Multiracial/Multiethnic Identities
Descripción
Multiracial/Multiethnic Identities Asian American Society: An Encyclopedia. Association for Asian American Studies, Sage Publications, (2014)
Stephen Murphy-‐Shigematsu and James Ong Multiracial and multiethnic individuals, those who embody biologically and culturally distinct and separate racial or ethnic characteristics, are becoming an increasingly visible demographic in the United States. In the 2010 U.S. Census more than 9 million Americans or 2.9% of the population identified as more than one race. Asians remain the fastest growing racialized group in the United States and in many Asian American communities multiracial and multiethnic individuals are becoming highly visible with 2.6 million of the 17.3 million Asians identifying as Asian plus one or more other races. This increasingly racially and ethnically ambiguous Asian-‐ American generation lives in the complex intersection of race and ethnicity, gender and sexuality, citizenship and nationality. Multiracial persons have existed as the offspring of some of the earliest Asian settlers in the United States, and appear in large numbers from the 1950s as the children of American servicemen and their Asian war brides. So-‐called Amerasians, born following wars in Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, also include populations in Asia and some who came to the U.S. as adults. Transnational multiracial and multiethnic Asian Americans of diverse backgrounds also live in countries around the world, and transnational/transracial adoptees, largely from China and South Korea might also be included under the term “mixed heritage.” Historical Background Multiracial Asian Americans exist within a long history of laws and social attitudes aimed at maintaining racial segregation and White purity. The law of hypo-‐descent, commonly referred to as the “one drop rule,” designated persons with as little as 1/16 racial minority heritage as nonwhite. For over three centuries in the United States, anti-‐miscegenation laws created severe legal penalties for people who entered into interracial relationships and marriages. The earliest of these laws prevented African-‐Americans or Native Americans from marrying white European Americans. As Asian immigration increased, concerns about racial purity in relation to Asians also increased. In 1880 California passed an anti-‐miscegenation law prohibiting marriages between Whites and Negroes, Mulattos, and Mongolians. Other laws discouraged White Americans from marrying Asians, such as the Cable Act, which declared that any American female marrying an Asian would lose her American citizenship.
Early intermarriages were between Punjabi men, racialized as “Hindus,” and Mexican women in California’s Imperial Valley due to more relaxed restrictions regarding “non-‐White” racial intimacies. San Diego’s Pilipino and Mexican population enjoyed a similar dynamic as “brown” intermixing was not seen as a threat to “White purity.” However, in many states, early Chinese and Japanese Americans were barred from out-‐marrying until the end of WWII when the gradual repeal of anti-‐miscegenation laws encouraged individuals to venture beyond their immediate ethnic communities. The 1967, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Loving vs Virginia that such laws were a violation of the 14th amendment of the Constitution, reflecting changing social attitudes that are evident today in increasing rates of intermarriage. Asian American groups have seen marked increases in out-‐marriage with rates varying considerably; those who have been in the United States longer and have larger percentages of US-‐born intermarrying at higher rates. Japanese Americans in particular have had an enormous demographic shift both because of war brides and the World War II incarceration on the West Coast which dissolved many pre-‐war Japanese communities. According to recent 2010 Census data, Japanese Americans have seen such a drastic increase in out-‐marriage rates that by 2020, the majority of Japanese Americans will be multi rather than “monoethnic.” While some believe this disrupts communal integrity, their existence necessitates a fundamental reinterpretation of what it means to be “Japanese.” Other Asian American groups face similar issues as intermarriage increases. By examining the complexity of identity politics through multiethnic experiences, we can better understand how we define and become invested in notions of race, ethnicity, blood, culture, and ancestry at the micro, mezzo, and macro level. Since multiethnic Asian Americans are becoming one of the fastest growing demographics in the nation, it is important for scholars and community members to understand the intricacies of intersectional identities and embrace their “difference” as a source of reflexivity rather than marginal or outlying. Constructing Multiple Identities The abstract concepts of race and ethnicity have generally been confounded as a single construct, particularly in research on identities. Racial and ethnic identity models developed for monoracial populations frequently assume that racial and ethnic identities will be the same. However, for many multiracial people, racial identity based on physical appearance and related understandings and experiences with race and racism, and ethnic identity based on cultural affiliations, traditions, and experiences may be different. For example, someone raised with the strong influence of Japanese culture and tradition will likely identify as ethnically Japanese. But if he is rarely seen by others to be Asian, he may be less likely to identify racially as Asian. Experiences of multiracial Asian Americans are often those of being not easily identifiable, of
“what are you” encounters, of challenges to their belonging and authenticity from members of their own reference groups, and experiences that change in different contexts. Racial and ethnic identities are created not only by individuals, but also by groups. The social construction of identities is affected by the meanings of being Asian American held by various groups—Asian Americans, white Americans, black Americans, or other reference groups. For example, White European Americans may see anyone who looks even partly Asian as Asian American, but the Asian American group might believe that a person has to look monoracial and be familiar with the culture to be truly Asian American. Multiracial Asian Americans commonly describe experiences of exclusion, direct questioning or rejection of one's claimed identity as Asian-‐American, and encountering discrimination within one's own reference groups. These experiences of challenge and exclusion come from Asian Americans, White European Americans, and from other people of color, and the ways in which different groups establish criteria for belonging heavily influence the identities of multiracial and multiethnic Asian Americans. Historically, multiracial individuals have been labeled officially and socially by their minority heritage. More recently, multiracial people increasingly have increasingly exercised the option of choosing a multiracial or identity, on official forms as well as in social interactions. In the 1990s, a controversy emerged around the racial classifications that failed to accommodate “in-‐ between populations,” and skewed the accuracy of demographic information. The result was reform in the 2000 Census that allowed multiracial individuals to check one or more boxes and claim multiple ethnic identities. Social landscapes in Asian American communities changed dramatically as a result of this new data which reflected more precisely the presence of multiethnic individuals. While many embrace the freedom to choose a multiracial identity, some still claim a monoracial/ethnic identity, or a non-‐racial identity, deconstructing race categorizations and identities. Multiracial Asian Americans may also identify differently in different contexts. They may evaluate the relational context in which the question is asked, considering whether the questioner is likely to accept, reject, or challenge their claim to a particular identity. An individual chooses a situational identity depending on the political or practical advantage or disadvantage of a particular identity. Influences on Identity Choice and Developmental Process Numerous factors influence multiracial Asian Americans’ choice of racial and ethnic identities, the strength of these identities, and the ways in which these identities are developed. A family’s guidance, support, communication about race and culture, comfort with multiracial identities and experiences, and familial exposure to cultural heritage profoundly affect the
racial and ethnic identities of multiracial Asian Americans. However, there are numerous social forces that also have an impact on the developmental process and identity choices. The most powerful may be physical appearance, as how multiracial Asian Americans are perceived by others clearly influences their experiences and identities. How they perceive their own appearance also often affects their racial and ethnic identifications. However, phenotype alone does not consistently predict identity, as some individuals choose to identify differently from their physical appearance. Physical appearance is usually related to the racial background of the multiracial Asian American. Those with White European American ancestry frequently claim that they appear racially ambiguous to others, neither Asian nor White. They report common experiences of being seen as not Asian American by Asian Americans and as not White by White European Americans. While many multiracial Asian white Americans identify as Asian American or, for example, as Chinese American, they also encounter experiences of exclusion from Asian American communities. Not surprisingly, they describe complex feelings of similarity and difference, belonging and exclusion with both Asian Americans and White European Americans. These social experiences of acceptance and exclusion from various communities clearly affect identity development, with those choosing White identities usually isolated from their Asian/Asian American family and communities. Asian Black multiracial individuals have a different experience with their reference groups meanings. African-‐American communities have less emphasis on racial purity than white or Asian American communities, as well as greater emphasis on the importance of claiming African American identity. Experiences of Asian Black multiracials indicate greater acceptance within black communities and stronger exclusion from Asian American communities. However, many Asian black multiracial individuals still identify as both Black and Asian, though they may feel pressured to construct a public identity as Black and a more private identity as Asian. The same may be true for others, such as Asian Latinos, who regardless of their phenotype, may openly acknowledge their mix but tend to publicly identify as Latino. In contrast, Asian Whites seem to have more options and can choose to not address issues of their mixed identity and still gain acceptance in the mainstream society; choose to subtly or indirectly deal with issues of identity, or identify explicitly as mixed Asian American. A person’s familiarity, exposure to, and knowledge of ethnic cultures influences how much the individual feels cultural similarity to different groups and also affects racial and ethnic identities. However, this alone does not consistently predict identity, as individuals also seek to empower themselves through the deliberate acquisition of cultural knowledge. Regional context also affects identities, as multiracial Asian American individuals living in Hawaii, where
there is a large mixed population have very different experiences from multiracial Asian Americans living in Atlanta, where there are relatively few mixed Asians. Historical context and social climate of the particular time in which a multiracial Asian American grew up is another factor affecting identity. The experience of multiracial Asian white Americans who grew up prior to the 1960s were often characterized by isolation and intense rejection from both Asian and White communities, whereas those currently in their teens and early adulthood are experiencing greater acceptance and more identity options. Today, multiracial Asian White and Asian Black individuals may choose only one identity if given no other choice, however, they may prefer to claim multiple identities. Since the early 1990s, the increasing numbers of mixed heritage Asian Americans, especially on the West Coast, has led to the construction of communities and movements based around a mixed Asian American identity, These communities often use the Hawaiian term Hapa, though individuals may identify both as Hapa, as well as a member of a larger group, claiming inclusion and authenticity. Perspectives and Critical Framings The perspectives of multiethnic and multiracial individuals are not only productive means for challenging various forms of racism, their “marginal” experiences also encourage a wider understanding of social constructions, structures, and the underlying dynamics of interpersonal relations. As a seemingly trivial yet demographically pervasive population, multiethnic Asian Americans can provide a more encompassing view into the “Asian American experience” by analyzing how their lives both connect or digress from mainstream narratives. This insight and reflexivity is imperative for the trajectory of Asian American communities as the growing number of out-‐marriages forces a reconceptualization of what it means to be “Asian American.” As our populations become more diverse, ethnicity and identity can be reconsidered as something fluid and ever changing, contingent on any number of internal and external factors. Rather than considering them outliers, valuing multiethnic experiences allows a dynamic reframing of fundamental identity formation processes. The concept of mixed race highlights the contested nature of race as a scientific idea which creates, justifies and maintains social inequalities and injustices of differential access to privilege, prestige and power. Multiethnicity, however, is much less representative of a “thing” than a disruption or dissonance of “innate” categories; that is, multiracial and multiethnic identities simultaneously render visible existence of these fixed concepts while challenging their validity and salience over individual identities. Multiracial and multiethnic identity, similarly to singular or “monoethnic” ones, are influenced by particular micro and macro factors including locality, family, generational influence, history, gender, class, global processes, and life experiences. It is, however, the experience of being “other,” “in between,” or “not of” a
specific group that marks these individuals as different, phenotype playing an integral role in how one can be seen as “in or out” of the ethnic group. Multiethnic Asians also challenge definitions of race and ethnicity that remain grounded in the Black/White paradigm. Although many African Americans have mixed with Caucasians, Native Americans, Asian Americans, and others for many centuries they are commonly overlooked as multiethnic people because of the racism perpetuated by the “one-‐drop-‐rule” which renders anyone with part African ancestry simply as Black. Political pressures within their own communities also make it difficult for African Americans to claim mixed identities. However, while the mixture of Blacks and Whites or Whites and Asians seems quite evident because of phenotypical visibility, making the idea of “race mixing” appear salient, multiracial people can be a mixture of any established group. These “minority-‐minority” multiethnics suffer particularly from racism and discrimination. The existence of “in-‐between people” blurs demarcations and distorts the boundaries between what we consider as “pure” or “monoethnic” individuals, threatening social, political, economic, and historical investment in these seemingly static concepts. The development of racial and ethnic identities in multiracial Asian Americans is a complex process affected by social attitudes and interactions within multiple racial communities. Their identities are multidimensional, characterized by both strengths and challenges and influenced by many factors. As the population increases so does the need for greater understanding of issues of acculturation, prejudice, spirituality, family, gender, sexuality, and social relationships. The boundaries of communities are expanding and the meaning of Asian American is being challenged, as is the authority of self-‐designated gatekeepers. To contribute to inclusivity, positive mental health, and social justice within our own communities, we must examine our understandings and shape new meanings. We can also help mainstream society reconstruct its understandings of race and ethnicity to accommodate the reality of biracial identity. Our vision and ideas of racial and ethnic identities have to better encompass multiple and simultaneous identity options, redefining in more inclusive terms what it means to be Asian American. Further Reading Dariotis, W. and Kina, L. (2013). War Baby, Love Child: Mixed Race Asian American Art. Seattle WA: University of Washington Press Fulbeck, Kip. (2006). Part Asian, 100% Hapa. San Francisco: Chronicle Books Murphy-‐Shigematsu, S. (2012). When Half is Whole: Multiethnic Asian American Identities. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press
Spickard, Paul, R. (1989). Mixed Blood: Intermarriage and Ethnic Identity in Twentieth Century America. Madison: University of Wisconsin Suyemoto, K. L. and John Tawa. (2009). Multiracial Asian Americans. In Nita Tewari and Alvin N. Alvarez. Asian American Psychology: Current Perspectives. New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: 381-‐398. Tashiro, Cathy J. (2012). Standing on Both Feet: Voices of Older Mixed Race Americans. Boulder CO: Paradigm Publishers Williams-‐Leon, T. and Nakashima, C. (2001). The Sum of Our Parts: Philadelphia: Temple University Press
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