Paul as Calvin\'s (Ambivalent) Pastoral Model

PAUL AS CALVIN'S (AMBIVALENT) PASTORAL MODEL R. WARD HOLDER

Manchester, Mew Hampshire

For the last two decades,' scholars have been drawing attention to the fact that the academy has not yet delved fully enough into the fate of the clergy during the Reformation.^ That oversight has only been somewhat corrected in those two decades, not only for social and cultural historians, but also for theologians and historians of doctrine. We can demonstrate this in the case of John Calvin and Geneva. Frequently, a less than helpful glance at Calvin's two 'marks' of the church, the pure preaching and hearing of the Word and the right administration of the sacraments, suffices for having 'dealt with' pastoral activity in Calvin's Geneva. Anyone who has ever been, or actually ever seen a pastor senses that this is incomplete, yet the scarcity of studies into what Calvin actually believed about die nature of the pastorate remains a stark reminder of that which awaits completion.^

' An earlier form of this paper was read at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conferenee in Pittsburgh, PA, Oetober 30, 2003. ^ Robert M. Kingdon, 'Calvin and the Government of Geneva', in Calvinm

Eeelesiae Genevensis Cuslos. Die Referate des Intemational Congress on Calvin Researeh mm 6

bis 9. September 1982 in Genf, ed. VV.H. Neuser (Frankfurt am Main, 1984), p. 51 "The fact that the Reformation produced several different new types of elergy, furthermore helps explain why there were several different kinds of Protestantism. Inill demonstration of this argument, of course, would require extensive studies of the role of the elergy during the Reformation, It puzzles me a bit that more studies of this sort have not already been undertaken, since obviously no soeial class was as directly affected by the Reformation". ^ The sampling is rather slim. It includes William Bouwsma's John Calvin: A Sixteenth Century Portrait (Oxford, 1988), pp. 214-29, whieh includes a helpful listin of things Calvin believed about the pastorate, but does not attempt to eonstruel Calvin's theology of the pastorate. Ronald Wallace's Calvin, Geneva, and the Reformat (Grand Rapids, 1988), pp. 171-75, ineludes a short over\'iew of Calvin's thotight, but does not attempt systematically to consider whence that comes, or what influences other than Bucer are active. Lee Palmer Wandel presents useful observations about early modern preaehing in 'Switzerland', in Preachers and People in the Reformations Early Modem Period, ed. Larissa Taylor (Leiden, 2001), esp. pp. 221-33. This contains a particularly helpful consideration of the differenee between the sermonic event, which ties together preaehing, hearing, pastor and people; and printed sermons. © KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2OO4

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Though I have reccndy begim to mine Calvin's Pauline commentaries and sermons for his explicit directions to pastors and congregations,* another resource strikes the careful reader of the Pauline eommentaries. Paul himself stands as a model of pastoral sensitivity. The apostle, whom otliers admitted was hard to understand, becomes in Calvin's hands a paradigm for emulation. In this paper, I will concentrate upon diose passages in Calvin's Pauline commetitaries wherein Calvin eotieentrates upon Paul's own pastoral actions and strategies. The aim of this will be three-fold. First, we will reeeive a clearer idea of Calvin's concept of exaetly who Paul was. This is important for understanding Calvin's exegesis, as well as his ideas of apostolicity and ministry. This needs to be a nuanced grasp, as we will see that Paul is not a completely safe exemplar. Second, this archetype that Calvin supplies for pastors should help to enrich our ideas of Calvin's models of pastoral ministry, moving far beyond the basic theology of ministry he supplies in the Institutes. Third and finally, this message in the commentaries will help to solidify our understanding of Calvin's purpose in writing the commentaries — allowing us to see them as pastoral manuals, as well as demonstrating Calvin's broad use of the scripture as the basic curriculum in his ideal Church, the schola dei. That Calvin was enamored of Paul is rather well known.^ But if we turn aside from the doctrinal meat and potatoes of Calvin's comment upon what Paul taught, we begin to see Calvin setting Paul See also James Thomas Ford, 'Preaehing in the Reformed Tradition', in ibid., pp. 65-88; T.H.L. Parker, Calvin's Preaching {VAmhmgh, 1992); Jean-Mare Berthoud, 'La formation des pasteurs et la predication de Galvin', La revue reformee 49 (1998), 1944; Erik A. de Boer, 'Hermeneutische Schlussel zur alttestamentliehen Piophetie in Calvins Hesekielpredigten', Calvinus Sacrae Scripturae Professor: Calvin as Confessor of Holy Scripture. Die Referate des Intemational Congress on Calvin Research vom 20. bis 23. August

t990 in Grand Rapids, ed. VV.H. Neuser (Grand Rapids, 1994), pp. 199-208; De Boer, John Calvin on the Visions of Ezekiel: Historical and Henneneutical Studies in John Calvin's 'sermons inedits', especially on Ezek. 36-48 [Kerkhistorisehe Bijdragen 21] (Leiden,

2004); Max Engammare, 'Galvin connaissait-il la Bible? Les citations de TEeriture dans ses sermons sur la Genese', Bulletin de la Soeiete de I'Histoire du l^otestantisine

l'rancais 141 (1995), 163-84 and 'Calvin: A Prophet without a Prophecy', Church History 64 (1998), 643-61; all give some attention to pastoral activities, but tend to eoneentrate upon either sermonic production or theology within sermons. •' See R. Ward Holder, 'Galvnii's Exegetieal Understanding ofthe Office of Pastor', in Calvin and the Church: Calvin Studies Society Papers, 2003, ed. David Foxgrover (forth-

coming). '' Galvin bluntly states that Romans is the key to entering the seriptures. In the Argument to his eommentaiy, he wrote: "I am in doubt whether it would be worth

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forth not only as a source of true Christian doctrine, but also a veritable paradigm of pastoral practice. It is vital at this point to clarify which sections of Paul are germane to tbis study. The subject of pastoral practice and paradigm needs to look at those moments in Paul that are particularly significant to tbe tasks of pastoring and preaching, without getting bogged down in tbe mass of doctrinal counsel.^ But by pulhng together these comments, we can begin to see Calvin holding up Paul as an example in several key areas of pastoral practice. For this article, I will be concentrating on those sections where Calvin presents Paul as an excellent model of pastoral counseling, pastoral demeanor, and as someone who though human, faithfully soldiers on in his calling. After those sections are gathered togetber, I will examine tbe ways in which Paul is a useful model for pastoral practice, but not one tbat may be copied in every instance.

while to spend much time in speaking of the value of this Epistle. My tuieertainty is due only to my fear that sinee my commendation of it falls far short of its grandeur my remarks may merely obscure the Epistle. It is due also to the fact that at the very beginning the Epistle introduces itself better and e.xplains itself in a much better way than any words can describe. It will, therefore, be better for me to come now to the theme itself This will prove to us beyond any doubt that among many other notable virtues the Epistle has one in particular which is never sufficiently appreciated. It is this — if we have gained a true understanding of this Epistle, we have an open door to all the most profound treasures of Scripture", Comm. Romans, Theme of the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, Calvin's Nav Testament Commentaries Series (hereafter cited as CNTQ, ed.Thomas and David Torrance (Eerdmans, 1973), 8: 5; Iohannis Calvini Commentarius in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos,

ed. T.H.L. Parker (Leiden, 1981), 'Argumentum in Epistolam ad Romanos, 5, 1-11': "In praedieanda Epistolae huius utilitate, nescio an operaepretium sit diutitis immorari, tum quod vereor ne meis elogiis haud dubie infra eius magnitudinem longe subsidentibus, nihil quam obscuretur: tum etiam quod multo magis ipsa primo statim aspectu se proferat, et vera specie melius se explicet, quam uUis verbis cnarri queat. Ergo iam ad argumentum ipsum transire satius fuerit: unde citra controversiam protinus eonstabit, praeter plurimus alias, et eas eximias dotes, hane ei proprie competere, quae nunquam pro dignitate satis aestimetur: quod siquis veram eius intelligentiam sit assequutus, ad reconditissimos quosque Scripturae thesauros adeundos habeat apertas fores". For all further citations to the commentaries, 1 will give the English translation from the CNTC, identifying the volume and page ntimber. 1 will follow that with the best available Latin text, giving its version, page and line numbers. *" Admittedly, this represents some element of personal choiee. There can not be "hard and fast" rules for this discrimination.

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1. Paid as pastoral counselor

We begin by considering Paul as a model of pastoral ministry. This can be separated from Paul's work as a preaeber, or writer. Furtber, as I noted above, tbese are not those sections where Paul speaks to pastors, but where Calvin is interpreting Paul as an example to pastors. In Calvin's bands, Paul becomes a master cleric, the appropriate paradigm of tecbnical practice. Calvin will even be so blunt as to write "Therefore let pastors leam from Paul's example".' For instance, Calvin notes how Paul proceeds in the fifteenth chapter of tbe first letter to tbe Corinthians in a difficult situation witb notably demanding believers. Tbe Corinthians seem, in Calvin's reconstruction of the situation, to be believing that the resurrection had already occurred, and would not occur again." Calvin notes that the importance of this issue might lead readers to question why Paul would bave left it so late in the letter. Certainly, the magnitude of tbe issue of the resurrection demanded pride of place! But Calvin comments: "I tbink tbat Paul intended to make no mention of such an important matter, until be bad vindicated bis authority, which to some extent bad lost its influence among the Corinthians, and until be had subdued their pride and made them willing to receive his teaching".'-* See tbe immediate pastoral lesson. Even tbe most important topic, tbe issue of the resurrection, cannot be taken up until tbe congregation bas been prepared to hear it. Certainly, scholars bave noted die importance in Calvin's thougbt of receiving the 'teacbable' spirit.'" But here is tbe corollary. The teachable spirit cannot be assumed, but must be waited upon, the true teacher or pastor must work at the flock until tbeir hearts are softened and their ears opened."

' Comm. Eph. 3,14, C^YC 11: 165; Ioannis Calvini Opera Exegetica, Commentarii in Pauli Epistolas ad Galatas, ad Ephesios, ad Philippenses, ad Colossenses, ed. H. Feld (Geneva,

1992), p. 212.8: "Discant ergo Pastores exemplo Pauli. . .". " Comm. 1 Cor. 15,1. '•• Ibid., CJ\TC9:

312; Calvini Opera Quae Supersunt Omnia (hereafter cited as CO),

59 vols., ed. VV. Baum, E. Cunitz, and E. Reuss (Brunswick, 1895), 49: 537: "Ego potius e.\istimo Paultim de re tam magna verbum faeere noluisse, donee stiam autoritatem, quae a]jud Corinthios nonnihil deiecta fuerat, asseruisset: et eorum fastum cohibendo, sibi ipsos dociles reddidisset". '" See Randall Zaehman, '"Do You Understand What You Are Reading?": Calvin's Guidance for the Reading of Scripture', Scottish Joumal ofTlieologf 54 (2001), 1-20. " Calvin will also note that Paul will "frequently" repeat his reasons to the

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In the same way, Calvin notes Paul's strategy in tbe second letter to tbe Corinthians, bow he carefully gauges tbe timing of his exhortations. Iti commenting upon the eighth chapter, Calvin writes If the Corinthians are still offended by Paul's severity in his first letter, it could be a hindrance to the exercise of his authority over them, and up till now, therefore, he has been trying to conciliate their affections. But now that the offence has been removed and his ministry has regained full favour among them, he commends to them the brethren in Jerusalem that they may help them in their need. He eould not have attempted this with any great suecess at the beginning of this episde, and so he has wisely held it back until he had prepared their minds for it.''^

Again, the timing of pastoral work must be considered, says Calvin. Paul cannot get the Corinthians to think about the offering for the Jerusalem church when they are angry with him, even if their rebuke was well deserved. Modern pastors, preparing for their own stewardship efforts, are well aware of this dynamic! Paul bas reasons for his timing and particular strategies, and Calvin believes tbat the wise pastor will learn from this pastoral architect. A final example of Calvin's perspective on Paul as a model pastor comes from Calvin's comment upon Pbilippians 2,1. Tbe tbeme of unity is clearly present in tbe apostle's rhetoric. Calvin notes tbat, and turns to examine Paul's way of proceeding with the church. From this we may infer how great a blessing is unity in the Church, and with what care pastors should attend to it. We must also at the same time notice how he [Paul] humbles himself by beseechingly imploring their pity, when he could have used his paternal authority to demand respect from them as his sons. He knew how to exercise authority when it was neeessaiy; btit at present he prefers to use entreaties, because he knew that these would be better fitted to gain an entrance into their affections, and because he was aware that he had to do with docile and compliant people. In like manner the pastor must be ready to assume different characters for the sake of the Church."

Corinthians, so that they are better aware of the message which he brings. See Comm. 1 Cor. 7,28. '^ Comm. 2 Cor. 8,1, CNTC 10: 106; Ioannis Calvini Opera Exegetica, Commentarii in Secundam Pauli Epistolam ad Corinthios, ed. H. Feld (Geneva, 1994), p. 134.1-8:

"Quoniam si qua offensio mansisset in Corinthiis ex superioris E]:)istolae severitate contracta, impedimento esse poterat, quominus valeret apud eos ipsius Pauli authoritas. Hactenus reconciliandis sibi eorum animis ineubuit. Nunc purgata omni offensione et reeuperata ministerii sui gratia commcndat illis fratres Ierosolymitanos, ut illorum egestati subveniant. Hoe non magno profeetu tentasset ab initio Epistolae. Ergo prudenter distulit, quousque eorum animos praeparasset". '•' Comm. Phil. 2,1, CATC 11: 245; In Pauli Epistolas (see above, n. 7), p. 317.816: "Hine eolligimus, quantum in Eeclesia bonum sit unitas et qtianto studio Pastoribus procurandum. Et simul observandum est, ut se demittat, misericordiam

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Clearly, for Cal\an, Paul presents a picture of a pastoral artist at work, a master cleric, in full command of his powers. Just as clearly, sixteenth-century pastors should learn from the practice of that master, looking at the ways in which Paul dealt witb both tborny congregations and those tbat were amenable. 2. Paul's Pastoral Demeanor

Not only Paul's manner of proceeding, but also the demeanor of bis pastoral activity is wortliy of comment to Calvin. Sometimes, it is the case that tbe comment from Calvin points out botb tbe pastoral strategy, and the godly demeanor tbat tbe apostle displays. This is tbe case in Calvin's comment upon Paul's statement to tbe Corinthians that be spared tbem by choosing not to come too soon in tbe 23rd verse of tbe first cbapter of 2 Corintbians. Calvin writes He spared them by not coming becatise if he had eome lie would have been foreed to rebuke them more severely, and so he chooses rather to leave them to come to their senses before his coming that there may be no need for a more drastic remedy. This attitude shows in Patil a more than fatherly gentleness towards the Corinthians for it was a sign of great indulgence not to take an opporttinity to rebuke them when he had good cause to be angry with them.'''

For Calvin, Paul chose to come to Corintb at the appropriate time — a time when the Corinthians had regained their senses [resipiscere), and would be more able to bear the truth of tbe gospel. But this was not only a demonstration of his pastoral sensitivity, but of his love for them. Paul held tbe Corintbians in his affection mucb like a father, seeing in tbis incident not an opportunity for severity and an oudet for bis anger, but ratber a time for gathering bis cbildrcn in lenient fatherly love. The message is clear: tbe true pastor loves his flock like a father loves bis cbildren.

illorum suppliciter implorans, qui reverentiam patrio iure exigere tanqtiam a filiis poterat. Imperium adhibere novit, qtitim opus est. Nune preees adhibere maluit, quia aptiores fore noverat ad pcnetrandos affectus et quia sciebat vcrba se ad dociles et morigeros facerc. Ita non recusandum est Pastori, quin personas quaslibet iiiduat Eeelesiae catisa". '' Comm. 2 Cor. 1,23, CATC 10: 25; In Secundam ad Corinthios (see above, n. 12), p. 33.11-17: "Hoe autem modo illis pepercit, quia si venisset, eoactus fuisset severitis illos increpare. Malebat autem sponte eos resipiscerc ante sutim adventtim, ut asperioris remedii nuUus foret usus. Qiiod insigne argumentum est plus qtiam paternae lenitatis. Qiiantae enim indulgentiae fuit, quum iustam habcret causam excandeseendi, declinare hanc necessitatcm?".

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Similarly, in the sixth chapter of Galatians, Calvin finds that Paul is prudent in the application of severity in rebuking sin. Calvin declares: "Those who sin should be reproved, and it is often necessary to be severe and sharp. Therefore it is right to press them with rebukes even to the point of discourtesy; but the vinegar must be tempered with oil. Therefore he [Paul] teaches us to show mildness in correcting the faults of the brethren and says that no rebukes are godly and Christian which do not savor of meekness"."' The Christian teacher is given the paradigm of balance, both severity and humility, to apply in his correction of the believers. However, Calvin does not portray Paul as a total milquetoast. For the right reason, Paul will and must fight back against his detractors. We find such an occasion in the Argumentum to the Galatians commentary. Calvin notes that Paul had been under attack, and that the aim of this "was not only to diminish Paul's authority, but to place him, as an ordinary member of the flock, far below even the false apostles themselves"."' This was not a problem; Paul was able to suffer the slings and arrows of his opponents with graceful equanimity. However, when the personal attacks began to detract from the authority of the ministry, Paul had to act. Calvin writes that Had this been merely a personal matter, Paul would not have minded being regarded as an ordinary disciple. But when he saw that his doctrine was beginning to lose its weight and authority, he could not be silent but had to contradiet them frankly. It is a triek of Satan's, when he dare not openly attack doctrine, to undermine its majesty indirectly. So let us remember that in attacking Paul they were really attacking the truth of the Gospel."

Paul's demeanor could be as friendly and generous as possible, at all times. However, there must be a limit, and that is rather starkly

'^ Comm. Gal. 6,1, CNTC 11: 108; /n Pauti Episloks (see above, n. 7), pp. 136.21137.4: "Redarguendi quidem sunt, qui peccarunt, et severitate acrimoniaque saepe opus est. Ad importunitatem igitur usque reprehensionibus insistere convenit, sed oleo tamen acetum temperandum. Ergo hie in eorrigendis fratrum dclictis lenitatem adhibendam esse docet, ac illas demum pias et Christianas obiurgationes esse, quae mansuetudinem resipiant". "> Comm. Gal., Theme of Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, CjYTC 11: 5; In Pauli Epistolas (see above, n. 7), p. 7.20-22: "Ita fiebat, ut non modo imminueretur Pauli authoritas, sed tanquam unus quispiam e grege ipsis esset longe inferior". " Ibid., CNTC \\. b; In Pauli Epistotas (see above, n. 7), p. 7.22-28: "Si actum fuisset de personis duntaxat, non fuisset grave Paulo haberi gregarium aliquem discipulum. Sed quum videret doctrinam stiam inde vilescere minorisque haberi, tacere non debebat, quin fortiter reclamaret. Hoc est artificium Satanae, quum doctrinam palam impetere non audet, obliquis cuniculis deiicere eius maiestateni. Meminerimtis ergo in persona Pauli fuisse veritatem Euangelii impugnatam".

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drawn in this passage. The personal attacks on Paul must not be allowed to reflect on the gospel. The clarity and honor of that message remain paramount, far above either a fawning desire to be liked by his congregation, or a raging temper that demands vengeance. The progress of the gospel in the minds and hearts of the Corinthians must be privileged above the pastor's emotional response. 3. Paul as model human dealing with diffieulties of pastoring

Another facet of Calvin's conception of Paul as a model for contemporary pastors was in setting him out as an example of how a faithful human endured the inevitable difficulties of being a faithful shepherd. The obvious usefulness for such a model in the evangelism of the French mission hardly needs to be noted,'" but even in states where the evangelical faith was welcomed, Calvin's own experience could serve as a warning that the life of a minister was not one of ease. Calvin himself had suffered being banished from a town that he had not wished to serve in the first place, and had agonized over the invitation to return. As a salve to the bruised spirits of his contemporaries, Calvin held out Paul, who had endured his own torments, and yet had remained steadfast in his calling. One example that Calvin notes is in 2 Corinthians 1,6, where he announces that Paul's afflictions and consolations were of a kind that would tend to build up the Corinthians in the faith if they did not willfully deprive themselves of the benefit of them. . . . His afflictions were a source of comfort to believers because they could be strengthened by seeing him sufTering willingly and enduring bravely so many hardships for the Gospel's sake. For although we may readily agree that we ought to endure affliction for the Gospel's sake, our knowledge of our own weakness makes us tremble and we think we shall be unable to do what we ought. When that happens we should remember the example of the saints, whieh should help to make us more courageous.'•' '" Robert M. Kingdon has noted this in his Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in Franee, L555-J.563 (Geneve, 1956).

'•' Comm. 2 Cor. 1,6, CNTC 10: 10; In Secmdam ad Corinthios (see above, n. 12), p. 14.20-22, pp. 14.29-15.1: "Tales enim erant tum afflictiones Pauli, tum eonsolationes, ut in Corinthiorum aedificadonem valerent, nisi seipsos fructu sponte privarent Corinthii. . . . Afflictiones eius sei-viebant eonsolationi fidelium, quod quum cernerent eum tantum miseriarum libenter subire pro Euangelio et strenue sustinere, habebant materiam eonfirmationis. Nam etsi fateamur nobis ferendas esse afflietiones Euangelii causa, eonseientia tamen infirmitatis nostrae trepidamus, nee putamus nos fore pares. Hie succurrere nobis debent sanctorum exempla, quae nos animosiores reddant".

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Calvin presents Paul setting out even his failures and tribulations as helps to the progress of the gospel. Further, even though Paul is set forth as a saint, he is hardly a saint whose personal work rises to the level of super-erogation! In fact, Calvin immediately praises Paul even further for knowing that his human weakness drove him to depend even more completely upon God alone.^° Paul did not only suffer fear for his life, however, and Calvin is quick to point out the other trials that the apostle endured. One of those is the disgrace that he received through the insults of his many opponents. Calvin notes, perhaps somewhat autobiographically, how hard this is to endure, especially for the man of character. This is no small trial for a man to undergo, as there is nothing harder for a man of character than to incur disgrace. From history we can see that there have been few men of heroic spirit who have not collapsed on being attacked by insults. Thus it is a sign of a mind well established in virttie, not to be diverted from its purpose, whatever disgrace it may incur. This is a rare excellence and yet a man cannot prove himself God's servant withotit it. . . . Since then, we see how Paul was exposed to infamy and instilts and yet did not give up for any of them, but went straight on with unsubdued courage and broke through all hindrances to reaeh the goal, let us not grow weary if the same thing should happen to us.^'

This last sentence signals Calvin's specific identification of this virtue with leadership in the Church. Pastors should expect to be the butt

™ Comm. 2 Cor. 1,8, CNTC 10: 12: "For he has already told us that his anxiety for his life was the cause of his despair. I have already pointed out that in assissing his resources Paul is not taking God's help into account but is telling us what he felt about his own capabilities, and there is no doubt that all human strength gives way before the fear of death. Moreover even saints need to be threatened by a complete collapse of human strength, in order that they may learn from their weakness to depend entirely upon God alone"; In Secundam ad Corintkios (se above, n. 12), p. 16.5-11: "Causam enim eius, quam dixerat, pressurae adducit, quod vitae diffideret. Iam dixi Paulum non metiri suas vires Dei auxilio, sed proprio facultatis suae sensu. Non est autem dubium, quin omnes humanac vires mortis horrori succumbant. Porro sanctos quoque de virium defeetu periclitari neeesse est, ut suae infirmitatis admoniti pendere prorsus ab uno Deo discant, quemadmodum sequitur". 2' Comm. 2 Cor. 6,8, CNTC 10: 87; In Secundam ad Corinthios (see above, n. 12 p. 111.10-16, 22-25: "Hoc non leve experimentum homini examinando. Nihil enim durius est homini ingenuo quam ferre contumeliam. Itaque in omnibus historiis videre licet ex hominibus heroicis pauos extitisse, qui non degeneraverint irritati contumeliis. Proinde signum est animi in virtute bene obfirmati, non dimoveri a proposito ulla infamia. Rara virtus, sed sine qua Dei servum te probare nequeas. . . . Quum itaque Paulum cernamus expositum fuisse infamiae et probris, neque tamen propterea destitisse, sed indefesso animo perrexisse, atque adeo perrupisse ad metam, ne fatigemur, si idem nobis eveniat".

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of taunts and jibes, and must be able to put those aside for the edification of the Church and the advancement of the gospel.^^ Further, this is an additional instance of Calvin being very specific about the necessity of following the Pauline example. He reasons that Paul was truly virtuous, but was exposed to gross insults. Then Calvin turns to his pastoral audience, and exhorts them to follow that excellent standard. Now we ean begin to see how Calvin sees Paul — the apostle is not only the font of doetrine for the preacher, but also fi-equently the model pastor for emulation. Further, we must note that Calvin does not explieitly state that such skills are the fruit of God's special grace. Rather, while never discounting grace, these are pastoral skills or habits to be learned and practiced. 4. Paul — the non-paradigmatic moments

However, before we take Paul for Calvin to be the single perfect exemplar for every pastor in every situation, we must remember that Paul did not truly hold the office of pastor, but that of an apostle. Frequently, the tasks of apostle and pastor overlapped. But at times, Calvin will point out that Paul does things that would be quite dangerous for pastors to do. I will examine two examples of non-paradigmatic moments from the Pauline commentaries. Admittedly these are rare. But they are significant, for the way in whieh Calvin handles them, and in the dynamic they represent between the pastoral and apostolic offices. First, let me be elear, I am not speaking of passages where Calvin suggests that Paul may have been less than clear. Sueh is the ease in 1 Corinthians 11,14, where Calvin notes that Paul believes that the custom of his own day was in conformity with nature.^^ Though ''•'^ This had liappcncd lo Calvin, more than once. For some instructive examples of his ridietile, see William G. Naphy, Cabin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation (Manchester, 1994), as well as Robert M. Kingdon, 'Poptilar Reactions to the Debate between Bolsec and Calvin', in Cabin: Erbe und Auflrag: Eestsclmfl fur Witlielm Heinrich Neuser zum 6.5. Geburtstag, eds. VV. van 't Spijker et al. (Kampen,

1991), pp. 138-45. 2'' Comm. I Cor. 11,14, CATC 9: 235; "Paul again sets nature before them as the teacher of what is proper. Now, he means by 'natural what was accepted by common consent and usage at that time, certainly as far as the Greeks were concerned. For long hair was not always regarded as a disgraceful thing in men. Historical works relate that long ago, i.e. in the earliest times, men wore long hair

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the amount of space that Calvin will spend upon such a passage suggests that he is uncomfortahle with the error of historical fact in Paul, it is a rather minor matter, disposed of with a historieal argument — Paul does not know of the counter-examples which might have directed him else wise. Far more significant are passages from Ephesians and 1 Thessalonians. Here, at the very least, Calvin finds Paul to he engaging in practices that are to be avoided by pastors. The analysis serves better than my own rhetoric. We begin with Calvin's comment upon Ephesians 4,8. Calvin is considering Paul's misquotation of Psalm 68,18.^* He notes that Paul is transferring this passage from referring to Cod's ascension to a high mountain to the person of Christ, and his ascension into Heaven. The lengthiness of the eonsideration of the passage, w. 8-10, signals to the reader that Calvin thought the passage contained some difficulties, and he observes that the Jews pervert [depravant] the meaning of this referent to David, or the people of Israel.^^ This is ineorrect, Calvin declares, beeause a "carefi.il examination of the Psalm v\dll show that it is to be applied strictly

in every country. Thus the poets are in the habit of speaking about the ancients and applying to them the well-worn epithet 'unshorn'. In Rome they did not begin to use barbers until a late period, about the time of Africanus the Elder [born 235 B.C.]. When Paul was writing these words, the practice of cutting hair had not yet been adopted in Gaul and Germany. Yes, and more than that, indeed, it would have been a disgraceful thing for men, just as much as women, to have their hair shaved or cut. But since the Greeks did not consider it veiy manly to have long hair, branding those who had it as efieminate, Paul considers that their custom, accpted in his own day was in conformity with nature"; CO 49: 478: "Iterum naturam illis decori magistram proponit. Qiiod autem omnium consensu et consuetudine receptum tune erat, et quidem apud Graecos, vocat naturale: nam viris non semper fuit coma dedecori. Olim ubique viros fuisse eomatos, hoe est, primis saeeulis, referunt historiae. Unde et poetae voeare solent intonsos veteres trito epitheto. Sero tonsoribus Romae uti coeperunt, eirca aetatem Aphricani superioris. Et quo tempore scribebat haec Paulus, nondum in Gallis et Germania invaluerat tondendi usus. Quin potius deforme fuisset non minus viris quam mulieribus, radi atit tonderi: sed quoniam in Graecia parum virile erat alere eomam, ut tales quasi efleminati notarentur: morem iam confirmatum pro natura habet". '^ NRSV: "You ascended the high mount, leading captives in your train and receiving gifts from people, even from those who rebel against the Lord God's abiding there". The passage refers to God, Paul has transferred the referent to Ghrist 2= Comm. Eph. 4,8, CKTC I I : 174: " T h e Jews go still further, and, to make their accusations more plausible, malieiously pervert the natural meaning of this passage. What is said of God, they transfer to David or to the people"; In Pauli Epistolas (see above, n. 7), p. 223.13-16: "Quinetiam Iudaei, quo plus habeant eoloris ad maledieendum, naturalem ipsum sensum ealumniose depravant, quod de Deo praedicatur, ad Davidem vel ad populum transferendo".

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to God alone".^'' Calvin allows Paul significant leeway, both allowing the apostle to accommodate the scripture away from its contextual meaning so that it might be aceommodated to the message of the apostle, and in seeing later misquotations as Paul's own words, rather than a quotation. The magnitude of what the author of the epistle to the Ephesians has done cannot be fially appreciated without both recourse to the Latin, and to Calvin's exegetical rules. First, we shall consider the Latin. Calvin writes that "Quia nonnihil a genuino sensu hoc testimonium detorsit Paulus, ut proposito suo accomodaret, impii eum criminantur, quasi Scripitura abusus frierit".^' The verb Calvin uses, detorsit, is the third singular of detorquere. Detorquere is related to tor-

quere, his most frequent word choice when he upbraids others for mis-eonstruing the meaning of the scripture.^" Secondly, Calvin's own use of context as a canon by which incorrect, even pious incorrect readings of scripture may be ruled out, is violated here. Calvin himself states that if the context of the whole Psalm is considered, it can only be referred to Cod! Clearly, Calvin is not offering Paul as a paradigm for emulation here. Calvin goes to significant difficulty in protecting Paul from any calumnious rhetoric, but the whole tenor of his argument has moved away from seeing the apostle as an archetype for the pastor, to explaining why the apostle's actions are not to be denigrated or seen as impious. In this passage, Calvin is defending Paul, all the more poignantly for his indignant cries that the apostle needs no defense.

•«>' Comm. Eph. 4,8, CTVTC 11: 174; /n Pauli Epistolas (see above, n. 7), p. 223.1719. "Atqui si quis totum Psalmi contextum expendat, reperiet soli Deo proprie hoe tribui". " In Pauli Epistotas (see above, n. 7), p. 223.11-13; CNTC 11: 174: "To accommodate it to his argument, Paul has twisted this quotation somewhat from its true meaning. Wicked men charge him with having abused Seripture". ^" In his commentaiy on 1 Tim. 2,1 Calvin writes: "Puerile quidem est, quod Pauli verba Augustinus ad ritus stio tempore usitatos detorquet", CO 52: 265; CJfTC 10: 205: "Augustine's view whieh twists {detorquet) Paul's words to fit the eeremonial usage of his own time is childish". This is the same verb Calvin uses in Comm. 2 Cor. 4,4, In Seeundam ad Corinthios (see above, n. 12), p. 71.1-4: "Videmus, quid faeiat eontentionis feivor in disputationibus. Si eomposito animo legissent illi omnes Pauli verba, nemini eorum in mentem venisset ita in coactum sensum torquere"; CjYTC 10: 53-54: "This is an example of what ean happen in the heat of controversy for if all these men had read Paul's words with a calm mind it would never have occurred to them to twist {torquere) them into a forced meaning {coaetum sensum) in this way".

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Calvin offers another such passage in his comment upon 1 Thessalonians 4,15. Paul has told the Thessalonians that "we who are alive will be caught up into the clouds". But Paul did not survive to the last day. A simple statement of Paul's mistake seems to be outside the realm of possibility for Calvin.^^ In fact, Calvin makes Paul's choice of language even more problematic by his interpretation. By speaking in the first person he numbers himself among those who will live until the last day. His purpose in doing this is to arouse the Thessalonians to wait for it, and to keep all the godly in suspense, so that they may not promise themselves some particular time. Granting that he knew by a speeial revelation that Christ would come at a somewhat later date, it was still necessary that this common doctrine should be delivered to the Chtirch, in order that believers might be ready at all times. In the meantime, it was necessary to curtail the opportunity taken by many of indulging their curiosity, as he will afterwards do at greater length.™

Paul knew by a special revelation that what he was telling the Thessalonians was a lie! The only reason that this is allowed is for the pastoral necessity of curtailing curiosity and preparing believers to be ready at all times. Certainly, this is not behavior that Calvin will tolerate in any contemporary pastor. So, am I hoist by my own petard? Does this material damage the theory of Paul as a way of demonstrating to pastors the ways in which they should go in Calvin's commentaries? There can be no doubt that Calvin sets out Paul in these instances as doing things which ordinary pastors must shun. Calvin would potentially be, and in fact was, livid at anyone who was cavalier with the sense of the scriptures. And the careful reader can hardly help but notice that

^' Alexandre Ganoczy argues that for Calvin, seeing an error in Scripture was impossible; 'Calvin als paulinischer Theologe. Ein Forschungsansatz zur Hcrmeneutik Calvins', in Catvinus Theologus. Die Referate des European Congress on Cabin Researcli vom

16. bis 19. September 1974 in Amsterdam, ed. W.H. Neuser (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976), pp. 39-69, here p. 66: "Die Aussagen der Schrift sind als solche einfache und eindeutige Kundgebungen des Willens Gottes. Den Gedanken, daB in der Schrift selbst vielfaltig geschiehtlich bedingte Meinungen liber das cwige Wort Gottes zur Sprache kommen und die Schrift auf diese Weise naturlieh vieldeutig ist, hatte Calvin wohl als Blasphemie und Frivolitat angesehen". ™ Comm. 1 Thess. 4,15; CNTC 8: 364-65; CO 52: 166: "Quod autem in prima persona loquens, se quasi unum facit ex eorum numero, qui usque ad diem extremum victuri sunt: eo vult Thessalonicenses in exspectationem erigere, adeoque pios omnes tenere suspensos, ne sibi tempus aliquod promittant. Nam ut demus ipsum ex pcculiari revelatione scivisse venturum aliquanto serius Christum: hanc tamen ecclesiae communem doctrinam tradi oportit, ut fideles omnibus horis parati essent. Simul ansam curiositati multorum praecidi oportuit, quod prolixius deinde faciet".

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Calvin spends a great amount of effort defending Paul, rather than lauding him at these points. Does this destroy the theory? No, on the contrary, this actually locates Paul into a setting of greater nuance. Yes, Paul is a good example for pastors, and Calvin intentionally promotes his ministry in that way throughout his commentaries on the Pauline literature. But Paul does not hold the office of pastor! Paul holds a different office — he is an apostle. As such, different rules apply to him. Calvin clearly delineates between the permanent offices of ministry of the church, which include pastors, and the temporary offices, which include apostles.^' Only the offices of pastor and doctor are perjDCtual. While the reasons for Calvin's consideration of the various orders of ministr)' have been the subject of significant debate, we can now see a significant advantage that this particular differentiation gives him. Paul can be a general example to ministers, but when his apostolic actions take him beyond the realm that Calvin would allow to pastors, Calvin has a ready answer for those who might ask why he draws the line where he does. Paul is an apostle, and while he may in some instances be imitated, not all of his prerogatives have been given to other offices, and he is not to be copied without regard to circumstance.^^ After this brief consideration of Calvin's view of Paul as a model for pastors, what have we discerned? First, we see a nuanced grasp of Paul as a sometimes appropriate exemplar of pastoral ministry, balanced by apostolic privilege. Paul is generally a good example to follow, and at times Calxan is explicit about the benefits which would accrue to pastors by imitating Paul. Second, we see Calvin developing a serious ideal of practical ministry, whieh though firmly grounded upon divine doctrine, appreciates the application of human skill in God's service. This raises questions about what constitutes "good pastoral praictice" in the early modern period. It is clear that Calvin does not believe that a pastor is only or even mainly a preacher. The pastor ministers to the congregation in other ways, which have not yet been fully uncovered by historical research. Further study is necessary into the actual practices of ministry in early modern Europe. What were pastors •" Comm. 1 Cor. 12,28; Comm. Eph. 4,11. Sec also Institutes IV.iii.4-IV.iii.8. '^ Sec Uic rorlhcoming article by Darlene Flaming in Calvin and the Chureh (see above, n. 4).

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expected to do in order to inculcate the evangelical faith in the hearts and minds of congregations and towns who had been formed by the practices of the Church of Rome? What ever else may be found out by applied research in Consistory records and the records of pastoral visitation, this much is clear for Calvin. He used his commentaries to Hesh out the meaning of 'pastor'. The practical nature and technical points which are covered for the pastor in Paul's example far outdistances this kind of advice in the Institutes.'^'^ Finally, if we are to read the commentaries the way that Calvin meant them for their audiences, we must include among their goals the formation of godly pastors and congregations prepared to hear them. Obviously, there were other goals, the main end being the interpretation of scripture. However, to read them as Calvin wrote them, we must see Calvin's effort at providing the wider Church with pastors. The commentaries are not just manuals of doctrine, but also of pastoral practice. The Bible becomes the text for the Church, not simply because of the doctrine of the Cospel, but also because of the way it demonstrates Christian and pastoral practice. And Paul, that vinegary gadfiy, is transformed into a practical model of ministerial practice.

'' See Holder, 'Calvin's Exegetical Understanding' (sec above, n. 4), csp. section I.