Reciclar para ganar

Reciclar para ganar? (recycle to win?) The influence of collective action on the livelihood of the recicladores in Bogotá, Colombia

Yvon Marguerite Meltzer Student number : 1925490 Supervisor: Dr. F. Colombijn Second assessor: Dr. M.E.M. de Theije Master in Social and Cultural Anthropology VU University Amsterdam June 2011

Definition of a reciclador The waste picker, in Bogotá called el reciclador is: “A person who dedicates him/herself to retrieve and recuperate the residues of those materials that can submit themselves to a new process of reutilization, through its conversion in prime materials useful in the fabrication of new products.‖ (Lievano Latorre et al. 2004: 53 cited by Turcotte 2009)

Frontispice: Impression of recycled waste . All photos included in this thesis are taken by the author.

2 | List of Figures

INDEX List of Figures ............................................................................................................................................. 4 List of Acronyms......................................................................................................................................... 5 Preface ........................................................................................................................................................... 6 Abstract......................................................................................................................................................... 7 1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Research problem and questions .................................................................................................. 9 1.2 Overview of the world of recicladores ........................................................................................ 11 1.3 Motivation and relevance of the research ................................................................................ 15 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá.................................................................................................... 16 2.1 Research setting ............................................................................................................................ 16 2.2 Informants....................................................................................................................................... 17 2.3 Methodological problems ............................................................................................................ 18 2.4 Methods used ................................................................................................................................. 20 2.5 Reliability of the data ................................................................................................................... 21 2.6 Ethics ............................................................................................................................................... 22 3 Theoretical framework........................................................................................................................ 24 3.1 Livelihood ....................................................................................................................................... 24 3.2 Collective action and social capital............................................................................................ 27 3.3 Informal economy and formalization........................................................................................ 29 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals ............................................................................................................ 32 4.1 Cooperatives and Associations ................................................................................................... 32 4.2 Goal of cooperatives ..................................................................................................................... 33 4.3 Working Processes of a cooperative ......................................................................................... 34 4.4 Asociación de Recicladores de Bogotá ........................................................................................ 37 5 Livelihood of the recicladores .............................................................................................................. 40 5.1 Duration of recycling and membership of a cooperation ..................................................... 40 5.2 Housing ........................................................................................................................................... 41 5.3 Family relations ............................................................................................................................. 42 5.4 Earnings .......................................................................................................................................... 44 5.5 Changes in type of labor and income ........................................................................................ 48 5.6 Access to financial assets ............................................................................................................. 49

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6 Advantages and disadvantages of joining a cooperative ............................................................. 54 6.1 Working conditions ...................................................................................................................... 54 6.2 Identity and representation ........................................................................................................ 56 6.3 Social networks and relations ..................................................................................................... 58 6.4 Loss of freedom .............................................................................................................................. 59 7 Recognition and Empowerment ....................................................................................................... 62 7.1 Recognition ..................................................................................................................................... 62 7.3 Empowerment ................................................................................................................................ 65 8 Conclusion.............................................................................................................................................. 66 Bibliography.............................................................................................................................................. 70 Appendix one ............................................................................................................................................ 74

LIST OF FIGURES Table 1 overview earnings recicladores per worked day .................................................................. 46 Graph 1 relative share per type of material of total earnings ....................................................... 51

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LIST OF ACRONYMS ARB (NGO) Asociación de Recicladores de Bogotá Bogotá‘s Recycler‘s Association AVINA (NGO) Acion, vida y naturaleza Action, life and environment DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadísticas National Administrative Statistics Department (Colombia) ENDA (NGO) Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo en el Tercer-mundo Environment and Development in the Third World SENA Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje National Learning Service UAESP Unidad Administrativa Especial de Servicios Públicos Special Administrative Unit for Public Services WIEGO (NGO) Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing

5 | List of Acronyms

PREFACE Doing research and writing a thesis is something that cannot be done alone and therefore I would like to show my appreciation to everybody who has helped me. First and foremost I would like to say mil gracias to my informants in Colombia who have helped and contributed to my fieldwork. My special thanks goes out to all the recicladores for whom I have gained great respect. A special thank you goes out to the recicladores I have worked with: mis amigos, who I will never forget. In addition, I would also like to thank my partner in crime Nara for her friendship, help and support. Furthermore, I would like to say mil gracias to my supervisor Freek Colombijn for his extensive guidance while writing this thesis; it was a valuable and interesting process! Putting so much effort in this thesis and making long hours in the VU Library would have not been able without the lunch breaks with my fellow master students, where we could discuss our ideas and struggles but also ease our minds of the thesis when needed, gracias! ‗Meiden‘ thank you for the friendship, support and the possibility to share laughter, tears, anxiety and fears. I would also like to say mil gracias to my family and friends for their support, trust and love. Pap- thank you for your comments and explaining things so easily! Last but definitely not least I would like to thank Mark who has supported me in so many ways; I could have not done it without you! Muchas gracias! Yvon M. Meltzer, Amsterdam, June 2011

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ABSTRACT People collecting and selling waste is a prominent activity in urban settings. Waste picking, which is the general English term used for this activity, is a way for individuals to generate an income. Waste picking is done in many different ways depending on the country, location and other aspects. In Latin America, but also in other regions, groups of waste pickers started to organize for social and economic reasons. This thesis addresses the question how the lives of the recicladores - people that collect and sell waste-were influenced by becoming a member of a cooperative, based on data attained during three months of fieldwork in Bogotá, Colombia. In this research an approach focusing on the way the individuals manage their lives was used to analyze the influence of collective action on the lives of the recicladores .On the one hand the focus is on the cooperatives: how they function, their goals and advantages and disadvantages of being a member. On the other hand, the focus is on the social and economic situation of the recicladores and the changes in their lives since they became a member. My main conclusion is that the social, physical and economic aspects of the livelihood of the recicladores have, mostly positively, been influenced by becoming a member of a cooperative. The physical well being of the recicladores has improved as most of the recicladores do not have to work and live on the street any longer. The economic aspects of their livelihood have improved as their income has become more certain and secure. Furthermore, collecting a selling waste has become a permanent activity for the recicladores as the regularity and certainty provided by being a member has made it one of their better alternatives. Socially, becoming a member of a cooperative has provided access to several social networks, such as a household support network and the network of the cooperative, positively influencing their livelihoods. In addition, being a member of a cooperative provides the recicladores with an identity. The enhancement of their identity has led to the improvement of the self-esteem and empowerment of the recicladores. However, the work of the recicladores is not recognized by the society and more importantly by becoming a member the recicladores had to give up some of their personal freedom. The case of the recicladores fits into a wider theoretical debate about the notion of formalization. I argue that collecting and selling waste is not merely a way of substance but is in the process of becoming a formalized activity.

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1 INTRODUCTION It is Monday around eight o‟clock in the evening and a typical working „day‟ starts for the Gomez family. Jenny (21), Sonia (23), Davide (18) and Andrea (43), a family of recicladores, are going through the waste bins on their usual location, a quiet neighborhood far up north in Bogotá with well kept and guarded apartments. Each family member has his or her own spots and together they cover the whole neighborhood in one evening. While the recicladores are looking for materials in the blue garbage bins, the people living in the neighborhood do their own thing without paying any attention to the recicladores; people enter and leave the apartment, some people are walking their dog and a security guard is cycling through the neighborhood. When the recicladores have filled their jute bags with materials they found in the waste bins, they try to close it with strings or old stockings, lift the more than 20 kilograms on their shoulders and start the tiring walk back to the location where they collect all their materials. Just before the recicladores arrive at their location they have to cross a motorway where many cars pass by in full speed without stopping for them. When each family member has made 6 to 8 of these rounds through the neighborhood and collected all available materials, it is around midnight and they start sorting out all the materials; the PET bottles, plastic bags, paper, cardboard and other materials, each go into a specific bag. While the recicladores are sorting out the materials two policemen drive by on their motor cycle to ask what they are doing. Somebody has called the police to report a burglary in one of the apartments and told the police that they saw some people walking through the neighborhood that do not live there. When the recicladores explain what they are doing the police men take another look at them and leave, while the recicladores keep on working. Few hours later when the recicladores are ready they have to carry the bags up to the truck and the materials are weighted for each person individually after which a form is signed to confirm the quantities. The recicladores wash their hands, change their clothes, and start walking back home to the southern part of the city where they live as their night of working has finished. (Participant observation 14th of March 2011)

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1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM AND QUESTIONS

The above sketch gives an example of a typical evening of work for some of the recicladores that I observed and joined while they were doing their work. The sketch shows the different important aspects of their live as a reciclador (the local term for individuals that collect and sell waste, see preface): the physical nature of their job (informal work), lack of recognition (social exclusion) and the individual but at the same time collaborative way of working (collective action). The labor intensiveness and irregularity of their work, as they are dependent on the availability of materials, are examples of the main characteristics of informal work. Social exclusion is demonstrated by the people in the neighborhood taking no notice of the recicladores: the work of the recicladores is not recognized by society. Although each reciclador collects his or her own materials, the family works on the same spot and are all member of the same cooperative which are examples of collective action. Based on ethnographic research in 1978, Chris Birkbeck characterized the waste pickers working on the waste dump in Cali, Colombia as self employed- proletarians who worked for the large industrial consumers of recycled materials but were not employed by them (Birkbeck 1978). According to Birkbeck these wastepickers did not fit the typical picture of informal workers, as there was some sort of regularity in their work and a link with the formal economy instead of irregularity and no relationship with the formal economy. Other scholars describe the individuals that collect and sell waste as a marginalized group in society that is part of the informal economy and performs its income generating activity merely as a way to sustain (Nas and Jaffe 2004, Wilson, Velis and Cheeseman 2006, Medina 2000). Recently most literature concerning waste pickers is about the integration of these individuals into the formal waste management system (WMS). In most cities in the global South only 50-80% of the waste is cleaned up, commissioned by the district while the rest is done by waste pickers. Integrating the waste pickers in the formal waste management instead of using modern techniques to perform the work of the recicladores would be the most sustainable way for all parties involved (municipality, waste pickers, citizens) (Medina 2010, Gutberlet 2008, Medina 2000, Nas and Jaffe 2004, Wilson, Velis and Cheeseman 2006). The first step towards integrating the waste pickers into the formal waste system is by organizing them. In Bogotá, according to a recently conducted census around 5.000 of the 14.000 adult recicladores are member of a cooperative. The cooperatives are often set up on 9 | 1 Introduction

their own initiative with help from the Asociación de Recicladores de Bogotá (ARB), a regional non-profit organization that helps the recicladores organizing with the long term aim to integrate all recicladores in the WSM and let them become part of the formal economy. Traditionally the concepts informal and formal economy were seen as a dualist model (Hart 1973), while more recently many scholars have taken a more structuralist approach focusing on the linkages and relationships between the formal and informal economy (Castells and Portes 1989). Certain economic activities have become informalized while other economic activities have been formalized, the linkages between the formal and informal economy are dynamic and have a changing nature (Boer 1990, Chen 2007). The case of the recicladores is an example of the process of formalization. Where on the one hand the recicladores are perceived as a marginalized group active in the informal economy, on the other hand it is argued by scholars that the economic activity of the recicladores should be formalized and become a part of the formal WMS. Thus, the activity of collecting and selling waste, which was initially seen as a surviving strategy, is at the present in the process of being formalized through collective action. As this is an anthropological research the focus is on the recicladores themselves, on their livelihoods and how this has been influenced by becoming a member of a cooperative (thus organized). The aim of this thesis is to show the influence that collective action- in the form of becoming a member of a cooperative- has on the livelihood of the recicladores. The focus will be on how social capital, which is generated through collective action, leads to social and economic changes in the livelihood of the recicladores. In the conclusion will be demonstrated how the case of the recicladores fits into the debates about the linkages between the informal and formal economy and the process of formalization. My research question is: How has becoming a member of a cooperative influenced the livelihood and empowerment of the recicladores in Bogotá?

I will attempt to answer this question by first focusing on the several sub-questions.  What is the formal goal of the cooperative and how does it function? The first sub-question is to provide background information about the way a cooperative functions and what its goals are in order to answer the main- and other sub-questions. 10 | 1 Introduction

 How is the socio-economic situation of the recicladores and what has changed since they joined a cooperative? The second sub-question is aimed to provide more insight into the livelihood of the recicladores since they became a member of a cooperative focusing on their economic situation and living conditions.  Why did the recicladores join a cooperative? The third sub-question gives insight into the motivations of the recicladores to join a cooperative, which also provides insight into advantages and disadvantages of being a member.  How has becoming a member of a cooperative influenced the representation of the recicladores towards society and what is the impact on the self esteem of the recicladores? The last sub-question specifically focuses on representation and empowerment.

1.2 OVERVIEW OF THE WORLD OF RECICLADORES

Before I go further into my research an attempt will be made to give an overview of the ‗world of recicladores‘ as I have found appropriate to name it. A short explanation will be given of the recicladores, cooperatives and other parties involved. In addition, certain local terms that will be used in this thesis will be explained. A start of the overview of the ‗world of the recicladores‘ will be made with the country and city where this research was carried out. In 2008, Colombia had 47, 6 million citizens and was the fourth largest country in square meters of South America (Agentschap NL n.d.). As in many other countries in South America, urbanization is still an ongoing process in Colombia; in 2010 the urbanization rate was 75% (CIA n.d.). One of the reasons for the growing urbanization rate is the decrease in importance of the agricultural sector. Another reason is violence caused by guerrillas and conflict in rural areas that has also led to an increase of people moving to the city. At the moment almost 35% of the total population of Colombia lives in the four largest cities; Bogotá, Medellín, Cali and Barranquilla.

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Urbanization- in the form of migration from rural areas to cities- has led to an increase in unemployment in cities. The peasants that flew from the countryside and moved to the cities had to find a way of living. As they did not receive much formal education most of them became part of the informal sector, of which some became a reciclador (Medina 2007). Most of the recicladores that were a part of my research are second generation immigrants, who were born and grew up in Bogotá but their parents migrated from rural areas to Bogotá for the reasons mentioned above. Bogotá is a large city with 7, 3 million inhabitants and is situated at 2650 meters on a mountain plateau in the Andes. The city is very large (1.587 km²), stretching from the North to the South. The South which is a fourth of the total city is the poorest area where many tugurios (slums) can be found. The financial center and the ‗better‘ neighborhoods of Bogotá are situated in the North. The central zone is downtown around the historical center; this area is called La Candelaria and is the tourist area. The western part is the industrial area. The recicladores are a heterogeneous group of people and differ in social characteristics such as age and sex and demographic background. The share of women and men involved in recycling is more or less equal. Furthermore, the age range is very wide starting from the youngest being 16 years old and the oldest being 80 years old. Some of the recicladores grew up in a family of recicladores, while others had parents that had other (informal) jobs before they started recycling. In addition, the largest group of recicladores has been doing this work for a long time but has tried different jobs in between. Beside differences in social characteristic, they also differ in the way they collect waste. Those who use a manual pushing cart are named zorras while those with a horse cart are named carros esferados. In this thesis the term recicladores is used for people that collect and sell waste without the help of a cart, thus forming the third group and they are the main subject of this research. Another important distinction that is often made when talking about the recicladores is the difference between those who work individually or with a family and those that are member of a cooperative. A cooperative is a way of organizing for the recicladores and is usually set up by own initiative or with help of the Asociación Recicladores Bogotá (ARB). The ARB is a regional non-profit organization set up in 1986 to help the recicladores organize and represent them towards the society and government. The ARB is a regional organization that is member of the National Association of Recicladores (ANR) which are in close contact

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with worldwide recicladores organizations. The ARB encourages cooperatives to become member so they can help them when needed. There are two types of organizations that are member of the ARB: an association or a cooperative. The latter is a more formal type which is registered by the government and pays corporate tax. In addition, members of these cooperatives receive social welfare. An association is less formal as no official registration is needed, no corporate tax is paid and the members do not receive social welfare; however they do collectively sell materials to the industry. A cooperative has no connections with the local government besides the official registration. In this thesis I will use the word ‗cooperative‘ as a generic term for both association and cooperative. If and when needed a distinction between two types is made. A cooperative helps the recicladores in several ways. First of all a cooperative is a way to collectively sell their materials to the industry instead of to the middlemen. A cooperative ‗buys‘ the materials from each member and sells it in larger quantities to the industry to bypass the intermediary, which leads to a better price for the materials. Another way of helping the recicladores is -in collaboration with the ARB- to find fuentes where a reciclador can work. A fuente is a set location where the recicladores can collect waste; this is often an office building or apartment building but can also be a covered waste dump for a (gated) residential area. At certain fuentes a reciclador may work daily while at others they only work once a week. For a reciclador a fuente is a place where he/she can regularly collect and separate the waste. For the company or people living in an apartment, whom expect the reciclador to come regularly, it is a way to contribute to a more sustainable environment. Their waste is sorted out and partly recycled instead of dumped on a landfill. Those recicladores that are member but do not have a fuente work on the street but often in a set neighborhood or area. A bodega as displayed in photo 1 is a place owned by a cooperative or recicladores, where recicladores can meet and where the waste is stored, (again) sorted through and cleaned before the waste is sold to the industries. Not all cooperatives have a bodega, those cooperatives which do not have a bodega, often work together with other cooperatives or projects of the ARB to be able to collect, sort out and store the materials somewhere before selling it to the industry.

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Photo 1 example of a bodega

Thus so far several terms have been introduced, to give a very brief recap; a reciclador is an individual that collects and sells waste for a living. A cooperative is a form of organization for the recicladores with support from the ARB and a fuente is a set location where a reciclador can work. A bodega is a place where recicladores meet and sort and store the materials before it is sold. It should be noted that this is a general overview and certain aspects will be explained in more detail in the subsequent chapters. In addition, as the ‗world of the recicladores´ is quite complex there may always be exceptions on the definition of these terms, if this is the case this will be mentioned when needed.

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1.3 MOTIVATION AND RELEVANCE OF THE RESEARCH

Waste pickers are central actors in the management of the waste flows in many areas in Latin America. Colombia has a long history of recycling and cooperativism has been promoted by the government since the 1930‘s as a suitable option to decrease economic inequality and improve the quality of life of the Colombians by including vulnerable groups in the dynamics of the social, economic, cultural and political development of Colombia (Turcotte 2009). As Colombia and Bogotá in particular is known for its high level of organization and the success of the cooperatives and the ARB, in increasing the political visibility of the recicladores (Betancourt 2010, Medina 2000), the choice for conducting my research in Bogotá was easily made. As mentioned earlier people that collect and sell waste are a globally known phenomenon, especially in developing countries. In most of these regions waste pickers started to organize themselves and this research could contribute to further studies concerning collective action and organizing. To a wider extent this research contributes to the study of urban livelihoods, as it is specifically focused on the livelihood of recicladores which are active in urban areas with specific focus on the process of formalization. From a local perspective this research is of importance as the district of Bogotá and non-profit organizations supporting the recicladores such as the ARB are in the final stages of round table meetings concerning the integration of the recicladores into the formal waste system. At the moment they are discussing a possible contract for the duration of eight years, starting next year to formally integrate recicladores into the WMS. This research could contribute to process of the integration of the recicladores in the WSM as it gives an insight into the livelihood of the recicladores including their struggles and opportunities as a member of a cooperative.

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2 RESEARCHING RECICLADORES IN BOGOTÁ This thesis is based on the data gathered during my fieldwork from January till the end of March 2011 in Bogotá, Colombia. My first main contact who works for WIEGO (A global research policy network with aim to improve status of working poor) told me before I entered the field that recicladores are not that fond of researchers and may not collaborate at all times. Although most of the recicladores did collaborate, it took a long time before I had full access to them. During my fieldwork I encountered several struggles (i.a. access) which led to a change in the use of methods, which will be further elaborated in this chapter, as will research setting and my informants.

2.1 RESEARCH SETTING

The decision of choosing Bogotá as my research location has benefitted and restricted my research in some ways. During my fieldwork, the district of Bogotá and the regional recicladores organizations were in their final stages of round table conversations concerning the integration of the recicladores in the formal waste system. This has enhanced my fieldwork: I was able to join the meetings and conferences concerning the discussions of this new plan, a census was recently conducted which provided me with recent figures concerning the amount of recicladores and information and data was better organized and more available. Another important element of my research setting was my own safety which restricted my research in some ways. According to Como Vamos (a research project set up by the district of Bogotá), 37% of the inhabitants of Bogotá feel unsafe (Como Vamos 2010). Although I have not felt unsafe while doing my fieldwork in Bogotá it has restricted my research in some ways. First of all, it was not possible for me to live in the same neighborhood as the recicladores as these areas were not safe to live in for a gringa1 In addition, it restricted me in such a way that I was often not able to talk with informants or visit a place alone, especially in the evening as people felt that it was not safe for me. Thus the safety issue influenced my access to the recicladores in several ways. However, in the end these safety issues were

1

Officially a term used for an American tourist, in general used for every female foreign tourist. 16 | 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá

something that could have been experienced in any Latin-American city and I have been able to conduct my research in spite of the ‗restrictions‘. The setting of my fieldwork was very versatile in different ways. First of all, I conducted my research in many different areas of Bogotá: occasionally I visited the most southern part where the streets turn into dirt roads and people live in slums, while at other moments I was going through the waste of the rich people that live in well kept and guarded apartments in the northern part of the city. Both the recicladores and the cooperatives that I visited were spread out over the city, however due to safety reasons, as it is safer in the richer areas, I observed, worked and talked mostly with recicladores that worked in the North. Whereas most of the cooperatives I visited were situated in the industrial area in the West or in the poorer areas in the South. Secondly although my ‗visits‘ to the cooperative, the meetings, conference and events I joined were during the day, the evenings were evenly important as many recicladores (also) work in the evening. In the Northern part of Bogotá on Monday, Wednesday and Friday evening the sidewalks were filled with garbage bags ready to be picked up by the waste trucks and the perfect moment for the recicladores to collect waste. Thus despite of the safety issues the setting in which I conducted my fieldwork was very versatile and diverse.

2.2 INFORMANTS

My set of respondents consisted of three groups: the recicladores, the cooperatives and the ARB and other non-profit organizations concerning the recicladores. Although my main interest lay with the first group of informants, the other two groups were included as they are closely involved with the recicladores and therefore could provide a different side of the ‗story‘. The first group of informants, the recicladores was a diverse group of individuals who all had one thing in common; they were member of a cooperative. My relationship was the closest with the recicladores that I worked with and therefore they were also the main contributors to my data. The recicladores I worked with regularly, consisted of the Family Gomez, which were introduced in the opening of this thesis, and Juan who is 52 years old and works individually and at a fuente.

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Aside from the recicladores I worked with, I talked to and observed many other recicladores from eight different cooperatives. I frequently visited some of these cooperatives or projects such as Pensilvania, Rescartar, Por Venir and Centro Alqueria and was able to talk to the leaders of the cooperatives and the members that were working there. Other cooperatives, which were helpful in comparing the cooperatives among each other, I only visited once. Another important source of information were all the people working at the ARB, especially the promotores department. A promotor is someone who promotes the recicladores to the society, potential fuentes and commercial and non-profit organizations. Most of the promotores are people that used to be recicladores themselves or who have family that are recicladores. However, alongside the promotores I also had contact with other people working at the ARB with whom I would talk during one of my daily visits at the ARB or by appointment. In addition to the recicladores, cooperatives and the ARB I was able to interview/talk with people from two non-profit organizations that are involved with the ARB and the recicladores. The first organization, Environment and Development in the Third World (ENDA) allowed me to talk with the leader about the plan to integrate the recicladores in the WMS. The second organization was Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO), where I had the opportunity to have several talks and discussions with the earlier mentioned informant. Although I had a large 'group' of informants, I experienced several struggles during my fieldwork which will be elaborated further.

2.3 METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS

Looking back at my fieldwork period and the way I collected data, I realized that even with meticulous planning there are many different coincidental factors such as the people you meet, the period of your research, the location, accessibility, weather and other factors that influence your fieldwork and ‗force‘ you in a certain direction to use certain methods rather than others. In the beginning of my fieldwork I experienced several struggles that led to a change in use of methods. The main struggle that led to several other struggles was access to the 18 | 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá

recicladores. My main source of interaction with the recicladores was the ARB and in particular the people at the promotores department. Although the promotores seemed very willing to help me, everything had to go through the ARB. I was not allowed to go to a cooperative on my own, data such as addresses and telephone numbers were difficult to find and in case there were contact details available the cooperative referred me back to the ARB. Although I was able to visit the cooperatives, it was only possible when accompanied by a promotor and my time at the cooperation was restricted to the time they spent at the cooperative. This made it very difficult for me to gather the data that were needed. In addition, during the several recorded introductory interviews I did while being at a cooperative I encountered several struggles. First of all, as the recicladores have their own slang and often mumble as they miss some teeth, it was very difficult to understand them during the interview and I often had the feeling that I was missing key details in the interview which limited the chances to ask further. Secondly, the site where I was able to meet the recicladores was their working site, with a lot of background noise making it even more difficult to understand them, especially when I would listen back to the interviews at home. Thirdly, their working site also made it difficult to gain their full attention as they kept working. Fourthly, the fact that I interviewed them in their working environment and the presence of a promotor could influence the conversation as they were not able to talk freely. For these reasons I decided to try a different approach and focus more on observing their activities which would provide me with a greater understanding of the whole process. However, my observation time was still restricted to the time the promotor spent at the cooperative. In addition, although my observations at the cooperatives were interesting, only a few recicladores would work there, while others worked at the street or fuente, thus I had to find an additional manner to gather data. The solution was presented by a person from the technical department at the ARB who suggested that I should ask if I could join the truck of Pensilvania which they use to pick up waste from recicladores that work on the street or at a fuente. The first time I was able to join the truck in the evening, I was accompanied by a promotor. The promotor introduced me to the recicladores we met on the ‗tour‘ and I was able to observe and talk to them. In the following 1.5 months, I was able to join the truck or go to the places where the recicladores were working on my own. Thus, I was free to arrive earlier or later and help the recicladores with their work, but I was always able to drive back

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with the truck early in the morning2. In the end I joined the truck eight nights and actively participated with the recicladores and this turned out to be a great solution to my problems. Another solution to some of my problems came in the form of a pair of extra eyes and ears. Through the ARB I met a Brazilian girl that also did research about the recicladores for her Master Sociology. We met in the second half of my fieldwork and from then on we worked together, we would join the recicladores in the evening, visit cooperatives together and much more. This benefitted the process in several ways: we had more persuading power towards the recicladores and the promotores to get what we wanted, such as an interview or a visit to one of the cooperatives. Moreover, although we both were not fluent in Spanish we were able to help each other with the language if we had trouble understanding and we were able to exchange experiences, discuss thoughts and ideas.

2.4 METHODS USED

Thus, actively participating and observing the recicladores that worked in the night turned out to be the solution to my problems and became my main method of research. As Herbert states ‗‘Ethnography explores the tissue of everyday life to reveal the processes and meanings which undergird social action, and which enable order to be reproduced and sometimes challenged‟‟ (Herbert 2000, 551). By helping the recicladores with their work, going through the garbage bins and sorting out the materials with them allowed me to observe their way of working and look at the difference between what people do and what they say they do (idem: 552). In addition and more importantly, I was able to build a relationship with the recicladores, especially with two of the girls, Sonia and Jenny of the Family Gomez, who worked in a neighborhood in the North. By having conversations and sharing experiences as friends they provided me with a wealth of information. Both Sonia and Jenny were very eager to ask questions about my life, what I was afraid of, the way we lived and more. This gave me the opportunity to ask them the same questions in return, or they would start telling me by themselves. While working, I asked questions about the treatment of materials, their relations with other recicladores and much more. The more often I came, the more willing all of the recicladores seemed to explain or elaborate their responses. Besides gaining a lot of

Which due to safety reasons was necessary as there was no public transportation at that hour and flagging a taxi on your own in Bogotá, especially in the evening is not safe. 2

20 | 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá

verbal information, I gained more and more insight into the process of recycling, the relations between the recicladores, the way materials are treated and their routines. Besides all the data gained from participant observation I did several open interviews with the administrative heads of the five different cooperatives which were member of the ARB, with two non-profit organizations and several informal talks/interviews with members of the ARB. Furthermore, I was able to join a conference organized by Universidad Javeriana and a meeting of the council of Bogotá both concerning the new WMS of the district of Bogotá. Being a part of the festivities during the International day of recicladores (1st of March), besides experiencing the joy of the recicladores during the celebration also gave me important insight in the importance of attending this event for some recicladores compared to the ones who did not attend. In addition, I was able to join the meetings of the ARB with two cooperatives which gave me insight into the relationship between the ARB and the cooperatives, the way the cooperatives functioned and the role of the recicladores in the cooperative. Observing, participating and talking with the recicladores outside of their working environment provided me with a better understanding of their position in society. It gave me insight in the way the recicladores experience their position in society and how society perceives the recicladores. Besides first hand data, I was also able to go through the data archives of the ARB and I collected a wide range of news articles concerning the recicladores. Thus, my core data came from active participant observation which was enhanced with (recorded) open interviews and informal talks with different related parties, participant observation during several events, records from the ARB and news articles.

2.5 RELIABILITY OF THE DATA

One of the first measures of reliability of the data is the set of respondents. My group of respondents is quite small, but diverse: it includes both male and female recicladores, which fall in different age categories and they work at different places in different ways. Despite of the small group of respondents, they gave me an interesting and thorough insight into the lives of the recicladores, their socio-economic situation, their struggles and fears, which was the aim of my fieldwork. One of the reasons I am confident that this small set of respondents gave me a clear overview was triangulation, the ability to test data gained from other 21 | 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá

sources, such as interviews with other recicladores and with cooperatives and the ARB. In addition, I was also able to test some of the things certain recicladores said to me with the above mentioned sources and among their family members. At moments I did notice that some of my respondents gave socially preferred answers. I found out that certain details one person told me were not the same as what the others were saying. However, as these details were very personal I decided not to confront the person with this new found knowledge and eventually the person often would bring the topic up again and give me new information. In the end I can conclude that because I joined them eight times, I was able to build a relationship with them and the recicladores were more and more willing to trust me and elaborate their answers to questions more thoroughly. Although I am satisfied with the data I gained, more thorough information about the lives of the recicladores before joining a cooperative would have enhanced my research even further. For several reasons it was difficult to obtain these details, such as some of the struggles I elaborated above (language, access etc.). Another reason was the fact that most of the recicladores I talked to were members of a cooperative for such a long time that they did not remember exactly or were not willing to elaborate more on their experiences when working on the streets.

2.6 ETHICS

Informed consent is an important issue in anthropological research. During my fieldwork I have tried to be as open and straightforward concerning my intentions and potential usage of the information as possible. However, I have the feeling that it is necessary to change the names of my respondents to secure anonymity even though they gave me permission to use their names as they may not be able to oversee possible consequences of using their real names. Furthermore, I have tried to keep most of the details concerning location vague to further anonymize the people involved in my research. Besides informed consent issues the more often I joined the recicladores with their work, the more I got the feeling that I became one of them and that they sometimes did not realize that this was principally a part of my research. However, certain signs such as them notifying me when they would have a meeting with the ARB so I could join them to ‗study

22 | 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá

further‘, and their remarks and participation when at the end of the night I started to make notes made me realize that my informants were aware that I was helping them as a part of my research. Thus, although my set of respondents was small and I encountered some small ethical dilemmas I feel that the methods I used have enhanced the reliability of my data.

23 | 2 Researching recicladores in Bogotá

3 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK In this chapter I will elaborate and connect the theory and concepts used to discuss the influence of becoming a member of a cooperative on the livelihood of the recicladores. First the concept of livelihood will be discussed as this is used to analyze the influence of the second concept, collective action, on the lives of the recicladores. The third main concept is that of informal economy and formalization, which puts the case of the recicladores in a wider debate.

3.1 LIVELIHOOD

The conceptual framework of livelihood is often used as a people centered approach to analyze and understand the complexity of livelihood, which serves as a basis for designing policies and interventions to reduce poverty (Rakodi 2002, p.4). In this case the concept of livelihood can be used to analyze the influences of becoming a member of a cooperative on the lives of the recicladores. A livelihood is defined as all the capabilities, material and social assets and activities required for a living; it is the way a household manages to live (Chambers and Conway 1991). Originally this concept was designed as an approach to analyze rural livelihoods, however when taking specific aspects of urban areas into account this concept can be applied in an urban setting, such as the livelihoods of the recicladores (Verrest 2007). The first aspect that should be considered, is that an urban context is often more variable than a rural context. For instance even within one city certain aspects such as availability and quality of housing options, infrastructure and services can differ per neighborhood and should not be generalized (Sattethwaite and Tacoli 2002). The second aspect that should be taken into account is the significant effect of commoditization on urban life. Urban residents often have to pay for almost all of their consumption goods and basic needs such as food, shelter, transportation and are not able to rely on their own production and therefore are more dependent on cash income than residents in rural areas (Verrest 2007). The third aspect that should be considered is the differences in insecurities and vulnerabilities between urban and rural livelihoods. Although the urban households have greater access to public services, environmental hazards such as poor quality of housing, water supplies, sanitation and solid 24 | 3 Theoretical framework

waste disposal may jeopardize their health and living conditions. The last aspect that should be taken into account is the significant influence of governance, such as laws, rules and regulations on the citizenship of urban residents. Urban areas are characterized by laws, rules, regulations that can negatively influence access to employment, land and basic services (Satterhwaite and Tacoli 2002, p.59). For instance, the first waste dump in Colombia was closed and turned into a privatized landfill in 1986. This had as a result that 150 recicladores families lost their source of income (Medina 2000). In 1994, a national law was passed to privatize all waste service, limiting the access to income generating activities of the recicladores further (La silla vacia 2009). Thus when these typical aspects of an urban context are taken into account this approach can be used to analyze the influence of collective action on the different activities in which households engage to survive and improve their well being. As the definition of livelihood already indicates, assets, activities and access to these assets are important aspects determining the well being of the livelihoods. However, some scholars solely refer to assets while other makes a distinction between assets and capabilities, without making the difference sufficiently clear. Capabilities is a word used by Amartya Sen to refer to ‗‘ a person‟s ability to do valuable acts or reach valuable states of being‟‟ (Sen 1984, p.30). Thus when using this word in the livelihood approach it focuses on whether or not an individual is able to find and make use of the resources and opportunities and cope with stress and shocks. These capabilities are not solely reactive, they are also proactive, anticipating possible changes and adapting to these changes (Chambers and Conway 1991, p.4). According to Caroline Moser, assets can be used to focus on what the poor have instead of what they do not have and give a realistic understanding of the opportunities and vulnerabilities of a livelihood (Moser 1998).Thus assets are the resources individuals have, while capabilities or capital shows what individuals can do with these resources. In order to analyze the livelihood of individuals or households the assets are divided in five different types of capital; human, social, physical, financial and natural capital. The first type of capital is human capital which is according to both Caroline Moser and Carole Rakodi the most important for urban livelihood. Human capital consists of the health status, skills and level of education which all influence the capacity of an individual to work and generate (cash) in come (Rakodi 2002). For example although education facilities, which are needed to find a ‗secure‘ job, are widely available in Bogotá they may not be accessible for each reciclador as going to school often involves extra costs, such as uniforms, transportation and 25 | 3 Theoretical framework

food (Verrest 2007). In addition, health status of an individual can significantly influence the capabilities of the household. For example, when a household member of a recicladores family is sick they do not only limit their personal income but also those of other family members whom have to take care of the member that is sick. Thus education and health status can beside positively also negatively influence the generated income of a household. The second type of capital is physical capital and consists of resources needed for production and infrastructure such as shelter, water, transport, tools and machinery (Rakodi 2002, Verrest 2007). According to Moser, the most important form of physical capital for urban livelihood is housing and ownership of the house as they provide shelter and security but can also function as a financial asset by renting out rooms or to start home-based activities. (Moser 1998 see also: Verrest 2007). The third type of capital is financial capital which refers to the availability of savings, loans, credits, remittances and pensions (Verrest 2007). Financial assets are of crucial importance for urban livelihood partly due to the need of cash but also for its influence on access to other assets. For instance if a reciclador has to work in an another neighborhood then where he lives and needs to take two different buses to get there, but does not have the money to pay for the bus he may not be able to go to his work. Thus not having money influences his chance of involvement in other income generating activities. However, financial assets are not solely important to provide cash for daily activities, financial assets are also important to provide access to money in moments of crisis or long term investments, therefore saving and borrowing opportunities are of vital importance for urban livelihood (idem). The fourth type of capital is natural capital such as land, water and other environmental resources. Natural resources are of less importance for urban livelihood, however in some cases urban households do make use of natural capital such as a garden to grow some vegetables. For the recicladores the possession of land or other environmental resources does not seem to be of great importance. The fifth and last type of capital is social capital which consists of the resources such as networks, memberships, relationships of trust and reciprocity on which members of a household can depend while managing their livelihood. As this concept is of significant importance for the livelihood of the recicladores this concept will be elaborated below. Although these five types of capital have been described separately, they are not independent from each other and one type of capital can influence and lead to another type of capital.

26 | 3 Theoretical framework

3.2 COLLECTIVE ACTION AND SOCIAL CAPITAL

In the first section of this theoretical framework, the concept of livelihood has been discussed to analyze the influence of becoming a member of a cooperative. Recicladores cooperatives are an example of informal workers that are organized, that collectively have taken action. „‟Today informal workers are organized in a variety of ways despite the difficulties they face, and their organizations are growing‟‟ (Bonner and Spooner 2011). According to Christine Bonner and Dave Spooner there are several ways informal workers can organize such as trade unions, workers‘ associations (outside of formal trade union), cooperatives and member based organizations. Furthermore, they argue that the main reason for informal workers to organize is to represent themselves towards authorities, especially in crisis situations. According to Rosemary Thorp et al, collective action among the poor can be successful to help achieve all kinds of goals (Thorp, Stewart and Heyer 2005). Although in the case of the recicladores the first cooperative was initially set up to support and represent the displaced recicladores when the dumpsite was closed (see 3.1, Medina 2000), nowadays the cooperatives are set up for both social and economic reasons. Collectively the recicladores are able to create a larger output and have more bargaining power on the market and to represent the recicladores towards society and government more positively. However, besides reasons for organizing there are also constraints for informal workers. According to Bonner and Spooner, there are several factors that make it difficult to organize for informal workers such as lack of skills, having no formal work place and therewith a place to meet and recruit members. In addition, time and resources are often limited as informal workers are more focused on survival and have no time and money to organize (Bonner and Spooner 2011). Bonner and Spooner also state that these constraints are the reason for the frequent occurring, short duration of collective action. Furthermore, collective action can be beneficial for informal workers but often fails to help those who need it most as they lack certain assets or an external catalyst (Thorp, Stewart and Heyer 2005). However, this is not the case for the recicladores as the cooperatives exist for several years (some even 15 years) with the help of an external catalyst (ARB), and most cooperatives have a bodega to work and meet. In case a cooperative does not have a bodega another solution is found.

27 | 3 Theoretical framework

The notions of collective action and social capital can be linked to each other; social capital is derived from the benefits that individuals acquire from their ties with others, which could be in the form of collective action. By becoming a member of a cooperative, the recicladores become a part of a social network which provides them access to the resources of social capital. According to Pierre Bourdieu social capital is the „‟aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to a possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition‟‟ (Bourdieu 1985 cited by Portes 1998, p.3). Social capital exists of the social relationships itself, that allow a person to gain access to the resources that their associates have. To be able to attain these social relationships a social network needs to be created which can only be done by making investments. These investments are very important and will influence the quality of the social capital that is obtained. According to Rivke Jaffe the concept of social capital is a useful tool to provide insight in how social networks influence social and economic development and change. This conceptual tool helps explaining why certain groups are able to reach certain goals and others not. Jaffe argues that strong norms of reciprocity and high levels of generalized trust are characteristics of a tight network, which seems to be the most successful for the members (Jaffe 2006, p.211). The focus of social capital can be on both individual and collective level. Pierre Bourdieu and others such as Robert Coleman focus on social capital on individual level. Thus focusing on the ability of an individual actor to secure the benefits of being part of social structures, such as a social network. Nevertheless according to Putnam social capital refers to ‗‟features of social organization, such as trust, norms and networks, that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions‟‟ (Putnam 1993:167 cited by Rigg 2007, p.51). Here the collective character is more visible where the main focus lies on the influence of social capital on a group of people, such as a community. In the case of the recicladores the focus of social capital can be both on individual and collective level. One the one hand, social capital on collective level for the recicladores refers to all members of the different cooperatives who benefit from the features of social organization collectively as a community. On the other hand, as a member of a cooperative a reciclador benefits also on individual or family level from the features of social organization. Besides a focus on individual or collective level, a distinction can be made between three kinds of connections of social capital; linking, bonding and bridging. ‗Linking‘ social capital 28 | 3 Theoretical framework

refers to social relations with people that have economic and political power. This type of social capital can link people or communities to institutions or systems to acquire resources and leverage. While ‗bonding‘ social capital refers to social features of organization between homogenous groups or similar people, thus where people in a network can help each other. ‗Bridging‘ social capital refers to connections between different homogenous groups or people, where a member of one group can gain access to resources of another group and thus benefit from access to different networks (Woolcock and Narayan 2000, p.230). Although the positive side of social capital is mostly promoted, social capital also has a negative side. According to Zygmunt Bauman a price needs to be paid to be a part of a community as it limits individual freedom and the ability to be yourself or self-assertion (Bauman 2001).

3.3 INFORMAL ECONOMY AND FORMALIZATION

From the livelihood approach and the notions of collective action and social capital, we are going to a wider debate concerning the informal economy and linkages with the formal economy. The informal sector is a significant source of employment in the urban areas and an important part of Colombia‘s economy, according to Martin Medina and Cesar Roderiguez-Caravito; more than 50 % of the urban labor population is part of the informal sector (Medina 2007, Rodriguez-Caravito 2006). In 1973, Keith Hart coined the term informal sector arguing that an individual who is selfemployed is part of the informal sector while someone who earns a wage is part of the formal sector. Although this term has been taken over by many scholars, it has certain limitations and in the mid-90 the term informal sector was changed into informal economy to make it more applicable to different cases. Characteristics of the informal economy are small-scale, labor-intensive, often unregulated and unregistered work. In addition, it often involves lowtechnology manufacturing or services, enterprises not paying tax, having no trading license or providing social welfare (Wilson, Velis and Cheeseman 2006). The characteristics of the formal economy are the obverse, namely; the operations are large- scale and capital intensive and often rely on overseas resources and formally acquired skills are needed (Castells and Portes 1989).

29 | 3 Theoretical framework

The current discussion about the informal economy can be divided into two main issues; its internal structure and its function. The former focuses on the descriptive characteristics that determine whether or not an activity is informal. The debate concerning the function of the informal economy is more focused on the relationship of the informal economy to the formal economy. To be more precise it discusses whether the informal economy consists of survival activities of the urban poor or is a relatively permanent feature of modern society (Maruri 2001). The descriptive characteristics of informal activities are very diverse Martha Chen classifies informal economic activities in different segments. The first segment is self-employment in informal enterprises, which consists of individuals, such as employers, own account operators and unpaid family workers, that work in a small unregistered enterprise. The second segment is wage employment informal jobs, examples are employees of an informal enterprise, or casual day- and domestic workers who do not receive benefits or social protection and may or may not have a fixed employer but do receive wages (Chen 2007). Leen Boer makes a distinction between informal, formal and mixed activities, which can be further classified by whether or not they are legal or illegal, the use of money as a medium of exchange and the extent to which the impact of these productive activities stays limited to the household (Boer 1990). For instance, activities which are performed according to existing regulations are formal, legal and the reward is in the form of money. The other extreme is criminal activities which are illegal such as theft or ‗normal‘ domestic work such as preparing meals, which is according to Boer, informal, illegal or not provided for by law and no monetary reward is received. In the two examples the transition from formal to informal is clear; when a child is brought to childcare the ‗informal domestic ‗activity of taking care of children, becomes a formal activities. However, for other activities it is more difficult to distinguish whether or not it is informal or formal. This depends on different factors such as regulations, laws and other factors that will not be thoroughly discussed here as the main point is to demonstrate is the dynamic and changing nature of the informal and formal economy. At the same time, certain activities may be in the process of being formalized, while others are in the process of being informalized. This brings us to the second issue mentioned earlier about the relationship between the informal and formal economy. The concept of (in)formalization is used to emphasize the changing nature of the linkages and transfer of activities between the formal and informal 30 | 3 Theoretical framework

economy (Boer 1990, p.408) According to Chen the renewed interest in the informal economy comes from the recognition that the informal economy is not a short term phenomenon anymore, but is growing and permanent (Chen 2007). The informal economy is universal and „‟can be found in countries and regions at very different levels of economic development‟‟ (Castells and Portes 1989, p.15). The informal economy is becoming more present in modern economies and the linkages between the formal and informal economy are becoming greater, partly due to increasing international competition. Since the 1980‘s many firms decided to source out a part of their production or services in developed countries where the labor costs are lower. Some of the labor is formal and relatively protected such as individuals working in a call center, while other labor is more informal and unprotected, such as workers in assembly factories (Chen 2007). Another reason that is often mentioned for the growing importance of the informal economy is the pressure of high employment, where informal activity is seen as a safety net (Boer 1990). The former reason is an example of the relation between enterprises and the informal economy, while the latter is an example of the relation of individuals and the informal economy. The economic activity of collecting and selling waste is often classified by scholars as informal work, (Medina 2007, Wilson, Velis and Cheeseman 2006, Birkbeck 1978). However, in this it thesis will be demonstrated how collective action, forming cooperatives, has started the process of formalization of the economic activity performed by the recicladores.

31 | 3 Theoretical framework

4 COOPERATIVE’S AND THEIR GOALS The main focus of this research is the recicladores that are member of a cooperative and how this has influenced their life. In this chapter I will give insight into how these cooperatives function, what their goal is and the possible differences among them. Furthermore, to provide a further insight a closer look will be given into certain specific cooperatives and the ARB.

4.1 COOPERATIVES AND ASSOCIATIONS

In the introduction it was mentioned that formally there is a distinction between a cooperative and an association. However, in most cases this distinction is not acknowledged by my informants. According to the ARB there is a difference between a cooperative and association, as the former is more formal and has a more official status than the latter. In addition, members of a cooperative receive social security and welfare while those of an association do not. During my conversations with informants (including people at the ARB) none of them made a distinction between the two different types, both words were used simultaneously in the same conversation. The only time a difference was mentioned was when I explicitly asked about it as my informants used these two words in simultaneously and it was not clear if there was a difference. My expectation was that there was no distinction thus it surprised me when the ARB told me there was. A probable explanation why no clear distinction is made between the two different types is the fact that there are not many cooperatives that provide social security and welfare. There is only one I know of and this is officially not a cooperative as it works together with the local government (Centro Alqueria, this will be elaborated later on). When talking with the recicladores about the different cooperatives an important issue for them seemed to be how much you have to pay to the cooperative to become a member, with the focus on that fact that they pay as little as possible for the ‗services‘ of the cooperative. Thus it seems that the recicladores prefer to save money on short term basis of making investments to long term periods (this will be explained further in chapter 5). This could possibly explain why there are not many cooperatives that provide social security and welfare and why the difference is not (well) known. 32 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

4.2 GOAL OF COOPERATIVES

When looking at the goals of the cooperatives, all the cooperatives have the same main goal(s), however there is a small difference between the goals according to the ARB and the leaders of the cooperative and how it is perceived by the recicladores. The head of cooperative Rescartar states: “Our goal is to make this a better and more secure way to recycle. That they have higher incomes and the incomes are safe, because many of them live by the day, they eat, live: they live. If they get paid weekly they get more money. In general it is better if they don‟t have the money daily as it gives them social security and health security. These are the reasons for the recicladores.” (Jose, Rescartar) With the first sentence of this quote the leader of one of the cooperatives summarizes the general objective of a cooperative according to the leaders of the cooperatives and the ARB. When looking at the range of answers given on what the goal of a cooperative is, there is an overall general perspective: they want to improve and secure the work the recicladores do. When talking to the leaders and the ARB one of the main goals that is mentioned is to improve the way of recycling economically. A cooperative collectively sells its materials directly to the industry, which results in a higher price as one link (the intermediary) of the chain has been eliminated. Another goal that is mentioned is that a cooperative is a way to positively represent the recicladores to the society. When the recicladores are asked what the goal is of their cooperative, the recicladores usually mention that they do not have to deal with an intermediary as the intermediary gives low prices, robs and treats the recicladores ‗badly‘. Several examples were given by the recicladores of how this was done. For instance, an intermediary would temper with the scale and give the reciclador an unfair weight. Or an intermediary would give a reciclador a price which was often significantly lower than what the industry pays to the intermediary. The positive representation of the recicladores towards the society and government has not directly been mentioned by the recicladores. Nonetheless, indirectly when asking why they became a member, some would answer that they ‗have to be‘ organized by order of the government to be able to do their job. The government and the ARN, ARB and ENDA have been involved in a dispute about the legality of the ‗work‘ the recicladores do. The government created several new laws trying to prohibit the recicladores to do their work, 33 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

which have been fought against by the ARN, ARB and ENDA. At this moment there is a certain consensus between government and recicladores organizations that recicladores that are member of a cooperative are allowed to collect and sell waste to support their livelihoods. Which explains the answer of ‗we have to organize‘ by the recicladores. This answer could be linked with one of the goals of the ARB and cooperative as it involves their representation towards the government as being a member in some way ‗validates‘ the work they do. Thus when analyzing the differences between the answers of the recicladores and the leaders of the cooperative and the ARB, the issue of improving their livelihood especially focusing on income seems to be the most important, while the ARB and leaders of the cooperatives want to improve the overall situation of the recicladores when they are working.

4.3 WORKING PROCESSES OF A COOPERATIVE

Based on observation, interviews and talks with my informants a general description of how a cooperatives function can be given. A reciclador cooperative consists of a group of people that collect waste and collectively sell their materials to the industries. In general a cooperative has twenty members or more and some people that together lead the cooperative. The ‗leaders‘ of the cooperative are often the founders or have volunteered to be one of the leaders and were accepted by its members. In order to be member of a cooperative several rules have to be followed. First of all every member has to follow a course in which they learn how a cooperative works, the way they should treat the material, how they can represent themselves towards the public but also how to deal with problems or conflicts in the family or cooperative. This course is specifically set up and only accessible for recicladores that are member of a cooperative. In addition, the recicladores have to wear a uniform, they have to attend meetings and work responsibly. One example of working responsibly is the fact that recicladores that are a member and work on the street are told to clean up after they searched through a garbage bin, while a reciclador that works alone leaves the materials that are not used lying on the sidewalk. This is also an example of positive representation of the recicladores towards the district, as the recicladores by cleaning up after them, save the district cleaning costs. In addition, when the recicladores learn about the treatment of the materials, they learn how to 34 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

distinguish one type of material from the other. When I would help, the recicladores in the evening with sorting through the waste, it was interesting to see how for example Sonia, could always distinguish an aluminum spray can from a spray can made of scrap by looking at small differences in color. I was able to help the recicladores without following a course as I was only helping and not a member who wants to earn an income. A cooperative ‗buys‘ the materials from its members and sells it to the industry. After a reciclador has collected the materials, the materials are sorted out by type and put in separate large jute or plastic bags. The bags are weighted in the bodega and it is noted how much the reciclador has collected. The price of the materials is determined by kilo and is often set. The set prices are determined by cooperatives, based on the average price the cooperatives will receive from the industries. When the prices in the global economy change, the price per kilo also changes, for example recently the price of PET bottles and hard plastic had risen as the price of oil increased. In the bodega, the materials are sorted out more thoroughly and cleaned by other recicladores who get paid by hour. Eventually when there is demand from the industries or according to agreements made, the materials are sold to the industries. Each cooperative has a set pay day, often Saturdays, when the recicladores can pick up their earnings. The recicladores have to contribute to the cooperative in several ways. First of all the cooperatives have to contribute financially by paying a fee for transportation and being a member of a cooperative. The fee for transportation is based on a percentage of the amount of waste the recicladores collected. The administration fee is set and differs per cooperative this is usually between the 4.000 to 20.000 COP (1.55 - 5 Euro3) monthly. The amount the recicladores have to pay depends on the ‗services‘ they receive, for example certain cooperatives provide social welfare and security to their members but they have to contribute a monthly amount, others do not receive social benefits and pay less. Thus although a reciclador receives a better price for their materials, they do have some overhead costs in the form of a monthly administration fee and transport costs. However, the recicladores also save time, as they do not have spent time on the transportation of their materials and coming to an agreement with the intermediary about the price. The typical aspects of how a cooperative functions demonstrate how the economic activity of recycling is in the process of formalization. For example, a part of the recicladores is paid by 3

2.579 COP is 1,00 Euro 35 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

the hour instead of receiving a (monetary) reward based on output. However, they do not receive social security and welfare, which is one of the conditions to label an economic activity as formal. Furthermore, not every individual can become a member of a cooperative. Previous experience in recycling and following a course is needed to become member. Thus, skills are necessary to become a member of which some have to be formally acquired through education, which is another characteristic of formal work. In addition, cooperation provides a way of specialization to the recicladores; they focus on collecting and sorting out the waste, while the cooperative sells the materials to industry (Castells and Portes 1989). Specialization, payment per hour and the need of formal acquired skills demonstrate that the activities the recicladores perform is in the process of formalization. The fact that the materials are sold through the cooperative to the industry demonstrate the linkages with the formal economy. Besides financial contribution the recicladores also have to contribute socially. Every member is expected to attend every reunion or meeting and public events such as the national recicladores day and protests. Although the members are expected to attend these meetings, there are often recicladores that do not show up. During one of the meetings of a cooperative named Coop Triumpfo, the first issue on the agenda was the lack of certain members to attend; in addition several members had not paid their fees. A discussion was initiated when one of the leaders said that everybody had to attend. Certain members complained that they always attend the meetings while others did not attend, making the meetings less worthy of their time as several aspects could not be discussed with all members present. Although the leaders tried to convince the members of the importance of collaboration, several recicladores found it more important to work and told them they could not attend all meetings. Cooperatives in Bogotá differ in several ways but also have similarities. The way a cooperative functions depends on certain aspects such as type of members, having a bodega and or a truck or not. Most of the recicladores that are a member of a cooperative work at a fuente and some work at the street but have set spots or neighborhoods. The materials that are collected are picked up by the truck owned by the cooperative or the materials are brought to the cooperative in a different way when the cooperative has no truck (e.g. manually or by horse carts). When a cooperative has no bodega where they can store the materials, an agreement is made with another cooperative or help is asked from the ARB to find a way to sell these materials to the industries.

36 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

According to Christine Bonner and Dave Spooner, informal workers who try to organize may experience several problems, which have as an effect that the collective action is many cases of short duration. These problems are often caused by a lack of resources, such as having a place to meet, recruit new members or work (Bonner and Spooner 2011). In the case of the recicladores cooperatives, most have a bodega to work and store materials and hold reunions. When no bodega is available these meetings can be held at the ARB, which could be one of the reasons why most cooperative exist for quite some years (10-20 years).

4.4 ASOCIACIÓN DE RECICLADORES DE BOGOTÁ

I would also like to explain how the ARB functions and what its goals are as they are an important factor in the lives of the recicladores and therewith an important part of my research. The ARB is a non-profit organization that started in the 1990‘s when four cooperatives were forced to leave the dumpsite where they were working. Together with the non-profit organization Fundación Social they decided to set up the ARB. The main goal of the ARB is to promote and strengthen the organization of recicladores. The ARB wants to improve the working conditions for the recicladores and gain social and economic recognition for the work of the recicladores. The ARB receives subsidies from non-profit organizations such as AVINA (a Latin American NGO focused on sustainable development) and WIEGO and has set up a system in 2000 to lend money to cooperatives when they want to build a bodega for instance. At this moment the ARB helps 24 cooperatives, which consists in total of 2.300 families or 8000 beneficiaries. The ARB leader, Nora Padilla used to recycle with her family as well and most of the people working for the ARB come from a of recicladores background. The ARB tries to help the recicladores on national and worldwide level with help from the ARN. The long term goal of the ARB is to integrate the recicladores into the formal WMS. Their main aim is to come to an agreement with the district about a plan in which the private companies that pick up the waste in the district work together with the recicladores to pick up all the waste in Bogotá. The ARB would like the recicladores to receive social security and welfare and in addition to the income generated by output, they should also receive a fee for 37 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

their work from the district. At the moment the ARB, the district and other parties have had several round table meetings to discuss the integration of the recicladores in the formal system. The recicladores are all familiar with the ARB. The ARB and especially the promotores know almost all of the recicladores and have close contact with them. The recicladores call the bright green building of the ARB ‗the house‘ of the recicladores. Besides that some cooperatives hold their meeting in this building, recicladores are free to stop by for questions or something else. Beside the above mentioned activities, the ARB has also initiated several projects of which one is called Pensilvania and functions like a cooperative. Pensilvania helps the recicladores that are member of cooperatives that do not have a bodega and work at a fuente or at the street but do not have the means of transport for their materials and a place to sort out the materials. These recicladores can next to their membership of the cooperative become a member of Pensilvania. Pensilvania owns a truck and picks up the materials of these recicladores, the materials are weighted in the truck and the materials are brought to the bodega of Pensilvania. The recicladores that collaborate in this project are paid weekly and have to pay a small fee for the transportation. Pensilvania has been set up with the help of four private companies; of which each in a certain way contribute to improving the livelihood of the recicladores. For instance, one company has helped finding several fuentes for recicladores, while another company gives it customers the opportunity to return the packaging materials of their products to the stores, which is donated to the recicladores. Besides Pensilvania a different pilot project which is not set up by the ARB but does collaborate with them to help the recicladores is Centro Alqueria. This is the only collecting center in Colombia, where waste collected by recicladores and waste collected on specific routes by the private companies (commissioned by the district) is sorted out. With a small subsidy from the district of Bogotá, this centre runs on the money earned by the sale of the materials. The district subsidizes this project to try out the possibilities for the future integration of the recicladores in the formal WMS. There are two types of recicladores that work at Centro Alqueria. On the one hand, a group of recicladores that is formally employed and is paid per hour and receives social security and welfare. On the other hand, the recicladores who are members of different cooperatives and work extra when the first group

38 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

is not able to process all the waste alone. This second group gets paid per amount of sorted waste through their cooperative. In this chapter we have seen that the general goal of all parties involved with the recicladores is to help improve their livelihood by finding better and more secure ways to recycle. In addition, the ARB and the cooperatives work together to gain social and economic recognition for the work the recicladores do. Although the cooperatives may differ in size and resources there general way of working is the same.

39 | 4 Cooperative‘s and their goals

5 LIVELIHOOD OF THE RECICLADORES The aim of this chapter is to analyze the livelihood -with specific focus on their socioeconomic situation- of the recicladores and to see which aspects of the livelihood have changed by becoming a member. When talking about the livelihood of the reciclador, the focus is on the individual. However, in certain cases such as the family Gomez, where the whole family recycles, certain aspects may be analyzed at household level. It should be noted that not all information concerning their livelihood before they became a member is available. The first reason is that many of the recicladores were member of a cooperative for a very long time, limiting the chance of finding information before this period. Secondly, not every reciclador was able or willing to provide this kind of information.

5.1 DURATION OF RECYCLING AND MEMBERSHIP OF A COOPERATION

Before looking further into the livelihood of the recicladores, a closer look is given into the duration of recycling and being a member of a cooperative to provide more insight into when the changes may have occurred in their livelihood. In addition the amount of time recicladores have been doing this job, says much about their alternative possibilities but also about how attractive this type of income generating activity is for them. Most of the informants that I talked to told me they have been recycling all their life. However, when I asked how many years they did this work and how old they were some discrepancies in the answers became apparent. For example, the first time I asked the reciclador Juan (52) he replied all my live, but later on he told me he has been doing this work more than 20 years. Before Juan started to recycle, he lived on the street and did not have a job. Reciclador Sonia has been doing this work since she was little, has been member of a cooperative for 7 years and tried many jobs in between. Another example is Lina (43) who has been recycling for 27 years of which she worked 7 years on the street and 20 years as a member of a cooperative. In addition, I also met a family of which the parents grew up with recycling and joined their parents in the night when they looked for materials and started recycling themselves at the age of 11 or up.

40 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

All these examples demonstrate that most individuals have been recycling for a long time and have been a member of a cooperative for a significant part of that period and their lives as reciclador. This could indicate that they find recycling especially as a member the most attractive way of generating income rather than other means (which may be limited). The exact reasons for joining a cooperative will be discussed in the next chapter.

5.2 HOUSING

According to both Moser and Verrest, housing or shelter is the most important physical capital for urban livelihoods. Besides shelter for the household members, it also provides access to financial assets, i.e. renting out rooms or having a shop in the house (Verrest 2007, Moser 1998). For the recicladores housing is most off all a form of shelter, they work at a different location and sleep and eat in their house. In some cases, housing is also a productive asset, providing a way of income when recicladores have a bodega in their house. For example, I was able to attend a meeting between a cooperative and the ARB. The meeting was held in the house of one of the leaders. The house had besides the living- and bed-rooms a covered patio where the leader stored many different materials, old bikes, tires and more that he probably found while recycling. Eventually these materials were sold to the industry/intermediary or to someone who for example needed a few wooden boards for a bed. Thus, besides a form of shelter this house was also a productive asset as the leader could take home materials he found and store them to eventually sell the materials. However, the storage and sales of materials was an extra activity to generate income as he also collected and sold waste like his fellow recicladores. Although all members of a cooperative have some sort of shelter, the housing conditions of the recicladores are basic. A typical house, where several family members live together, may exist of one or two rooms, a kitchen and a bathroom, but without any hot water or electronic devices or sometimes even furniture. For example, Sonia lives on her own with her boyfriend and pays 106.000 COP (41 Euro) per month for her room and 25.000 COP (10 Euro) service costs and has a room with a kitchen and bathroom. She does not have warm water, TV, radio, or other electronic devices. In addition Juan lives with his mother and other family members (number is unknown), but he does not have his own room, they all live in the same room.

41 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

Besides the fact that the houses of the recicladores are often very basic, they are in most cases also rented. This makes the living conditions of the recicladores more insecure as they do not have the ownership of the house and in certain cases may have to leave because of not being able to pay the rent or when the landlords decides to do something else with the house. For some of the recicladores the housing situation has changed significantly since they became a member of a cooperative. Besides working on the streets some of the recicladores also lived on the street. For them having a form of shelter and the ability to pay regularly rent has significantly changed their livelihood. As an example Juan explained us that before he became a member of a cooperative, he lived on the street and did not have any form of shelter. For other recicladores the changes in their housing situation may not be as significant as for Juan. However, being a member of a cooperative, provides them more certainty and a regular income and therefore the recicladores may have been able to rent better facilities. Thus according to both Moser and Verrest housing or shelter is an important physical capital as it can also be used as a productive assets (Moser 1998, Verrest 2007). However, for a member of a cooperative, housing is in most cases not a productive asset but merely a form of shelter.

5.3 FAMILY RELATIONS

According to Verrest social structures in urban areas are different from those in rural areas, as social networks are more diverse and go beyond the family and close environment (Verrest 2007, p.115). However, according to Moser, household relationships are important assets for urban (individual and family) livelihood, the household composition, structure and cohesion increase the ability to adjust to changes and provide security and redistribution of income (Moser 1998, p. 12). For the recicladores close social networks such as family and the cooperative are an important part of their livelihood, as the recicladores can fall back on these social support networks when needed to pool income and costs and support each other (this will be elaborated below). The household of a reciclador often includes beside the nuclear family also extended family members such as partners of children and their children and other close relatives to provide more sources of income and share costs.

42 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

In addition besides living together most of the recicladores work together, often the whole family recycles and is member of the same cooperative. Some may even work at the same spot while others have their own fuentes. An example is the recicladores family Gomez. The mother Andrea lives with her husband and son Davide at the first floor, while her daughter Jenny (21) lives with her daughter (1.5 years old) and the father of the child on the second floor and they all share one kitchen and bathroom. The oldest daughter Sonia (23) lives on her own with her boyfriend. Sonia also has a six year old child of whom she at first told me lived with her. However, her sister told me that the child lives with her mother (Andrea) and the other household members. When I asked Sonia again about her child she acknowledged that the child does not live with her. From other sources I heard that Sonia has a second child which has been taken away by child services. The fact that Sonia at first did not want to tell that her child did not live with her is an example of the social preferred answer certain informants gave me (see chapter 3). Giving a social preferred answer or not telling may show a certain feeling of shame about her choices. Unfortunately I was not able to discuss this further with her. Besides living together and sharing facilities, the family members also help each other out or have a certain division of tasks. For example, the father of Jenny babysits her child, when she is working because her father, who is blind, is not able to work anymore. Another example is Juan whom still lives with his mother and other family members; Juan‘s mother (84) cooks and cleans, while Juan has to contribute financially to the household. The description of the household of the family Gomez, gives an insight into how the household relations are used as an asset to sustain their livelihoods. The composition of the household makes their livelihood less vulnerable as they have multiple sources of income. Most of the family members are old enough to work and provide a source of income and share cost. In addition family relations are also a form of social capital used by family members for the benefit of the individual member and the family as a whole (Portes 1998, p.12). For instance, while some family members are not able to work, such as the father of Jenny, they are a source of family support and contribute in a different way by making it possible for Jenny to work by babysitting her child. However, the composition of this household can also make the household more vulnerable, i.e. through a lack of diversification. According to Verrest diversification in source of income is a crucial factor leading to improvement of livelihood (Verrest 2007, p.119). Besides the quantity of the sources of income, the diversity of the sources of income is also important. 43 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

Thus as most of the members of the Gomez household recycle at the same public space, their income will be significantly affected when they are, for example, not allowed to collect the waste on the street. In addition, Gomez family is also dependent on the prices of the materials Pensilvania (cooperative) pays, which is influenced by international market. As the family members all collected the same type of materials a sudden drop in for example aluminum – which is a significant contribution to their daily earnings (see graph 1 section 5.4)- lead to less income for all members. Nevertheless, not every household consists of family members that work at the same spot. For example Juan is the only one working at the fuente where he collects, while other family members recycle elsewhere. As demonstrated in section 5.2 there are many different situations in terms of housing and family relations for the recicladores before they became a member. For instance, a reciclador may have lived alone somewhere or on the street. Otherwise, a reciclador may have lived in a house but was the only member of a household that recycles. However, the most common situation was where all household members recycled at the same location and therefore were more vulnerable as they depended on the same source of income from. In many of those situations, the livelihood of the recicladores regarding housing and family relations have improved and became less vulnerable since they became a member of a cooperative. An example of the first case is Juan who lived alone on the streets and was only responsible for his own livelihood, while now he is part of a household and has a shelter. Additionally, households that depended on the same source of income may have become less vulnerable as becoming a member of a cooperative led to a diversification of the locations and fuentes to recycle. For the recicladores in the second situation, their household relationships have changed in terms of certainty, as the family members had more short term informal jobs or no set location to collect materials.

5.4 EARNINGS

In the several issues discussed in this thesis so far it is visible that income plays an important role in the lives of the recicladores. However, not only income but the whole financial situation and access to financial assets is an important part of the livelihood of recicladores.

44 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

The earnings or income of the recicladores who are member of a cooperative can vary among each other for several reasons. In addition, as the recicladores get paid per quantity their earnings per day may also vary. This will be demonstrated with data I was able to gather each time I personally joined the recicladores with their work. Appendix one shows a detailed overview of the earnings of Jenny, Sonia and Juan during the six times I worked with them in the month March. Table 1 and graph 1 provide a summary of these figures to demonstrate the variety in earnings. However, it should be noted besides the days I joined them they also worked at other days (they work on Monday, Wednesday and Friday). Table 1 gives an overview of the average earnings per night and shows a difference in the income among recicladores which are a member of a cooperative. For instance, Juan earns a little bit less than 33.000 COP per night which is around 13 Euro, while Jenny and Sonia earn on average 40.000 COP (15.50 Euro) and 48.000 COP (18.60 Euro) respectively. The variety on income (here 33.000-48.000 COP) depends on several factors. First of all, the place where the materials are collected and the type of materials have great influence on the earnings of the recicladores. For instance, Juan works at a fuente that is a building existing of partly offices and stores and some apartments. The main materials he collects are paper, cardboard, plastic and some tin cans. Jenny and Sonia have no fuente but work at a set neighborhood and collect besides the above mentioned materials also scrap, hard plastic, PET (plastic bottles) and glass, products with a higher value per kilo and therewith higher income generation. Graph 1 shows the relative share per type of material of the total earnings. In the graph it is visible that for Juan office paper is his main source of income, however it should be noted that Juan also collects tin cans but sells that only once at the end of the year. Additionally, graph 1 demonstrates that Jenny and Sonia have a greater variety of products that contribute to their earnings. For both Sonia and Jenny, tin cans have the highest share of their earnings, which can be explained by its high price of 1200 per kilo while the price of office paper is 420 COP per kilo.

45 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

39.698 48.045 32.881

sC O

P

O P sC

ea rn i

ng

in g ar n

es t

te

Lo w

ig h H

St an

Av e March Jenny Sonia Juan Total (average)

es

da r

ra ge

d

ea

de v

rn i

ia

ng s

tio n

CO P

CO P

Table 1 overview earnings recicladores per worked day

10.465 13.628 4.480

40.208

49.320 63.600 39.236

26.470 25.461 28.100

50.719

26.677

Exchange rate 2.579 COP is 1,00 Euro

Graph 1 relative share per type of material of total earnings

Relative share per type of material of total earnings 100% 90%

Other Plastic Jars

80%

One Gallon Jars (plastic)

70%

Champagne Bottles Wine Bottles

60%

Aluminium 50%

Plastic

40%

Hard Plastic

30%

PET Bottles Cardboard

20%

News Papers

10%

Office Paper

0% Sonia Total

Jenny Total

Juan Total

46 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

In addition, where Juan is dependent on the amount of waste the fuente brings up that day, Jenny and Sonia are reliant on the amount of waste that is thrown away by the people, but can also decide to look further for more materials in a different area when more materials are needed. However, working on the street does not always have to be more reliable as they are more affected by weather conditions, such as rain which leads to less useable materials. This is also demonstrated in the table 1 where the standard deviation of the earnings of Jenny and Sonia is significant higher than that of Juan, demonstrating a larger variety income per day. Another element that could influence the earnings of the recicladores that work on the street, such as Jenny and Sonia is that there could be other people working on the same location. However, during the night I joined the recicladores I never experienced that other people were working at same the locations as the Gomez family. Although other people are working in the street nearby, it does not seem to worry the Gomez family that they will take over their locations. A cousin of the Gomez family who lost his job was able to join the family and recycle at the same location. In addition to the place of work and the available materials, the amount of time needed for collecting and sorting materials also influences the income of the recicladores. To use the previous example again, Juan works usually from 2 pm till 8 pm, two or three days a week depending on the amount of materials available. While Jenny and Sonia work three days per week from around 4 pm and work till 2 am or 3 am or even later, depending on the amount of waste available. Thus, Jenny and Sonia work on average 10 hours while Juan works on average 6 hours a day. Several recicladores have more than one way to generate income by recycling. Some can only work a few days per week or only one half of the month at their fuente and increase their earnings by recycling on the street. Some cooperatives will ‗buy‘ these extra materials, while others cannot and then recicladores have to sell these materials to an intermediary. Another way of generating income with recycling is selling what they call ‗cachivaches‘ (little treasures) such as clothing, a cell phone, electronic devices they found during their work. This is done in the weekends at a Mercado del pulgas, a flea market where people can sell their things to generate some extra income. Some small investments are needed to generate earnings from recycling. First of all, they may have to pay for transportation to their work, e.g. a bus (1400 COP) and have to pay a small amount for the transportation of their materials. Besides that usually no other

47 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

investments are needed; jute bags are provided by the cooperative and re-used, other materials that are needed are found while doing their work such as plastic bags or stockings. Whether or not their income generated by recycling is enough to fulfill their basic needs is difficult to conclude. For instance when a calculation is made of Sonia‘s known income and expenditures it is visible that she has 7.80 Euro per day (her average income per day is 48.000 COP and there are 13 days she can work in the month March, which leads to a total of 624.000 COP divided / 31 days = 20.129 COP4). This is significantly more than the international amount of moderate poverty set by the World Bank. However, when distracting the monthly rent and costs for shelter (624.000 - 131.000 = 493.000 COP) Sonia has a bit more than 191 Euro in total or 6 Euro per day left for other necessities such as food, clothing and taking care of her son. Furthermore, the monthly earnings of Sonia (624.000 COP) are more than the minimal wage of Colombia (535.600 COP) in 2011 (Colombia reports 2011). Again it should be noted that these numbers are averages and can be influenced by fluctuations in prices of the materials, weather conditions and whether or not Sonia is able to work all 13 days, because when she is for example sick she is not able to work no earnings are generated for that day. Another example is Juan who told me one day that he did not have enough money to take the bus to his other work the next day and because of that also hadn´t eaten the whole day. When I asked Sonia if she earned enough with the work she did, she said ―No I have a kid and have to pay rent”. On the other hand, Jenny and Sonia and many other recicladores have a cell phone, and or a device to listen to music. Although these may have been bought second hand, these items could be categorized as luxury items. Therefore it is difficult to say whether recycling is sufficient to fulfill their basic needs as they may have a different perception of what is necessary in their livelihood.

5.5 CHANGES IN TYPE OF LABOR AND INCOME

There are some notable differences between the situation of the recicladores before becoming a member and the current situation when focusing on type of labor and level of income.

4

It should be noted that this is an average and not the exact amount and that earnings per day may fluctuate. 48 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

Although most of the recicladores collected and sold waste before they became a member, their income was much more insecure as they were reliant on intermediaries and did not have a set price or time of payment. An intermediary would only buy materials when they could sell the materials to the industry (i.e. seasonal demand), while a cooperative always buys the product from the recicladores. In addition, although the current prices the recicladores receive may not be significantly higher than the prices of the intermediary the relation between earnings and hours of work is more in proportion as the recicladores lose no working time with the transportation of their materials to the buyer. Nonetheless, not all recicladores always collected and sold waste. Some had different informal jobs such as cleaning, selling at the street etc. However, these jobs often did not pay as much as what they earn now when looking at the earnings per hour. Sonia for instance has worked at Carrefour, one the largest supermarket chains in Colombia. She worked every day, but earned less in one week than what she earns now with three nights of recycling. Having several short term jobs instead of doing one type of income generating activity could possibly indicate that their ‗jobs‘ possibilities before becoming a member were not sufficient to fulfill their basic needs. Although the generated income may have been more at certain days or periods, at other moment they may have any income which made it more difficult to continuously fulfill their basic needs. My assumption is that one of the most important changes for the recicladores is that since they became a member, recycling has become a more permanent job. As a member recicladores may have different ways of recycling to generate income, however it always involves recycling. Thus being a member and recycling full-time instead of having several different types of short term jobs, indicates the attractiveness of this income generating activity.

5.6 ACCESS TO FINANCIAL ASSETS

According to Rakodi not only income but also access to other financial activities such as the possibility to save or borrow money is important for livelihood to sustain in a highly monetized urban economy (Rakodi 2002, p.10). According to Hebbe Verrest, financial assets are not only needed for the fulfillment of daily needs but also in times of crises or long term 49 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

investments (Verrest 2007). For the recicladores a savings account would besides providing a secure way to save money also be a way to generate more income by receiving interest. However, most of the recicladores have no access to financial assets from economic institutions such as a bank. Opening a savings account or borrowing money from the bank is not possible for the recicladores for different reasons. First of all, the income generating activities of the recicladores are not formal and therefore cannot be used as collateral when asking for a loan at the bank. Secondly, opening a savings account involves costs. The informants with whom I have discussed this topic usually mentioned the cost as the reason for not opening a bank account. Nonetheless, although they may not have access to these financial assets, they have found other strategies to cope with this. For example Juan, saves all the tin cans he collects during the year and takes them home to sell them all at once in December. According to Juan he usually receive around 700.000 to 800.000 COP (273 to 312 Euro) and uses this to buy presents and school necessities for the new school year for his family. Another strategy is that certain cooperatives will ‗keep‘, in the sense of safeguarding, some of the earnings of the reciclador which he or she can ask for later. However, no interest is given on the money, whereas if Juan had a savings account he would have been able deposit regularly his earnings from the tin cans, receive interest and be less sensitive to price fluctuations of aluminum. However, the above mentioned example is for the recicladores a form of relatively long term saving, while it seems like the recicladores prefer to save only on short term. In chapter 4 the reason for choosing an association over a cooperative was that the recicladores prefer to pay as little as possible, instead of paying a larger monthly fee to receive social security. This indicates that the recicladores prefer to save on short term. There are several reasons for this. One reason could be that they live day by day and may not be willing or able to look into the future. Although the recicladores often mentioned they do not want their children to recycle no other future plans were discussed. Another possible reason is a lack of trust by the recicladores for the person that would guard the money, for example the leader of a cooperative. As I heard a few stories of leaders of cooperatives taking money from the other members, this reason seems to have some ground. A solution to restricted access to financial assets would be micro credits, which is designed as a form of support for the poor. Several discussions have been going on about the success of microcredit compared with other projects, which seems to depend on other available 50 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

possibilities, specific needs, output (social value) and sustainability (permanence) (Navajas, et al. 2000). Micro credit is often used to provide an individual or group a way to borrow money to set up a business or invest in their livelihood in other way. This seems to be less of a necessity for the recicladores as they can collectively borrow money from the ARB to invest in their cooperative. However, microcredit besides providing the option to borrow money can also provide a way to save money, which would be suitable to the recicladores as it for instance, would provide Juan the possibility to sell his tin cans immediately and deposit regularly some of his savings and receive interest. I have suggested the possibility to the ARB to look further into the possibilities of micro credit, however they did not seem to be interested. Besides saving money, recicladores also have their own ways to borrow money. Some cooperatives make it possible that recicladores receive an advancement of their weekly earnings. This is usually between the 5000 and 20.000 cop (2- 8 Euro). For example Pensilvania gives the recicladores the opportunity to ask for an advance with a maximum of 20.000 COP (without interest) per worked day. However, recicladores carefully consider whether or not they need the advance and how much. During one of the nights I joined the Gomez family while working, I observed and heard a conversation between Jenny and the truck driver Ray, who weights the materials and gives out the advances which is described in the following excerpt from my field notes: Ray only had a note of 10.000 COP, while Jenny asked for 5000 COP. Ray says that she can take the 10.000 COP but Jenny refuses she only wants 5000 COP. In the end I change my two notes of 5000 for 10.000 with Ray and Jenny receives her advance. This is not the first time I experienced that a reciclador does not want all the money at once but only what he or she needs. An explanation for this could be that Jenny may be afraid that she will spent or lose the rest of the money she does not need and then risks not having enough money at the end of the week. When looking at the situation of the recicladores before they became a member, their ways to ‗save‘ or borrow money have become more secure. For example, for recicladores that lived on the street it was difficult to store materials like Juan does with his tin cans. In addition, it was often unsafe for the recicladores that lived on the street to have a significant amount of money with them as the chance of getting robbed is greater. In addition, although there may have been people such as intermediaries that were willing to give advancement or loan money, this often involved certain restrictions such as having to pay the money back within 51 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

a certain time or with interest while they do not have to worry about this as a member. Thus ability to receive advancement or accumulate materials are examples of how social capital, which is acquired by being a member of a cooperative, provides access to other types of capital, such as financial capital (Portes 1998). Members are able to borrow money from the cooperative, and although not directly, Juan has a shelter where he can also store his tin cans. To give a short conclusion of this chapter, it is clearly visible that the livelihood of the recicladores has been influenced in many ways since they became a member of a cooperative. Overall it could be said that their livelihood has become more certain and secure as a direct or indirect effect of becoming a member. A direct effect is that the income of the recicladores is more certain as they receive set prices and their earnings weekly. In addition, being a member of a cooperative gives them access to certain financial assets such as the possibility to save or borrow money. Indirectly members often have a social network of household members which gives them the opportunity to pool income and costs, but can also provide support.

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53 | 5 Livelihood of the recicladores

6 ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF JOINING A COOPERATIVE In order to determine how the livelihood of the recicladores has been influenced by becoming a member of a cooperative it is also important to look into the reasons for the recicladores to join a cooperative. This could give a better insight into the ways becoming a member influenced their livelihoods. Besides, reasons for becoming a member some of my informants (mostly from the ARB and leaders of a cooperative) also mentioned some possible ‗disadvantages‘ of being a member. In addition, during my observations I also discovered some advantages and disadvantages that have not been mentioned by my informants. Therefore instead of only discussing the reasons for joining, an overview of the advantages and disadvantages of being a member will be given and a distinction will be made concerning the different viewpoints (recicladores, ARB and me).

6.1 WORKING CONDITIONS

Social capital– which exists of relationships or (social) networks- is often linked with improving the social and economic development of individuals or groups of people (Portes 1998, Jaffe 2006). However, possible physical benefits of social networks are often overlooked. In the case of the recicladores the physical benefits of being a member of a cooperative are also important, especially for the recicladores themselves. “You work in a bodega. On the streets you are exposed to the sun, water, the cars (gas) and bad people here you are within walls and you have set hours and I have a baby so that‟s a lot easier.‘‘ (Lina, Rescartar)This quote is an example of the ‗typical‘ answer that was given by the recicladores when I asked why they joined a cooperative. One of the advantages of being a member of a cooperative is that together with the ARB the cooperative tries to find fuentes for its members. For example as someone with a background in recycling from the ARB explained: ―5 - 20 years ago there were always materials to recycle, sometimes we would go back and forth more than 5 times with a full cart. Nowadays, three different recicladores may go through the same garbage and

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recicladores have to work a lot more to find enough materials. Therefore a fuente is so good, as you are certain you can collect the materials and the quality is better‟‟. Working at fuente often means that they work inside a building and therefore are not exposed to weather conditions, pollution from the cars and other people on the street. Besides that being exposed to certain weather conditions has an effect on the physical well being of a reciclador, weather conditions also influence the amount and quality of the collected materials. On average it rains 14 days per month in Bogotá5 and during my nights of work with the recicladores it was always clearly noticeable that the recicladores would collect fewer materials when it would rain, as less material is put outside on the street and not everything can be used when it is wet. For example cardboard and all types of paper, which are important resource for the recicladores, cannot be used. The rainfall is an explanation for the large difference between the highest and lowest earnings per day of Jenny and Sonia shown in table 1 in section 5.4. In addition, beside the health issue of working in a polluted environment, other people working and living on a street can make the work for recicladores difficult. Sometimes, there may be conflicts concerning who works where or other recicladores have already collected the materials. As one of the promotores from the ARB already mentioned, when a reciclador works at the street it is uncertain how many hours they have to work to find enough materials, while a fuente provides more certainty about the hours they have to work, and the amount of collected materials. Nonetheless there are some members that do work on the street such as the Gomez family and are therefore exposed to the weather conditions and uncertainty about the amount and quality of the materials. However, as they receive a set price for their materials and the materials are picked up and bought by the cooperative, their work is easier than before they became a member. It is interesting to see that for the recicladores the main advantages of working at a fuente are that they do not work on the street anymore and have set hours, while according to the promotores the main advantages seem to be the improvement in amount and quality of the materials. This could be another signal that for most of the recicladores the earnings of recycling will not rise significantly when becoming a member but that other factors do have more impact on the livelihoods of the recicladores. 5

http://www.climatetemp.info/colombia/bogota.html 55 | 6 Advantages and disadvantages of joining a cooperative

6.2 IDENTITY AND REPRESENTATION

“Yes miss, I like to work here because I have work here I am a real reciclador” (Lina, Rescartar) “This moment you have to be organized, because everybody wants to recycle.” (Camilla, Chapinerocop) The above mentioned quotes demonstrate another reason for joining a cooperative: as they ‗have to be‘ organized. The government versus ARB and ENDA have been involved in a dispute about the legality of the ‗work‘ the recicladores do. The government created several new laws trying to prohibit the recicladores to work, which have been fought against by the ARB and ENDA. At this moment, there is a certain consensus between the government and recicladores organizations that the recicladores that are member of a cooperative and can prove this with a license will not be bothered by the police. In addition, there is a large chance that in the future the recicladores that are member of a cooperative will be integrated into the new formal waste management system. This is an example of how social capital is a viable asset for the recicladores. By forming a group and with help of an external catalyst (ARB and EDNA) the recicladores have been linked with the (local) government and are therefore more secure of their access to the income generating activities (Jaffe 2006).

PHOTO 2 EXAMPLE OF RECICLADORES ID

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In order to be a member of a cooperative, each reciclador has to have an ID and is as a result registered with the local government. Photo 2 displays the card a reciclador receives stating that they are an official reciclador. Having an ID and this card provides the recicladores with security when they are bothered by the police as they can identify themselves. In addition, although this advantage has not been mentioned by my informants, being registered with the government and having an ID enables the recicladores to make use of certain services they have been excluded from. For example, they could open a savings account, but as mentioned in an earlier chapter they are not able to take out a loan, or get a phone subscription for which an ID is needed. Another form of recognition for the recicladores is the uniform they have to wear. A uniform often exist of a jacket, shirt or an overall with the name and logo of the cooperative. Most of the recicladores I observed while working, always wore their uniform. It seemed like it was something they are proud of. During one of the meetings of Cooperative Triumpfo the new uniform was presented and the leaders mentioned that since many members wanted extra uniforms for their children or family they had to pay a bit extra for the uniforms for nonmembers. This indicates that having a uniform is seen as something positive. Besides the practical purpose of protecting their clothing from getting dirty, it provides the recicladores with recognition and distinguishes them from non-members. Having a uniform is another way of proof and recognition for the members of being a ‗real reciclador‘. Nonetheless, although the recicladores don‘t mind wearing the uniforms not every reciclador likes to wear the gloves, mouth cap and belt to support the back while lifting, which they receive from the cooperatives. When I was helping the Gomez family going through the waste bins I always wore gloves and once asked Sonia why she did not wear hers. She told me that they only bothered her while doing her work. This shows that although recognition and distinction from other recicladores is important for the members, yet comfort goes before safety. In this section an advantage of being member of a cooperative and of a wider network (ARB) has been demonstrated. A cooperative enhances the status of their members with a form of identity by providing a uniform and a card stating that they are an official reciclador. The ARB represents the recicladores towards society and the government, as they are lobbying for the rights of the recicladores.

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6.3 SOCIAL NETWORKS AND RELATIONS

Beside the economical benefit of higher and set prices and the possibility of working at a fuente, being a member of a cooperative also enhances the social networks and social situation of the recicladores. According to Alejandro Portes, social capital can provide access to employment and ‗‘mobility through occupational ladders‘‘ (Portes 1998, p.12). In the case of the recicladores a cooperative enables recicladores to find a better job within the cooperative and help family and friends finding new jobs. For example the drivers of the truck owned by the cooperatives used to be recicladores or are family members or friend from a reciclador that is member of the cooperative. Another example is Julio a relative from the Gomez family, who lost his previous job and started to join the family Gomez with collecting waste. However, this informal referral of employment seems to stay within the close circle of family and friends, instead of to a wider network. Additionally, although being a member of a cooperative is a way to ‗grow further‘ and help family and friends, this is not the case for every reciclador 6. During one of the conversations I had with a reciclador I worked with, we talked about what the reciclador thought about this specific job. The reciclador told me that he/she does not like going through the garbage bins anymore and would like to work at a fuente. Furthermore, the reciclador told me that he/she already talked about this with the head of the cooperative but the head of the cooperative told the reciclador that he/she could not work at a fuente because the partner of the reciclador already works at a fuente. I assumed that there are not enough fuentes for every member and therefore the available jobs are divided among the families. However, when I checked this with the cooperative and ARB, this did not seem to be true as to the contrary it is often the case that every family member has its own fuente. However, during my conversation with the ARB and the cooperative I did not tell them which informant told me this, and therefore I was not able to ask the specific reason why this reciclador is at the moment, not allowed to work at a fuente. A possible explanation is that the cooperative may not (yet) find this person responsible enough to give a fuente, as the ‗client (e.g. apartment or office building) expects the reciclador to come regularly and to do the job well. Or there may be another reason which the person itself knows, but does not wish to disclose. 6

In this text no (fake) names are given to keep this information as confidential as possible.

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The above mentioned example of a reciclador not being able to work at a fuente, demonstrates a negative side of collective action. Social hierarchies created by a difference in skills and power can create differentiated access to resources, in this case improvement of labor conditions (Silvey and Elmherst 2003).

6.4 LOSS OF FREEDOM

So far we discussed the reasons and advantages of joining a cooperative; however of the total of 14.000 adult recicladores in Bogotá only 5000 are member of a cooperative. The large number of non- members surprised me and therefore I also looked into the disadvantages of being a member. Nonetheless it should be noted that I have not been able to talk to recicladores that are not a member and therefore all the reasons that will be mentioned are from the viewpoint of my informants (and thus involved with cooperatives). “There are many that work individually but they don‟t want to organize‟‟ (Camilla, Chapinerocop) During my interview with the reciclador Camilla, she mentioned that there are many recicladores that are not a member and she assumes that this is because they don‘t want to. Camilla also mentioned that this was the case because ‗‟they don‟t have family‟‟. The reason for not becoming a member that Camilla provides us with could show that Camilla sees being member of a cooperative as a responsibility towards the family as being a member benefits them all. This can also be linked with an earlier quote of Camilla mentioned in section 6.1 where Camilla points out that working at a fuente is important as she works set hours which makes it easier for her to take care of her child (i.e. arranging a babysitter for a set period). These two quotes are an example of how being a member contributes to the family could benefit all family members. According to Portes, besides the exclusion of people social capital in the form of access to social networks and relations can also restrict the individual freedom of individuals (Portes 1998). “The organizations do not have much to offer. A reciclador that becomes a member has to compromise, follow rules, go to reunions, so they don‟t have a free life.‖ (Jairo, ARB) This quote summarizes an important disadvantage of being a member of a cooperative according to the ARB and cooperatives; the recicladores lose their freedom. As mentioned 59 | 6 Advantages and disadvantages of joining a cooperative

earlier in the first chapter, coming regularly to meetings is something that some recicladores do not like and some find it difficult to find the self-discipline to attend. In addition, the recicladores also have to comply with certain rules; they have to work responsibly, wear gloves and mouth caps, and take directions. Whereas most of the recicladores were their own boss before they became a member, they could decide when they would work, for how long and no directions had to be taken. Coming to meetings and taking directions are examples of investments that need to be made according to Pierre Bourdieu in order to attain the benefits of the social relations (Portes 1998). This can be linked with the argument of Zygmunt Baud, that being a part of a community or in this case a cooperative, limits freedom and personal autonomy or independency, however it does provide security and they will always limit each other (Bauman 2001). Although the disadvantage has not been directly mentioned to me by my informants, several recicladores told me that they rather work alone. For instance, Juan told me he always works alone: ―otherwise you get problems‖. When I asked how he knows this and if he had experience with working with someone, he did not answer. Another example is Sonia, who told me that she does not like to work with somebody else otherwise she gets into a fight with them. Sonia used to work in the kitchen of the ARB but got into a fight with some of the others that work there and had to leave. These two examples could indicate that authority and freedom are important aspects for the recicladores and may be one of the main reasons for not joining a cooperative. Nevertheless, the recicladores only deal with authority and complying to rules to a certain extent as they usually work alone at a fuente and have no direct authority figure who tells them what to do while the recicladores are working. Although the advantages and disadvantages mentioned are very general and could apply to any cooperative, this is not always the case, so I assumed that the recicladores may have looked around before they decided to join a specific cooperative. However, when I asked the recicladores why they became member of a specific cooperation, they mentioned reasons such as; „‟They work in my neighborhood or it was the only one I knew‟‟. This indicates that the recicladores do not ‗shop around‘ for the best cooperative, but are probably introduced to the cooperatives through their social network. In addition it should be noted that the he reasons for joining and advantages and disadvantages of a cooperative have been described in this chapter as a rational choice, where the recicladores are motivated by needs or goals, however the choice of becoming a member may not always have been that rational. A reciclador could have joined the cooperative for 60 | 6 Advantages and disadvantages of joining a cooperative

instance because other family members were also a member. Nonetheless, the choice to stay a member was probably a rational one as they experienced the advantages of being a member. In this chapter, several advantages and disadvantages of becoming a member have been mentioned. A cooperative can help improve the working conditions of the recicladores, strengthens their identity and improves their representation towards the government and help the recicladores and family members grow further. However, being a member also limits the freedom of the recicladores.

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7 RECOGNITION AND EMPOWERMENT According to several scholars due to the daily contact with waste, recicladores are associated with dirt, unpleasantness, perceived as trouble , a symbol of backwardness and even as criminals (Medina 2000, Dürr and Jaffe 2010, Drackner 2005). The negative association with waste and the fact that the recicladores are part of the informal economy makes that they are perceived as a marginalized group in society. In this chapter a closer look will be given into the influence of becoming a member on the representation of the recicladores towards society and the impact on the self esteem of the recicladores.

7.1 RECOGNITION

According to Amartya Sen, recognition of being engaged in something worth wile is an important part of employment, as it is important for an individual to receive recognition of its productive role in society. Employment does not only supply income but also provides social legitimacy and social status, which lightens the harmful effects of exclusion and increases the span for social integration (Bhalla and Lapeyre 1997, p.419). According to Jutta Gutberlet, the society does not acknowledge the work of the recicladores as resource recovery and does not see the benefits and contribution to the environment and global sustainability (Gutberlet 2008). Ironically the recicladores themselves also lack concern about their engagement to the environment. When I went through the garbage bins to look for waste with the recicladores I was often surprised how many materials could not be used. For instance, some types of cardboard or plastic could not be used, while most of these materials were recyclable, but for economic reasons industry had no interest in these materials. In addition, while I was working with the recicladores I have also seen them throwing away candy wrappers on the ground, even though a garbage bin was nearby. Thus although the ‗work‘ the recicladores do is certainly beneficial for the environment, the recicladores themselves do not consider this as an important aspect of their work. However, general recognition of their work does matter to the recicladores. 62 | 7 Recognition and Empowerment

When I talked with the recicladores about the way they were treated by the public, they told me that some people are nice, while others turn up their nose in both senses of the word, as they smell and look down up on them. Sonia told me that sometimes people are nice to her while she is working. People greet, some even invited her to come in to eat some food, but she never accepted this invitation as she can only eat rice with a spoon. Here it seems like Sonia is ashamed that she does not know how to eat with fork and knife, which is according to Sen, a form of social exclusion. According to Sen, „‟being able to appear in public without shame‟‟ is an example of deprivation of means, that leads to social exclusion. Not only having a form of income but also the possibility to take part in the social life is important (Sen 2000, p.4). Juan also told me that although he hasn‘t eaten the whole day he does not like to ask for money or food. Furthermore, it was interesting to see that Sonia called people who helped her by giving materials amigos (friends). One night she told us she is waiting for an amigo, at a certain moment a SUV drives by and stops 20 meters away from us. When the car leaves, Sonia runs to the spot where the car stopped and comes back with some cardboard. This was the amigo she was waiting for. Although it is unclear if she knew this person and if this person comes more often, this was not the only time that Sonia called these people amigos. The usage of the word amigo is interesting as the word friend is usually used for something positive indicating a relationship between people. Thus here Sonia treats somebody who is helping her as a ‗friend‘, which could be an indication that it is not something common but special and therefore also the interaction and help from somebody or the ‗public‘ is special. According to Sen recognition of employment can have a significant influence on people on their self esteem and social exclusion (Sen 2000). Although the public does not recognize the work of the recicladores being a member of a cooperative improves the self esteem of the recicladores. Most of the recicladores I have spoken to are proud of their work; they wear their uniforms with pride. In the beginning when I asked Juan what he did before he started to recycle and became a member he did not answer my questions. However, during one of my last conversations with him, he told me that he used to live on the streets and do ‗bad‘ things; he would steal and has been in contact with the police several times. When Juan started to recycle he became a good person and told me that he is a different person now. Thus although the work of the recicladores has not been recognized by the public and therefore the recicladores have not the status of being part of the labor force ,being a member can enhance the self esteem of the recicladores. 63 | 7 Recognition and Empowerment

When looking at the situation of the recicladores before becoming a member of a cooperative, the recognition of their work has not been influenced much by becoming a member. One of the leaders at the cooperative Rescartar said: ―At this moment they are getting to know us, but the people that have no direct connection with the cooperative don‟t know how serious and responsible this work is. They don‟t know that recicladores go to meetings at the organization‘‘ (Jose, Rescartar). This quote shows that although one of the main goals of a cooperative is to better represent the recicladores to the public and government, the improvement of representation of the recicladores to the public has not (yet) succeeded. Apart from the influence of being a member of a cooperative on the position of the recicladores in society, the duration of the work of the recicladores in a certain neighborhood does have influence on the relationship with the public. Often recicladores have been working in the same area or neighborhood for a long time and joined a cooperative in the same neighborhood. Several recicladores told me stories about people from the neighborhood that would help them in certain ways because they have been working there for 10 years or more. For instance, Juan has been working in the same area for over 15 years and every night when he has finished working, he goes to a hotel where he can drink a tinto (local coffee). Another example is Lina, who besides working at a fuente also recycles for herself and has been working in the same neighborhood for several years. She has made agreements with the neighborhood where she can store her waste and sort it out during the day. Furthermore, some recicladores have certain places where they can regularly knock on the door to pick up the waste someone has kept apart for them. In most of the cases these relationships with the public were created by the long period of time the recicladores have been working in the same neighborhood. However, also cases are known where a reciclador was the initiator of the ‗relationship‘ as he/she asked a household to keep the recycled materials, so he/she could regularly pick the materials up. These examples demonstrate that as Jose stated in his quote, when people don‘t know the recicladores or the cooperative ‗personally‘ they don‘t recognize the work of the recicladores. However, the example of Sonia, calling people who ‗help‘ her friends could show how important the relationship and recognition of the public are for the recicladores.

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7.3 EMPOWERMENT

According to Giddens empowerment is: „‟the power of human beings to alter the material world and transform the conditions of their own actions‟‟ (Giddens cited by Gutberlet 2008). By setting up a cooperative or becoming a member the recicladores have changed the conditions and have more control over their lives, which has been shown in the previous chapters. However, although most recicladores try to improve their own livelihood through empowerment, certain recicladores are with help of the ARB actively lobbying for the position of the recicladores in society and in the formal waste management system of Bogotá. During events this group of recicladores are resounding their political voice. For example during a conference from UASEP and the Universidad Javeriana, several recicladores stood in the back, asking questions and letting their voices be heard during the presentations. While the government told the audience they were involved in regular round table meetings over a period of four months with the different parties, the recicladores asked for more concrete answers. Another example is the presence of a group of recicladores at the council of Bogotá during a session about the same discussion. Or for instance the national recicladores day at the first of March, were the recicladores would receive an (new) official ID card given out by the government stating that they were recicladores. Some of these recicladores started walking at 3 am, as they live outside of Bogotá, to arrive on time and did not complain at all when they had to wait several hours before the event started. Putting so much effort in appearing at these events such as walking large distances, but also not going to work and therefore missing a day of earnings shows how dedicated these recicladores are to their mission. In addition, it also demonstrates the importance for the recicladores to be integrated in the society and the formal waste management system. In this short chapter we have seen that being a member of a cooperative empowers and improves the self esteem of the recicladores. However, the work of the recicladores is still not recognized by the public and recicladores are not yet seen as a part of the workforce.

65 | 7 Recognition and Empowerment

8 CONCLUSION This thesis addresses the question how the livelihoods of the recicladores were influenced by becoming a member, based on data attained during three months of fieldwork in Bogotá. In order to answer this question several sub-questions were formed, on the one hand focusing on the cooperative: how they function, their goals and advantages and disadvantages of being a member. On the other hand, focusing on the social and economic situation of the livelihood of the recicladores and the changes in their lives since they became a member. The people centered approach of livelihoods was used to analyze the influence of collective action on the recicladores. By becoming member of a cooperative, the recicladores become part of a social network which provides them access to the resources of social capital. These resources can in return be used to access other resources and enhance other types of capital (Portes 1998, p.4). The social, physical and economic aspects of the livelihood of the recicladores have, mostly positively, been influenced by becoming a member of a cooperative. Becoming a member of a cooperative has improved the physical well being of the recicladores as they do not have to work and live on the street anymore. In addition, members of a cooperative receive equipment such as gloves and mouth caps to protect themselves and in certain case even have access to (unpaid) healthcare. The economic aspects of the livelihood of the recicladores have been influenced by becoming a member in several ways. Before the recicladores became member of a cooperative, recycling was an income generating activity that did not provide much certainty and therefore was often combined with other short term jobs. Since the recicladores became a member their income has become more secure and certain as they receive set prices, work set hours and have a set pay day. In addition, the relation between earnings and worked hours has improved. Therefore, recycling has become a more permanent income generating activity for the recicladores as the regularity and certainty provided by being a member has made it one of their better alternatives. According to Rakodi, access to financial assets is important for a livelihood to sustain in a highly monetized urban economy (Rakodi 2002, p.10). Although the recicladores are still excluded from financial services provided by the bank, the cooperative provides them with suitable alternatives in order to save and borrow money. 66 | 8 Conclusion

The social situation of the recicladores has been influenced by becoming a member in several ways. As mentioned before becoming a member has created access to resources of social capital such as a household support network but has also enlarged and enhanced the social ties acquired through the social network of the cooperative. For instance, the certainty of the income has made it possible for the recicladores to build up a household support network where family members can pool income and costs and support each other. Additionally, the social relations acquired through the cooperative, enable the recicladores to find a better job within de cooperative and help family and friends to find a (new) job, which in the end enhances the social support network of the recicladores. Besides, access to a social support network and social relationships, being a member of a cooperative also provides the recicladores with an identity, provided through an ID, licenses and uniform. The enhancement of the identity has led to an improvement of the self esteem and empowerment of the recicladores. Thus the lives of the recicladores have been significantly influenced by becoming a member of a cooperative. However, collecting and selling waste is still perceived as an informal activity and most importantly the work of the recicladores is not recognized by the public. Furthermore, as Zygmunt Bauman states, being part of a community has many advantages but something has to be given in return; personal freedom (Bauman 2001). One the one hand, being member of a cooperative provides the recicladores security and certainty. On the other hand, the recicladores have to give up some of their personal freedom, autonomy and independency. The case of collective action of the recicladores fits into the wider debate of (in) formalization and the relationship between the formal and informal economy. The concept of formalization is used to emphasize the changing nature of the linkages and transfer of activities between the formal and informal economy (Boer 1990, p.408) and has re-gained its importance as the notion of the informal sector as permanent feature of the economy has become more common (Chen 2007). The economic activity of collecting and selling waste is in the process of being formalized and in the future may become a ‗formal job‘. There are several important aspects of the way the recicladores collect and sell waste that do not qualify any longer as characteristic of informal work. First of all, the recicladores are organized: they are part of a cooperative and have to follow rules, go to meetings and quantities of collected and sold materials and earnings per reciclador are registered. Furthermore, each member contributes socially and financially to a common goal, thus their 67 | 8 Conclusion

works has been regulated, while informal work is generally typified as unregulated. Secondly, the recicladores are not any longer involved in the whole process of recycling. The recicladores have specialized their economic activity; one group of recicladores collects and sorts out waste, while others clean and the cooperatives sells the materials to the industry. Thirdly, certain recicladores are paid the by hour, which is one of the main characteristics of a formal economic activity. Fourthly, each reciclador has to follow a course to formally acquire skills needed to become a member. The last aspect is the close relationship of the cooperatives with the industry which is an example of the linkages between the formal and informal economy. Although the above mentioned aspects are typical examples of the formal economy, certain aspects of the work of the recicladores are examples of typical characteristics of informal activities. For instance, the cooperatives pay no corporate tax, most of the recicladores do not receive social welfare and their work is still not recognized by society. Thus the work of the recicladores is in an advanced process of formalization, but collecting and selling waste is not yet a formal job. As mentioned before the cooperatives, ARB and ENDA are in the final stage of round table meetings with the UASEP (district department for public services) to integrate the recicladores into the formal WMS. The intention is that the recicladores will work alongside with the six private companies on selected routes to pick up and sort out the waste in special centers. The aim of the ARB, cooperatives and ENDA is that the recicladores receive a monetary reward based on output, receive a fee from the District of Bogotá for the work they perform -thus a salary- and social welfare and security. However, the negotiations about the exact aspects of the contract between the recicladores and the district are not yet finalized. Even though the recicladores are in the process of formalization, the important question is what kind of influence complete formalization of collecting and selling waste will have on the livelihoods of the recicladores. According to Simon Lyons and Michael Snoxell in their article about street traders, formalization policies are ‗‟rarely entirely successful and often fail entirely (….)‟‟ (Lyons and Snoxell 2005) as traders often lose their livelihoods. Becoming part of the formal WMS will probably have positive and negative influence on the livelihoods of the recicladores. A possible advantage for the recicladores could be that their earnings will become even more certain as they will receive a fee for their work besides the income from the output. In 68 | 8 Conclusion

addition, the recicladores will receive social welfare and security. Furthermore, integration into the formal WMS will probably increase the recognition of their work by the public. On the other hand, some possible disadvantages are that although they will receive a fee and social welfare and security, the recicladores will also need to pay taxes. Furthermore, as being a member of a cooperative has already limited their personal freedom and independency, this could be limited even further when they are a part of the WSM and have to take directions from a superior. Additionally, the recicladores may have to work together with other individuals and as both Juan and Sonia mentioned, they do not like to work with others as it causes problems. When looking at the above mentioned aspects, most of the advantages are aspects that will improve the economic and physical well being of the recicladores. Whereas, most of the disadvantages have influence on the social well being of the recicladores, especially on the ‗mental‘ state of well being. However, it is the question whether or not the recicladores will make their choice based on economic rationale or also consider the above mentioned social disadvantages. Therefore it would be interesting to conduct further research for instance, half way through the first phase of integrating the recicladores into the formal WMS (thus over four years). This study could be used as a baseline study to research the influence of the integration of the recicladores into the formal WMS on their livelihood.

69 | 8 Conclusion

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73 | Bibliography

APPENDIX ONE

O

T yp e

of m

at ffi er ce ia ls Pa N p ew er s Pa Ca pe rd r bo s PE ard T Bo tt H le ar s d Pp Pl la s as tic tic Al um in iu W in m e B Ch ott a m les pa gn O ne e bo G al tt O lo le th s n er Ja rs Pl AZ ( as tic plas ti Ja c) rs T ot al in CO P

Tabel 2 overview of earnings recicladores per worked day (exchange rate 2.579 cop is 1,00 Euro)

Value per kilo in COP 420 70 220 450 400 200 1200 100 200 1000 150 100 Wednesday March 2nd Jenny 15 5 11 9 16 9 12 2 2 2 Sonia 18 4 23 11 24 24 7 6 4 Juan 37 35 10 11 Monday March 7 Jenny Sonia 29 13 22 25 27 32 18 4 22 2 Juan 29 36 13 10 Monday March 14 Jenny 32 15 45 16 15 14 7 17 5 1 Sonia 22 5 27 30 20 22 13 2 13 2 Juan Friday March 18 Jenny 11 6 36 9 8 15 5 1 1 1 Sonia 9 15 14 18 19 7 3 7 1 Juan 54 55 6 8 6 Wednesday March 23 Jenny 25 6 21 19 17 18 16 2 6 1 5 Sonia 34 27 24 20 19 18 7 3 5 Juan 32 37 11 24 Monday March 28 Jenny Sonia 33 5 16 28 19 18 9 4 30 1 Juan 64 18 7 7 Total count 444 101 420 232 184 237 97 47 88 7 7 8

26.470 41.040 30.050

58.790 28.100 49.320 63.600

36.281 25.461 39.236 46.720 47.860 31.480

51.520 35.540

This table consist of data I gathered each time I personally joined the recicladores with their work. These figures are copied directly from the official forms filled in by the truck driver (from the cooperative) who also weights the materials. 74 | Appendix one