newspaper. Thus, Jeepney Press adopted a newspaper format” (Sun 2013, 26). 9. www.jeepneypress.com 10. Sun recounted the growth of Jeepney Press in the last ten years. He stated that: “From 12 pages at the start, Jeepney Press has more than doubled that number to 28 pages. From less than a dozen people in the workforce, we now have more than two dozen. From 10,000 copies, we now have 30,000 copies in distribution. Some writers have continued to write from the very beginning. Some have continued to send irregularly. Some have to go back to the Philippines. But new writers have joined forces with us. We also have a website and a blog online where articles even from the past can be read.” (Sun 2013, 26) 11. Dennis Sun, Facebook private message to author, January 1, 2013. 12. www.jeepneypress.com 13. This researcher was recruited as a volunteer writer for Jeepney Press in a meeting with Sun in Tokyo.

Yellowbelle Del Mundo Duaqui

83

14. Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. This researcher is one of the writers included in Table 1. She volunteered as a columnist for Jeepney Press between Spring 2009 and Summer 2011, with a regular column titled “Arangkada Pinoy” (Speed Up, Filipino). ).. She regularly received copies of Jeepney Press that enabled her to keep track of each issue. It is in this context that this researcher developed an interest to do a study of Jeepney Press as a piece of migrant literature. 17. The two Filipino graduate students writing for Jeepney Press are recipients of the Japanese Ministry of Education’s scholarship program which covers the entire educational expenses of studying in Japan including a free roundtrip air ticket to and from country of origin and Japan, housing in a Japanese student dormitory, tuition, and a monthly allowance. 18. www.jeepneypress.com 19. Dennis Sun is a graduate of fine arts from the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Philippines. 20. Dennis Sun. January–February 2010. “Tuloy ang Pasada…The Journey Continues.” Jeepney Press. Tokyo: Asia Vox Limited. 21. Dennis Sun, Facebook private message to author, January 14, 2013. 22. A standard catchphrase emblazoned on the cover page of Jeepney Press. 23. In the anniversary article, Dennis Sun recounted the story behind the decision to name the migrant newspaper as Jeepney Press. “I did not want to use the word Philippines or Filipino. I was looking for a visual word symbol that would represent the Philippines instead. At first, the word ADOBO came to mind but the publication could be mistaken for a culinary paper. I finally ended with Jeepney because we are a country famous for our jeepneys as Thailand is for its tuk-tuks. And jeepneys are colorful and symbolize movement. So, that’s half the title already. I wanted to have 12 letters (my lucky number) and jeepney has only 7 letters. I had to find another word with 5 letters. That’s how I picked up the word PRESS. I love that word because together with Jeepney, they form JP as initials, which could refer to the first letters of Japan and the Philippines, JP!” (Sun 2013, 26). 24. http://www.tourisminthephilippines.com 25. Sun and Sun-Kaneko are siblings. 26. According to Dennis Sun, Norma Suno has returned to the Philippines in 2012 and prefers to keep the information regarding her length of stay in Japan a secret. (Dennis Sun, Facebook private message to author, January 14, 2013) 27. “Getting the Best of Both Worlds,” Jeepney Press, January–February 2009. 28. Arlene Dinglasan, “On The Air with Helen Francisco,” Jeepney Press, September–October 2005. 29. Irene Sun-Kaneko, “Fanny: First of All!,” Jeepney Press, July–August 2008. 30. Kotoba! V2.6.1. (Nov 20, 2010) by Pierre-Philippe di Costanzo. An iPhone 4 application developed based on Jim Breen’s JMdict dictionary

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Lan, Pei-Chia. 2006. Global Cinderellas: Migrant Domestics and Newly Rich Employers in Taiwan. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Levitt, Peggy. 2001. The Transnational Villagers. California: University of California Press. Macionis, John. 2001. Sociology. 8th ed. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: PrenticeHall Inc. Margold, Jane. Filipina Depictions of Migrant Life for Their Kin at Home. In Coming Home? Refugees, Migrants, and Those Who Stayed Behind, ed. Lynellyn Long and Ellen Oxfeld. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Mills, C. Wright. 1959. The Sociological Imagination. New York: Oxford University Press. Ministry of Justice (Japan). 2012. Japanese Law Translation Database System. www. japaneselawtranslation.go.jp Oishi, Nana. 2005. Women in Motion: Globalization, State Policies, and Labor Migration in Asia. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Parreñas, Rhacel. 2001. Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ___. 2001. Transgressing the Nation-State: The Partial Citizenship and ‘Imagined (Global) Community’ of Migrant Filipina Domestic Workers. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture & Society, 26 (4): 11–29. Reich, Robert. 1991. The Work of Nations. New York: Vintage Books. Santos, Christopher. 2008. Charito: The Artist. Jeepney Press, January–February. Sassen, Saskia. 1988. The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor. New York: Cambridge University Press. ____. 1993. The Impact of Economic Internationalization on Immigration: Comparing the U.S. and Japan. International Migration, 31 (1): 73–99.   ____. 1994. Cities in a World Economy. Thousand Oaks, California: Pine Forge Press. ____. 1996a. Analytic Borderlands: Race, Gender and Representation in the New City. In Re-Presenting the City: Ethnicity, Capital and Culture in the Twenty-First Century Metropolis, ed. Anthony King. London: Macmillan Press. ___. 1996b. Rebuilding the Global City: Economy, Ethnicity and Space. In RePresenting the City: Ethnicity, Capital and Culture in the Twenty-First Century Metropolis, ed. Anthony King. London: Macmillan Press. ___. 1996c. Losing Control? Sovereignty in an Age of Globalization. New York: Columbia University Press. ___. 1996d. New Employment Regimes in Cities: The Impact on Immigrant Workers. New Community, 22 (4): 579–94. Sun, Dennis and Yellowbelle Duaqui. 2011. Marlene: Looking Back. Jeepney Press, May–June. Sun, Dennis. 2006. Ramona Reigns Supreme! Jeepney Press, September–October. ___. 2006. Maria Eva: A Songbird Soars High. Jeepney Press, January–February. ___. 2007. Marlene: The Music and Magic. Jeepney Press, July–August. ___. 2009. Getting the Best of Both Worlds. Jeepney Press, January–February.

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___. 2010. Tuloy ang Pasada…The Journey Continues. Jeepney Press, January–February. ___. 2013. Jeepney Press: Celebrating 10 Shining Years. Jeepney Press, January–February. Suzuki, Nobue and Sachi Takahata. 2007. Filipino Boxers and Hosts in Japan: The Feminization of Male Labor and Transnational Class Subjection. http://www.japanfocus.org/Nobue- SUZUKI/2404. Accessed January 2012. Tyner, James. 1996. Constructions of Filipina Migrant Entertainers. Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, 3 (1): 77–94. ____. 1997. Constructing Images, Constructing Policy: The Case of Filipina Migrant Performing Artists. Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, 4 (1): 19–35. doi: 10.1080/09663699725486. Umemoto, Alma and Dennis Sun. 2006. Breaking the Barriers. Jeepney Press, November– December. Tourism in the Philippines Travel Guide. 2012. www.tourisminthephilippines.com

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