Made in Portugal

IZDAVAČ/PUBLISHER: ZA IZDAVAČA/FOR THE PUBLISHER: UREDNIK/EDITOR: PRIJEVOD/TRANSLATION: LEKTURA/PROOFING: NASLOVNICA/ COVER DESIGN&DTP: ŠTAMPA/PRINT: TIRAŽ/CIRCULATION:

INSTITUT ZA ISLAMSKU TRADICIJU BOŠNJAKA / INSTITUTE FOR ISLAMIC TRADITION OF BOSNIAKS DR. DŽEVADA ŠUŠKO HIKMET KARČIĆ HIKMET KARČIĆ, PETER LIPPMAN, ZUBEJDA KADIĆ ELMINA KULAŠIĆ; RICHARD NEWELL MAHIRA HADŽIĆ TARIK BEĆIĆ PRINT LINE 300

MADE IN PORTUGAL SARAJEVO , Maj/May 2015

Obilježavanje genocida u Srebrenici služi kao upozorenje za buduće generacije jer bez sjećanja neće se prevazići zlo niti će se naučiti lekcije za budućnost. Pred Vama je druga izložba Instituta za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka. Ovu izložbu smo organizirali povodom obilježavanja 20 godina od genocida u Srebrenici (1995-2015). Izložba nosi naslov „Masovne grobnice u Bosni i Hercegovini“ autora Muhameda Mujkića koji svojim vlastitim fotografijama svjedoči sistemsko istrebljenje Bošnjaka. Zahvaljujemo se autoru koji se složio da izložba bude popratni događaj međunarodne naučne konferencije „Genocid u Srebrenici: ka trajnom sjećanju“. Smatrali smo važnim da pored izlaganja renomiranih naučnika iz Bosne i Hercegovine kao i iz inostranstva, ponudimo izložbu koja će vizuelno prikazati i prisjećati na genocid u Srebrenici. Dalekosežni je značaj konferencije i izložbe prepoznala i medijska kuća Al Jazeera Balkans koja je glavni medijski pokrovitelj na čemu joj se zahvaljujemo. Zahvaljujemo se također na podršci Fondaciji Konrad Adenauer, Kantonu Sarajevo na čelu sa Premijerom mr. Elmedinom Konakovićem, predsjedavajućem Općinskog vijeća Centar dr. Nedžadu Ajnadžiću, načelniku Općine Stari Grad mr. Ibrahimu Hadžibajriću kao i načelniku Općine Novi Grad mr. Semiru Efendiću. Riječi zahvale upućujemo i direktorici Muzeja grada Sarajevo Amri Madžarević.

Marking the Srebrenica genocide will serve as a warning for future generations, because without its memories, it will not be possible to overcome evil nor will it be possible to learn lessons for the future. Today you will see the second exhibition from the Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks. We organized it to mark the 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide (19952015). The exhibition is titled “Mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina” by Muhamed Mujkić who, with his own photographs, bears witness to the systematic extermination of Bosniaks. We thank this artist, who agreed to create the exhibition as an accompanying event of the scientific international conference “Genocide in Srebrenica: Towards a long-lasting memory”. We considered it important, alongside the presentations of renowned scientists from Bosnia and Herzegovina and abroad, to offer an exhibition that will visually show, and remember the genocide in Srebrenica. The far-reaching significance of this conference is recognized By Al-Jazeera Balkans, which is the main media partner for which we are grateful. We are thankful, also, for the support from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the Canton of Sarajevo headed by its prime minister mr. Elmedin Konaković, to Chairman of the Municipal Council Centar dr. Nedžad Ajnadžić, the Mayor of Stari Grad municipality mr. Ibrahim Hadžibajrić and to the mayor of Municipality Novi Grad mr. Semir Efendić. We would also like to thank the director of the Sarajevo Museum, Amra Madžarević

dr. Dževada Šuško Institut za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka, direktorica / Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks, director 7

Predstavništvo u Bosni i Hercegovini Fondacije Konrad Adenauer se raduje što je podržalo konferenciju Instituta za islamsku tradiciju Bošnjaka pod nazivom “Genocid u Srebrenici: Ka trajnom sjećanju”. Budući da se približava 20. godišnjica genocida, smatrali smo da je vrlo bitno da se prisjetimo tragedije koja se tamo dogodila, kao i da odamo počast žrtvama najgoreg masakra nakon Holokausta. Nadamo se da će informacije koje će biti prezentirane u idućim danima na konferenciji, biti dostupne širokom krugu ljudi, kao i lokalnom stanovništvu. Bez pristupa punoj istini o događajima koji su se odigrali za vrijeme rata u Bosni i Hercegovini u periodu između 1992. i 1995. bit će teško mladima i budućim generacijama – onima koji nisu sami doživjeli konflikt – da surađuju u naporima da sačuvaju sjećanje na događaje i žrtve i da zajednički rade za bolju budućnost. Kultura sjećanja sprječava zaborav. A onaj ko ne zaboravlja, tako što je iskustvo po sjećanju učinio dijelom sebe, nije u opasnosti da ponovi historiju. To je snaga sjećanja u kojoj leži naša nada.

The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina is pleased to support the Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks in the implementation of the conference “Genocide in Srebrenica: Towards a Long-Lasting Memory.” As the 20th anniversary of the genocide approaches, we feel that it is of critical importance to remember the crimes that took place and honor the victims of the worst massacre to occur on European soil since the Holocaust. It is our hope that the information presented here over the next few days will become widely available and accessible to the local population. Without access to full information about the war-time events that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995, it will be difficult for today’s youth and future generations – those who have no personal memories of the conflict – to come together in an effort to remember and honor the victims and work jointly towards a better future. The culture of memory prevents us from forgetting, and those who don’t forget because they’ve internalized such memories are not in danger of repeating history, and the events of Srebrenica. That is the power of memory - and the power upon which our hope rests.

Dr. Karsten Duemmel Fondacija Konrad Adenauer Predstavništvo u BiH/ The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina

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Pismo iz Srebrenice/ Made in Portugal LETTER FROM SREBRENICA/ MADE IN PORTUGAL Hasan Nuhanović

Danas sam identificirao brata po njegovim patikama. Jesenas mi javili za mater. Našli je, ono što je ostalo od nje, u jednom potoku, selo Jarovlje, dva kilometra od Vlasenice. Ovi Srbi što tu žive bacali četrnaest godina smeće na nju. Nije bila sama. Još šestero su ubili na istom mjestu. Spaljeni. Rekoh, nadam se da su spaljeni nakon što su izdahnuli. Jesenas, isto, odem na sud da vidim Predraga Bastaha Cara. Rekao mi jedan Srbin u Vlasenici, dao mu ja poslije sto maraka, da ih je Car polio benzinom i zapalio. Kad sam ga u sudnici vidio, a sude mu što je klao devedeset i druge, ne imadoh šta ni vidjeti. Nekakav zakržljali odbacak. Valjda je cio život čekao svojih pet minuta da bude neko. I dobio ih je devedeset i druge. Pa onda nije bilo muslimana više živih za klanje do pada Srebrenice. Čekao je on više od dvije godine a onda mu opet zapadoše šaka u mene mati i još neki. Naredbodavac njegov, evo ga radi u Sarajevu, tako mi rekao jedan drugi Srbin, a njemu sam dao tristo maraka. Pripremih se da je ukopam ove godine pored oca. Oca identificiraše prije četiri godine, a jedanaest godina nakon smaknuća. Malo više od pola kostiju, kažu, našli. Lubanja smrskana odzada. Ne znade mi reći doktor je l’ i to nakon smrti. Sekundarna grobnica - Čančari 5. Zvornička Kamenica. Trinaest je tu grobnica a sve tijela što su ih četnici, iz primarne grobnice kod Pilice, farma Branjevo, malo prije Daytona, buldožerima zgrnuli, natovarili na kamione i odvezli četrdeset kilometara dalje, tu ih istresli i ponovo zatrpali. Bilo ih je tu oko hiljadu i pet stotina. Tako kažu oni iz Tribunala. Čitao sam izjavu jednog od krvnika koji kaže: «Nisam više mogao pucati, kažiprst mi bio utrnuo koliko sam ih pobio. Ubijao sam ih satima.» Neko im, kaže, bio obećao po pet maraka za svakog muslimana kojeg ubiju tog dana. Reče i da su natjerali vozače autobusa da izađu i ubiju barem nekoliko muslimana kako ne bi poslije nikad o tome pričali. Eto, jadni vozači. Jadan Erdemović što kaže da je morao ubijati ili bi on bio ubijen. Svi su morali, eto, a samo je Mladić kriv jer on je to, kažu, sve naredio. I kad uhvate Mladića, jednoga dana, on će reći, kao pravi srpski junak: «Ja preuzimam odgovornost za sve Srbe i za cijeli srpski narod. Samo sam ja kriv, sudite meni a njih sve pustite.” I onda ćemo svi, i mi i Srbi i ostali, biti sretni i zadovoljni. Skinut ćemo gaće i izljubit ćemo se. Neće nam više trebati stranci ni za šta. Prošle godine napraviše im svima kamene nišane, lijepe, bijele. Svi isti, pod konac. Do oca dva prazna mjesta. Čeka on već tri godine moju majku i svog sina, Muhameda, da ih polegnu kraj njega. I rekoše mi za majku. Spremih se da je sahranim kod oca ovog 11. jula 2010. A onda me neki dan zovnuše telefonom - kažu imamo podudaranje DNK ali nismo sto posto sigurni. Rekoše da dođem u Tuzlu. I danas ja odem.

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Today I identified my brother by his tennis shoes. In the fall they got in touch with me about my mother. They found her, or what was left of her, in a creek, in the village of Jarovlje, two kilometers from Vlasenica. My home town. The Serbs who live there threw garbage on her for fourteen years. She wasn’t alone. They killed another six in the same place. Burned. I hope they were burned after they died. Last fall, also, I went to court to see Predrag “Czar” Bastah. A Serb in Vlasenica told me — I gave him a hundred marks — that Czar had poured gas on them and lit them on fire. When I saw him in the courtroom, they were trying him for slaughtering people in ’92, there was nothing for me to see. Just some stunted piece of trash. Probably he waited all his life for his chance to be “somebody” for five minutes. And he got his chance in ’92. After that there were no more Muslims around to slaughter until Srebrenica fell. He waited more than two more years and then my mother and a few others fell into his hands. His commander, who ordered the killings, now works here in  Sarajevo. That’s what another Serb told me — I gave him three hundred marks. I’m preparing to bury them this year next to my father. They identified my father four years ago, eleven years after his execution. They found a little more than half his bones, they say. His skull smashed from behind. The doctor couldn’t tell me whether that happened after he died. They found him in a secondary mass grave, Cancari. Kamenica near Zvornik. There are thirteen mass grave sites there. The Chetniks dug them up with bulldozers from the primary grave at Pilica, the Branjevo farm, a little before the time of Dayton, piled them on trucks and took them there, forty

kilometers away, to dump them and bury them again. There were around 1500 of them killed there. That’s what they say at the Tribunal. I read the statement of one of the murderers who says, “I couldn’t shoot anymore, my index finger was starting to get numb from so much killing. I was killing them for hours.” Someone, he says, had promised them five marks for each Muslim that they kill that day. And he says that they made the bus drivers get out and kill at least a few of the Muslims so that they wouldn’t talk about this to anyone later. Oh yes, poor drivers. Poor Drazen Erdemovic, who says that he had to kill or he would be killed. They all had to do it, you see, and only Mladic is guilty because, they say, he ordered it all. And when they catch Mladic, some day, he’ll say, like a real Serb hero, “I am taking the responsibility for all Serbs and for the whole Serb nation. Only I am guilty, judge me and let everyone else go.” And then all of us, we and the Serbs and the rest of them, we’ll be satisfied and happy. We’ll rip off our clothes and jump into bed together. We will no longer need the foreigners for anything. Last year they put up headstones for everyone, nice ones, white in color, all the same, lined up in rows. Two empty spaces by my father. He’s waiting three years for my mother and his son, Muhamed, for them to be laid next to him. Then they told me about my mother. I was preparing to bury her by my father this July 11th, 2010. And then the other day they called me on the phone — they said they had a DNA identification for my brother, but they weren’t a hundred percent sure. They said to come to Tuzla, and I went today.

Tuzla—Podrinjski indetifiacioni projekat (PIP) je mrtvačnica u kojoj se provodi sudskomedicinska obrada posmrtnih ostataka i identifiacija žrtava stradalih 1995. godine prilikom pada Srebrenice. Tuzla—Podrinje Identifiation Project (PIP) is a morgue in which forensic processing and identifiation of the remains of victims killed in 1995 during the fall of Srebrenica are conducted

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Kupio ja Braci devedeset i pete u proljeće nove patike, Adidaske, preko nekog stranca. Donio ih on iz Beograda kad se vraćao u Srebrenicu s odmora. Nije ih Braco nosio ni mjesec-dva kad se ono sve desilo. Kupio mu ja i Leviske, 501. Imao je to na sebi. Znam tačno i koju je majicu imao na sebi i koju košulju. I pokaza mi danas doktor fotografije - odjeće. Kaže - nema puno, vrlo malo, ali imaju patike. Kad je stavio sliku pred mene na sto - ugledam patike, Bracine Adidaske, kao da ih je neki dan skinuo sa sebe. Nisu ni odvezane. Donese doktor vreću preda me i istrese na jedan karton sve što su na njegovim posmrtnim ostacima našli. I nakon petnaest godina čekanja uzeh Bracine patike u ruke. Pored njih i kaiš, velika metalna toka, i ostaci Leviski. Imaju i čarape, obje. Tražio sam onu poznatu etiketu od Leviski 501 - kako bi nam i to potvrdilo Bracin identitet. Uzeh u ruke ostatke Bracinih farmerki, nakon petnaest godina. Metalna dugmad. Ostaci od unutrašnjih džepova. Sve od pamuka se raspalo. Nema ga više. Ostala samo sintetika. Etiketa neka, drugačija, visi čitava, samo malo zaprljana, zapetljana u tim koncima, nitima, ostacima. Pročitam tražeći znak Leviski. Piše: “Made in Portugal”. Cijeli dan mi pred očima to “Made in  Portugal”. I cijeli život će mi, mislim, biti to pred očima. Zamrzit ću sve što je “Made in Portugal”, kao što sam zamrzio Heineken pivo koje su holandski vojnici lokali u Potočarima, u bazi, nepunih sat nakon što su sve muslimane istjerali iz nje - pravo četnicima u ruke. Ili ću možda zavoljeti sve na čemu piše “Made in Portugal”, sve što će me, do kraja života, podsjećati na mog ubijenog brata.

In the spring of ’95, I bought my brother new tennis shoes, Adidas, from some foreigner. He brought them from Belgrade on his way back to Srebrenica from vacation. My brother hadn’t been wearing them more than a month or two, when that all happened. And I bought him Levi 501s, he was wearing those. I know exactly what T-shirt he was wearing and what overshirt. And today the doctor showed me a photograph — the clothes. He said, there isn’t much, very little, but there are tennis shoes. When he put the picture on the table in front of me, I looked at the sneakers, my brother’s Adidas, as if he had just taken them off the other day. They weren’t even untied. The doctor brings in a bag and shakes out everything that they found on his remains into a box in front of me. And after waiting for fifteen years I take my brother’s sneakers in my hands. And besides that a belt, with a big metal buckle, and what’s left of his Levis. And his socks, both of them. I looked for that well-known slogan on the Levis, that would also confirm my brother’s identity. I took the remains of my brother’s jeans into my hands, after fifteen years. Metal buttons. Part of the inside of the pockets. Everything that was made of cotton had fallen apart. Only the synthetic material was left. Some other tag hangs untouched, just a little dirty, stuck in those threads, in the strands, the fragments. I read it, looking for the Levis trade mark. It says, “Made in Portugal.” All day I see that “Made in Portugal” before my eyes. And for my whole life, I think, I will see that. I’m going to hate everything that was “Made in Portugal,” just like I hated Heineken beer that the Dutch UN soldiers had guzzled in Potocari, on the base, less than an hour after they drove all the Muslims off it – handing them over, right into the Serbs’ hands. Or maybe I will love everything that has “Made in Portugal” written on it, everything that will remind me, until the end of my life, of my murdered brother.

Priđe mi, tad, jedan holandski vojnik, malo mlađi, i nudi mi karton piva, i Marlboro. Ja odmahnem glavom. On samo sleže ramenima i ode. I ja, kao i svi ostali, petnaest godina sam molio Boga da, kad jednom saznamo šta se dogodilo, bude da nisu dugo patili, da nisu umirali u mukama. Oni su mrtvi već petnaest godina. Te godine neka nova djeca su se rodila. I danas ta djeca imaju petnaest godina. Nekome je 11. jula ove godine petnaesti rođendan. Ja neću nikada, ničim, učiniti ništa što bi toj djeci ugrozilo budućnost. Neću to ni pomisliti. Da Bog da da se ovo više nikome nikada ne dogodi. Samo, nema amnestije, jarane. Za krvnike nema amnestije. Pitaše me žurnalisti puno puta, a neki dan ponovo: koja je moja poruka za buduće generacije. Ja im ispričam kako sam nakon Daytona u autu prolazio kroz istočnu Bosnu tražeći tragove nestalih, ubijenih. Znao sam da kod Konjević Polja, Nove Kasabe, Glogove, kuda se ide u Srebrenicu, ima masovnih grobnica, da su ih pune livade. I kad sam se tim putem vozio u dane kad je sve cvjetalo, kad se sve zelenilo, ja tu ljepotu nisam vidio. Ja sam samo vidio masovne grobnice koje kriju te livade. Ispod cvijeća ležali su naši očevi i braća, sinovi. Njihove kosti. Vozio sam se pored mjesta gdje žive Srbi - gledam ih kroz prozor i mislim: ko je od njih ubica? Ko je od njih ubica? Godinama je bilo tako. Godinama. A onda, jednog dana, pored puta na livadi za koju sam čuo da krije masovnu grobnicu, igrala se jedna djevojčica. Imala je pet-šest godina. Baš kao moja kćerka. Znao sam da su tu srpske kuće. Trčala je ta djevojčica preko livade. I sve mi se pomiješalo - i žal, i bol, i mržnja. A onda pomislim: jadna djevojčica, kome je ona šta skrivila. Ona i ne zna šta se nalazi ispod te livade, ispod cvijeća. Bi mi žao te male djevojčice koja je izgledala baš kao moja kćerka. Mogle bi se zajedno igrati na livadi - pomislim. I poželim da ta djevojčica i moja kćerka nikada ne dožive ono što smo mi doživjeli. Nikada. One zaslužuju ljepšu budućnost. Eto to sam rekao tim žurnalistima. Ovi posljednji su bili iz Beograda. I eto, potvrdi mi doktor Kešetović - bit će spremni posmrtni ostaci moga brata za dženazu ovog 11. jula. Isto kao da se Braco javio u posljednji čas da bude sahranjen zajedno s majkom, pored oca koji ih čeka u Potočarima. I tako će, konačno, moj otac, ubijen u Pilici, ekshumiran u Kamenici, moj brat ubijen u Pilici, ekshumiran u Kamenici, i moja majka, ubijena u Vlasenici, ekshumirana iz potoka ispod smeća, ležati jedno do drugoga u Potočarima.

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A Dutch soldier, then, a little younger, came up to me and offered me a beer and a Marlboro. I shook my head. He just shrugged and walked away. And for fifteen years I, like all the rest, prayed to God that when we finally find out what happened, it will be that they didn’t suffer long, that they didn’t die in torment. They have been dead for fifteen years. In that year some new children were born. And now those children are fifteen years old. This July 11th will be someone’s fifteenth birthday. I will never do anything, in any way, that would endanger those children’s future. I would not even think of that. May God grant that this will never happen to anyone again. But, there is no amnesty, my friend. For the guilty there is no amnesty. The reporters ask me all the time, and again the other day: what is my message for future generations. I tell them about how after Dayton I drove through eastern Bosnia in a car, looking for the traces of the disappeared, the murdered. I knew that near Konjevic Polje, Nova Kasaba, Glogova, on any of the routes towards Srebrenica, there are mass graves, that the meadows are full of them. And when I drove that way when everything was blooming, when it was all green, I did not see that beauty. I only saw the mass graves that those meadows hid. Under the flowers our fathers and brothers were lying, our sons. Their bones. I drove by the places where Serbs live — I look at them through the window and think, which

of them is a murderer? Which of them is a murderer? It was like that for years. For years. And then, one day, by the road on a meadow where I had heard that a mass grave was concealed, a little girl was playing. She was five or six. Just like my daughter. I knew those were Serb houses. The little girl ran across the meadow. And everything mixed together in me — sorrow, and pain, and hate. And then I think, that poor little girl, what is she guilty of? She doesn’t even know what lies under that meadow, under the flowers. I’m sorry for that girl who looked just like my daughter. They could be playing together on that meadow. And I wish that that little girl and my daughter will never experience what we lived through. Never. They deserve a nicer future. That’s what I said to those journalists. Those last ones were from in  Belgrade. And so, Dr. Kesetovic confirms — the mortal remains of my brother will be prepared for the funeral on July 11th. It is just as if my brother had managed to check in at the last minute, in time to be buried together with my mother, beside my father who lies waiting for them in Potocari. And so my father, murdered in Pilica and exhumed in Kamenica, my brother, murdered in Pilica and exhumed in Kamenica, and my mother, murdered in Vlasenica and exhumed from under the garbage the creek at Jarovlje, will finally rest beside each other in Potocari.

Plan genocida: Uništenje Muslimana Istočne Bosne Blueprint for Genocide: The Destruction of Muslims in Eastern Bosnia Hikmet Karčić

Atmosfera u Bosni i Hercegovini s početka 1992. godine bila je prilično napeta. Srpska Demokratska Stranka na čelu sa Radovanom Karadžićem se već naoružavala i planirala stvaranje etnički čiste srpske države. Bosanski Srbi su uspostavili sopstvenu skupštinu sačinjenu od srpskih političara i proglasili Autonomnu Pokrajinu Krajina – poludržavu u čiji sastav su ušle opštine regije Krajina u Bosni – kao i srpske autonomne oblasti Romanija, Birač i Hercegovina, pod zajedničkim nazivom „ Republika Srpska“. Odmah nakon proglašenja nezavisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine 1. marta 1992. godine, pojavile su se barikade širom zemlje. Srbi su zahtijevali odvajanje opština, stvaranje paralelnih institucija i ostanak ovih autonomnih oblasti u Jugoslaviji. U aprilu, srpske specijalne formacije pod nazivom „Tigrovi“ i „Bijeli orlovi“ su, zajedno sa regularnom Jugoslovenskom Narodnom Armijom, napali pogranične gradove Zvornik, Bijeljinu i Višegrad. Rat je zvanično započeo.

The atmosphere in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the start of 1992 was quite tense. The Serb Democratic Party headed by Radovan Karadžić was already being armed and plans for creating an ethnically pure Serb state were well under way. The Bosnian Serbs had already created their own assembly made up of Serb politicians, established the Autonomous Region of Krajina – a semi-state consisting of municipalities in the Krajina region of Bosnia – as well as the Serb Autonomous Regions of Romanije, Birač and Herzegovina, collectively known as “Republika Srpska”. As soon as Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence on 1 March 1992, barricades popped up all over the country. The Serbs demanded the separation of municipalities, the creation of parallel institutions and that these Autonomous Regions remain in Yugoslavia. In April, Serb Special Forces, named “The Tigers” and “The White Eagles” attacked, along with the regular Yugoslav People’s Army, the border towns of Zvornik, Bijelina and Višegrad. The war had officially started.

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Na prvoj meti su se našli intelektualci i elite. Na stotine njih je pogubljeno a na hiljade protjerano iz svojih domova i prepušteno traženju skloništa u područjima pod kontrolom bosanskih vlasti. Bosanski Srbi su bili šokirani obimom neočekivanog otpora, naročito nakon neuspjelog pokušaja Vojske bosanskih Srba da zauzme zgradu Predsjedništva u Sarajevu 2. maja 1992. godine. Pošto je rat već trajao duže nego što se prvobitno očekivalo, održana je šesnaesta sjednica Skupštine tadašnje „Srpske Republike Bosne i Hercegovine“ u Banja Luci, najvećem gradu u Republici Srpskoj. Vodila se duga diskusija o tome kako i šta treba učiniti da bi se obezbijedila srpska pobjeda. Predsjednik Republike Srpske, Radovan Karadžić, najavio je tom prilikom strateške ciljeve srpskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini. Ove ciljeve je prihvatila Srpska Skupština kao zvaničnu politiku Republike Srpske tokom rata:

The intellectuals and elites were targeted first. Hundreds were executed, and thousands expelled from their homes, left to seek refuge in Bosnian Government-controlled areas. The Bosnian Serbs were shocked by the amount of unexpected resistance especially after the Bosnian Serb Army’s failure to take control of the Presidency building in Sarajevo on 2 May 1992. As the war already seemed to be lasting longer than had previously been assumed, on 12 May, the 16th session of the assembly of the-then ‘Serbian Republic of B&H’ was held in Banja Luka, the largest city in the RS. There was a long discussion on how and what should be done to bring about a Serb victory. The President of the Republika Srpska, Radovan Karadžić then announced the strategic goals of the Serb people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These goals were adopted by the Serb Assembly and became the official policy of Republika Srpska throughout the war:





1

Šest strateških ciljeva srpskog naroda:

“The Six Strategic Goals of the Serbian Nation 1.

State delineation from the other two national communities.

2.

The establishment of a corridor between Semberia and Krajina.

1.

Državno razgraničenje od druge dvije nacionalne zajednice,

2.

Koridor između Semberije i Krajine,

3.

Uspostavljanje koridora u dolini rijeke Drine, odnosno eliminisanje Drine kao granice između srpskih država,

3.

The establishment of a corridor in the valley of the Drina River, meaning the elimination of the Drina as a border between the two Serb states.

4.

Uspostavljanje granice na rijekama Uni i Neretvi,

4.

5.

Podjela grada Sarajeva na srpski i muslimanski dio i uspostavljanje u svakom od dijelova efektivne državne vlasti,

The Establishment of a border on the rivers of the Una and Neretva.

5.

The Division of the city of Sarajevo into Serb and Muslim parts, and the establishment of a state authority in each part.

6.

Izlaz republike Srpske na more.1

6.

Creation of outlet for Republika Srpska to the sea.”1

Lara J. Nettelfield, Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambridge University Press, p. 68

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Lara J. Nettelfield, Courting Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambridge University Press, p. 68 27



Prvi strateški cilj bio je razgraničenje srpske nacionalne zajednice od zajednica Muslimana i Hrvata a koje bi vodilo ka stvaranju etnički „čiste“ srpske države na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine. Drugim strateškim ciljem bi se ostvarila teritorijalna povezanost između Republike Srpska Krajina (srpska republika u Hrvatskoj koja je vojno poražena 1995. godine) i Jugoslavije (koja se tada sastojala samo od Srbije, Makedonije i Crne Gore).

The first strategic goal was the separation of the Serb community from the Muslim and Croats communities, leading to the creation of an ethnically ‘clean’ Serb state on Bosnian territory. The second strategic goal would create to a territorial connection between the Republika Srpska Krajina (the Serb republic in Croatia which was militarily defeated in 1995) and Yugoslavia (which by then, comprised only of Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro)

Treći strateški cilj je precizno definisao Radovan Karadžić u svom obraćanju Skupštini: „I s jedne i s druge strane Drine smo mi, naši strateški interesi i naš životni prostor. Trenutno vidimo mogućnost osnivanja nekih muslimanskih opština uz Drinu, kao enklava, da bi oni ostvarili svoja prava, ali taj pojas u osnovi mora da pripadne Srpskoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Koliko god je to od strateške koristi za nas na pozitivan način, toliko nam pomaže u ugrožavanju interesa naših neprijatelja da otvore koridor koji bi ih povezao sa „ islamskom internacionalom“ (zvanična srpska propaganda je predstavljala Bošnjake kao fundamentaliste koji priželjkuju osnivanje islamske države i povezivanje sa drugim Muslimanima na Balkanu, takozvane zemlje „Zelene transverzale“) i tako ovaj prostor učine trajno nestabilnim“.2

The third strategic goal, was well defined by Radovan Karadžić during his speech in assembly: “We are on both sides of the Drina and our strategic interest and our living space are there. We now see a possibility for some Muslim municipalities to be set up along the Drina as enclaves, in order for them to achieve their rights, but that belt along the Drina must basically belong to Serbian Bosnia and Herzegovina. As much as it is strategically useful for us in a positive way, it helps us by damaging the interests of our enemy in establishing a corridor which would connect them to the ‘Muslim International’ [Official Serb propaganda portrayed Bosniaks as fundamentalist who wish to establish a Muslim state and connect with the other Muslims in the Balkans so-called “Green Transversal”]and render this area permanently unstable.”2

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Transkript suđenja Krajišniku, ICTY, 13 juni 2006, http://www. ictytranscripts.org/trials/krajisnik/060613IT.htm

Krajisnik Trial Transcript, ICTY, 13 June 2006, http://www.ictytran scripts.org/trials/krajisnik/060613IT.htm 29

U presudi Zdravku Tolimiru koji je proglašen krivim za genocid u Srebrenici i Žepi istaknuto je da je politika prisilnog iseljavanja Bošnjaka iz Istočne Bosne izložena u šest strateških ciljeva 12. maja 1992 godine. Tolimir, pomoćnik zapovjednika Obavještajne i bezbjednosne službe Armije bosanskih Srba, osuđen je 2012. godine po šest osnova: genocid, udruživanje radi vršenja genocida, istrebljivanje, ubistvo, progon zbog etničke pripadnosti i prisilno premještanje. Osuđen je na doživotnu kaznu zatvora. Ovih šest strateških ciljeva je označilo početnu tačku kojom je oblikovan ostatak rata. Najužasniji zločini su počinjeni nakon usvajanja ciljeva u Srpskoj Skupštini. Oni su kasnije elaborirani i „nadograđivani“ Direktivom 4 i, konačno, Direktivom 7 koju je Armiji bosanskih Srba izdao Predsjednik Republike Srpske Radovan Karadžić nekoliko sedmica prije pada Srebrenice i Žepe. Direktivom 7 od 8. marta 1995. godine izdate su sljedeće naredbe Drinskom korpusu Armije Republike Srpske: „Potrebno je što više neprijateljskih snaga onemogućiti diverzivnim i aktivnim borbenim operacijama na sjeverozapadnom dijelu fronta, koristeći operacione i taktičke mjere kamuflaže, dok se u smjeru enklava Srebrenica i Žepa treba što prije obaviti potpuno fizičko razdvajanje Srebrenice od Žepe, sprečavanjem bilo kakve komunikacije među ljudima ovih dviju enklava.

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In the Trial Chamber judgement of Zdravko Tolimir in which he was found guilty of genocide in Srebrenica and Žepa, it was found that the policy of forcibly removing the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia was laid out within the Six Strategic Objectives on 12th May 1992. Tolimir, an Assistant Commander of Intelligence and Security for the Bosnian Serb Army, was convicted in 2012, on six counts: genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, extermination, murder, persecution on ethnic grounds and forced transfer. The Chamber sentenced him to life imprisonment. The Six Strategic Objectives were the starting points which shaped the rest of the war. The most horrible crimes were committed after these objectives were adopted by the Serb Assembly. They were later further elaborated upon and ‘upgraded’ by Directive 4 and finally Directive 7, issued by Republika Srpska President Radovan Karažić to the Bosnian Serb Army several weeks before both Srebrenica and Žepa fell. Directive 7 of 8 March 1995 issued the following commands to the Drina Corps of the Republika Srpska Army: “As many enemy forces as possible should be tied down by diversionary and active combat operations on the N/W part of the front, using operational and tactical camouflage measures, while in the direction of the Srebrenica and Žepa enclaves complete physical separation of Srebrenica from Žepa should be carried out as soon as possible, preventing even communication between individuals in the two enclaves.

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Planiranim i dobro smišljenim borbenim operacijama, stvoriti nepodnošljivu situaciju apsolutne nesigurnosti bez nade za preživljavanje stanovnika Srebrenice i Žepe“3

By planned and well-thought out combat operations, create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life for the inhabitants of Srebrenica and Žepa.” 3

Ove godine obilježavamo dvadesetu godišnjicu genocida nad Bošnjacima Srebrenice i Istočne Bosne. Zločini u i oko Srebrenice zbili su se u nekoliko dana jula 1995. godine iako su zapravo počeli mnogo ranije, već 1992. godine, ubrzo nakon što je Karadžić najavio svoje ciljeve. Skloni smo da zaboravimo da je za izvršenje tako ogromnog i užasnog zločina kao što je ovaj potrebno imati političku i vojnu namjeru uništenja grupe ljudi – u cjelosti ili djelimično. Šest strateških ciljeva pokazuju, između ostalog, namjeru istrebljenja Bošnjaka Istočne Bosne koji žive u dolini rijeke Drine. Šesnaesta sjednica Skupštine Srpske Republike Bosne i Hercegovine može se smatrati Vanzejskom konferencijom bosanskog genocida. Jedina razlika je u tome što su sudionici te skupštine još uvijek aktivni političari suvremene Bosne i Hercegovine.

This year we mark the 20th anniversary of the genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica and Eastern Bosnia. The crimes in and around Srebrenica are mostly narrowed down to a couple of days in July 1995, though in reality they began much earlier in 1992, soon after Karadzic announced his goals. We tend to forget that in order to commit such a widespread and horrible crime such as this, it is necessary to have political and military intent to destroy a group - in whole or in part. The Six Strategic Objectives demonstrate amongst other things, the intent to eliminate those Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia living along the Drina valley. The 16th session of the Assembly of the Serbian Republic of B&H could be considered as the Bosnian Genocide’s Wannsee Conference. The only difference is that the participants of this Assembly are still active as politicians in modernday Bosnia and Herzegovina.

3 Transkript suđenja Popoviću, ICTY, 17 novembar 2008, http:// www.icty.org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/081117IT.htm

3 Popovic Trial Transcript, ICTY, 17 November 2008, http://www.icty. org/x/cases/popovic/trans/en/081117IT.htm 33

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Na prostorima Bosne i Hercegovine, po prvi put u istoriji, zabilježen je fenomen masivnog dislociranja žrtava i/ili dijelova posmrtnih ostataka žrtava iz primarnih u sekundarne , tercijarne i kvartalne masovne grobnice. Iako je i u ranijoj istoriji bilo primjera da se posmrtni ostaci žrtava, s namjerom skrivanja tragova zločina, uništavaju npr. spaljivanjem ili premještaju sa jednog na drugo mjesto, ipak su takvi postupci bili tek sporadičnog karaktera, sve do genocida koji su pripadnici srpske vojske uz obimnu vojnu, logističku, finansijsku i propagandnu pomoć institucija susjedne Srbije i Crne Gore počinili tokom jula i narednih mjeseci 1995. godine u i oko tzv. zaštićenih zona Ujedinjenih nacija - u enklavama Srebenica i Žepa.

Traženje nestalih osoba Search for Missing Persons Amor Mašović

U samo nekoliko dana, bez suđenja, tokom arbitrarnih egzekucija likvidirano je više od 8.000 dječaka, mladića, žena i muškaraca stanovnika enklava Srebenica i Žepa. Velika većina njih bili su nenaoružani civili lišeni slobode u kampu holandskog bataljona UNPROFOR-a u Potočarima, ili u koloni izbjeglica iz Srebenice i Žepe, koji su tražili spas u pokušaju da se domognu teritorije pod kontrolom snaga Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. Samo manji broj likvidivanih imali su pravo na status ratnih zarobljenika jer su zarobljeni kao borci tokom napada srpskih snaga na kolonu.

For the first time in history, it was in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina that a phenomenon of massive dislocations of victims and/ or parts of their mortal remains from primary to secondary, tertiary, quaternary mass graves occurred. Although history is familiar with examples where remains of victims, with the intention of concealing the crime, are destroyed by burning or moving from one place to another, such actions were only of sporadic nature, all until the genocide orchestrated by the Serb army with substantial military, logistical, financial and propaganda assistance from neighboring Serbia and Montenegro was committed in and around the so-called UN protected zones - in enclaves of Srebenica and Zepa in July and subsequent months of 1995. In only a few days, without court trials, in arbitrary executions, more than 8,000 boys, women, and men, inhabitants of Srebenica and Zepa enclaves were liquidated. The vast majority of them were unarmed civilians detained in the camp of the Dutch battalion of UNPROFOR in Potočari, or in lines of refugees from Srebrenica and Zepa, seeking safety in an attempt to reach the territory under the control of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Only a small number of the liquidated were entitled to the status of prisoners of war because they were captured as soldiers during an attack by Serb forces on the refugee line.

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Suprotno Trećoj ženevskoj konvenciji o zaštiti ratnih zarobljenika i oni su gotovo svi do jednog likvidirani. Neposredno nakon egzekucija uz pomoć unaprijed pripremljene mehanizacije (kamiona, buldožera, bagera, rovokopača ...) u vrlo kratkom roku vrši se ukop žrtava u masovne grobnice koje sadrže od nekoliko desetina do više stotina žrtava, formirane bilo na mjestima egzekucije bilo u neposrednoj blizini tih mjesta. No, suočeni sa saznanjima o postojanju satelitskih snimaka lokacija na kojima je vršen primami ukup, planeri i organizatori zločina, uz sudjelovanje samih izvršilaca, ali i onih koji nisu bili izravno involvirani u izvršenje genocida, donose odluku i istu provode u djelo, o izmještanju žrtava iz primarnih u novopripremljene sekundarne grobnice. Pri tome se jedanput već destruirana tijela žrtava (destrukcije nastale prilikom prvobitnog ukopa uz upotrebu teške mehanizacije), iznova dekomponiraju pri iskopavanju iz primarnih, transportu i ponovnom ukopu na sekundarnim lokalitetima. Ovakav necivilizacijski odnos spram tijela ubijenih, pokazat će se to znatno kasnije, ne samo da će otežati i u nekim slučajevima potpuno onemogućiti reasocijaciju (kompletiranje) posmrtnih ostataka žrtava, već će na duži rok odgoditi ili zauvijek onemogućiti identifikaciju tih žrtava. Na taj način učinak genocidnih radnji i njihovih pos ljedica produžava se na neodređeno vrijeme tj. trajat će barem onoliko dugo koliko budu živjeli bliski srodnici ubijenih.

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In spite of the Third Geneva Convention on the protection of prisoners of war, almost all of them were executed. Immediately after executions, by use of already prepared machinery (trucks, bulldozers, excavators, loaders ...) victims were hurriedly buried into mass graves of several dozens to hundreds of victims. Mass graves were dug on or near the locations of executions. However, being aware of satellite monitoring of the sites of primary graves, planners and organizers of crimes, with the participation of perpetrators themselves, but also of those who were not directly involved in genocide, decided to relocate victims from primary to newly prepared secondary graves. In this way, once destructed bodies of victims (destruction caused by initial burial with the use of heavy equipment), were again decomposed during excavations from primary graves, transportation, and re-burial on secondary locations. Much later, it will show that such non-civilizational attitude toward the dead shall not only aggravate, or in some cases disenable re-association (completing) of the remains of victims, but prolong their identification or make it definitely impossible. Thus the actions of genocide and their consequences are prolonged indefinitely, i.e. they will last at least as long as relatives of the dead are alive.

Planeri, organizatori, podstrekači, izvršioci i pomagači u izvršenju zločina genocida jednako kao i oni koji danas minimiziraju ili negiraju genocid nisu niti svjesni da svojim djelovanjem samo dodatno motiviraju ne samo srodnike žrtava da ustraju u svojim zahtjevima za utvrđivanje istine o sudbini nestalih u masovnim grobnicama, već i one koji se profesionalno bave istraživanjem i procesuiranjem zločina i zločinaca, da sa još većom upornošću i zalaganjem nastave otkrivati zločine. Poricatelji genocida zapravo svo to vrijeme rade u korist vlastite štete. Odbijanje suočavanja sa posljedicama genocida i u krajnjem njegovo minimiziranje ili negiranje, neotkrivanje lokacija masovnih grobnica, za izvršitelje i poricatelje genocida može značiti samo jedno: Priča o genocidu i masovnim grobnicama još dugo vremena bit će top- tema u domaćoj i međunarodnoj javnosti.Politički lideri sa vizijom trebaju poduzeti hrabre i odlučne korake kako bi priča o genocidu i grobnicama prestala biti našom svakodnevicom i postala ono što je odavno trebala biti: samo dio našeg individualnog i kolektivnog sjećanja i tema za istoričare.

Vodeći nacistički zločinci svojim nepriznavanjem i poricanjem holokausta priči o holokaustu udahnuli su vječni život. Hoće li i genocid nad Bošnjacima postati i ostati vječna tema na prostorima naše zemlje i regiona? Odluku o tome valja čekati iz Beograda i Banja Luke.

Planners, organizers, persuaders, perpetrators, and accessories in execution of a crime of genocide, as well as those who even today try to minimize or deny it, are not aware that they only additionally motivate not only the relatives of victims but also the professionals engaged in investigation and prosecution of criminals to persist even more in their endeavors to reveal crimes. Deniers of genocide are actually working against their own selves all the time Denial or refusal to face the consequences of genocide by perpetrators or deniers only means one thing: the story of genocide and mass graves shall for a long time be a top subject among the domestic and international public. Political leaders who have a vision should take courageous and decisive steps in order to bring the story of genocide and graves to an end and make it what it had to become long time ago:

a part of our individual and collective memory and a subject of consideration by historians. By their denial and unwillingness to admit holocaust, the Nazi criminals made the story of holocaust eternal.

Shall the Bosnian genocide become and remain an eternal subject in our country and in the region? The decision is awaited to come from Belgrade and from Banja Luka.

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Memorijalni centar Srebrenica-Potočari Memorijalni centar je u septembru 2003. godine zvanično otvorio predsjednik SAD-a Bill Clinton. Susret sa majkama, ženama srebrenice u Spomen sobi memorijalnog Centra u Potočarima. Iste godine, u mjesecu martu, na dan ukopa prvih 600 identifiiranih žrtava genocida. Memorial Centar Srebrenica-Potočari The Memorial centar was offially opened in September 2003 by former United States President Bill Clinton. Meeting with mothers, women of Srebrenica in the Memorial Room in the Memorial Center Srebrenica-Potočari. The same year, the first 600 identified genocide victims were buried in Potočari.

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Masovne grobnice u Bosni i hercegovini proces traženja i ekshumacija nestalih osoba mass graves in bosnia and herzegovina - process of tracing and exhumation missing persons

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Zavirili smo samo malo u fragmete naše stvarnosti, koja je daleko obimnija i istinski surova. Hasanova tragedija me podsjeti na sve one “naše” početke dok smo tražili nestale bosanskohercegovačke žrtve. Nadali smo se svaki dan da je neko koga tražimo živ, negdje.. ali će se vratiti. Nismo mogli ni slutiti šta nas sve čeka te 1996., 1997., 1998., 1999. sve do sada, do ove 2015. godine , 20 godina od srebreničke tragedije, kada je onakva prošlost identična sadašnjim skicama zasutim masovnim grobnicama. Naša historija sada ima ovu strašnu stranicu i mi se moramo nositi s tim. Moramo naučiti naše sagovornike da sa velikom dozom poštovanja biraju riječi i ponašanje kada pominju Bosnu i Hercegovinu u bilo kom kontekstu. Na nama je da istinu i termine zovemo pravim imenom i prezimenom, a naše sagovornike naučimo kroz razne komunikacijske forme da sve to pravovremeno koriste. Ako je ovo prošlost, pa evo i sadašnjost, šta je onda budućnost? Svi oni koji pokušavaju na bilo koji način pobjeći od istine, okoristiti se, preinačiti , oskrnaviti i za boraviti je moraju se suočiti sa najstrašnijim mrakom kojeg čovječanstvo pamti. Mi smo ga već osjetili i nećemo to zaboraviti.

We glanced only slightly into a fragment of our reality which is far more extensive and truly harsh. Hasan’s tragedy reminds me of all our begginnings while we were searching for missing Bosnian and Herzegovinian victims. Everyday we hoped that we would find somebody alive, somewhere... that he would come back. We never suspected what was waiting for us those years 1996, ‘97, ‘98, ‘99 until today, since the Srebrenica tragedy, when this past similar to today’s sketches covered with mass graves. Our history now has this dreadfull page and we must deal with it. We must teach our interlocutors to refer to Bosnia and Herzegovina with a great deal of respect and carefuly chosen words and behavior, when in any given context. It is up to us to call truth with its right name and surname and to teach our interlocutors, with diffrent communicational forms, to use it promptly. If this is the past, and present, then what is the future? All those who try to evade the truth, gain profit, diversify, desecrate and forget it must be faced with the scariest darkness humanity has known. We have already felt it and will not forget it. autor: Muhamed Mujkić

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