Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta\'s Work on California\'s Native Languages

Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta's Work on California's Native Languages* Catherine Fountain Appalachian State University

1.

Introduction This article examines the linguistic work of Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (17801840), a Franciscan missionary who spent most of his life in what is now the U.S. state of California, during his life the Spanish and then Mexican territory of Alta California. While Arroyo de la Cuesta's name is familiar both to those who study the history of California and to linguists working on the languages of the Costanoan/Ohlone family, his work has never been examined within the field of missionary linguistics or in terms of its dissemination, influence and use by others in the years following his death. This article represents a first attempt to clarify the former, that is, to catalog and describe Arroyo de la Cuesta's work on California languages within the context of missionary linguistics. While I will also touch on the impact of Arroyo de la Cuesta's works on subsequent studies, a comprehensive review of their influence is beyond the scope of this article. 2. Missionary linguistics Taking as a starting point Even Hovdhaugen's definition of a missionary grammar as "a description of a particular language created as part of missionary work by non-native missionaries", based on an oral corpus and with a pedagogical focus (1996:15), I would offer the following brief definition of missionary hnguistics: it is the study of indigenous languages undertaken by missionaries, generally nonnative speakers, with the purpose — either explicit or implicit — of aiding conversion. Zimmerman (2004:12-13) contains a more detailed analysis and definition of the field of study It may also be useful to add that the modern-day study of * I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers as well as the editor for their careful reading of earlier versions of this paper and for their helpful comments and suggestions. Remaining shortcomings are of course my own. Historiographia Lingüistica 40:1/2 (2013), 97-119. DOI io.i075/hl.40.i.04fou ISSN 0302-5160 / E-ISSN 1569-9781 © John Benjamins Publishing Company

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missionary linguistics has focused on works produced in colonial settings; indeed some scholars (e.g.. Errington 2001) have used the term colonial linguistics' to describe this missionary study of language. Works produced in the missionary linguistic context include grammars and vocabularies as well as religious texts in indigenous languages. Within the last 20 years a good deal of research has been done in the field of missionary linguistics. Those interested in getting a sense of the scope of this research are directed to the volumes edited by Zwartjes & Hovdhaugen (2004); Zwartjes & Altman (2005); Zwartjes, James & Ridruejo (2007); and Zwartjes, Arzapalo-Marin and Smith-Stark (2009). Within missionary linguistics, the work done by Catholic missionaries in Spanish America and the Philippines has received quite a bit of attention. In particular, their study of widely-spoken languages such as KahuatI and Quechua has been much described and analyzed (see, e.g.. Hernández de León-Portilla 1988 and Zwartjes 2000). The missionary linguistic work done in some of the peripheral territories of the Spanish empire has received less attention, due perhaps to the lack of a strong tradition of language study in these areas and the relative paucity of material produced. From Alta California, for example, come no works as compendious or as comprehensive as Fray Alonso de Molina's (1514-1585) 1571 dictionary or Father Horacio Carochi's (1579-1662) 1645 grammar of Náhuatl. Nonetheless, the fact remains that works on indigenous languages were produced even in territories far removed from the centers of power in Spanish America. While these works were often brief, they demonstrate the pervasiveness of the study of languages among missionaries in the Spanish colonies. Missionary linguistic works often represent the earliest and in some cases the only documentation of indigenous languages no longer spoken. This is very much the case of the work of Father Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta, who collected information about languages with relatively few speakers, most of which would become moribund by the beginning of the 20th century The works produced in the hinterlands of the Spanish territories also present an opportunity to examine whether the paradigms developed and used to describe well-studied indigenous languages such as Náhuatl were then transferred to the study of languages in these remote areas. 3. Arroyo de la Cuesta and the mission period in Alta California From Father Maynard Geigers (1901-1977) extensive research on the lives of the Alta California missionaries (Geiger 1969) we know that Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta was born in Cubo de Bureba in the province of Burgos, Spain in 1780 and arrived in the Spanish territory of Alta California in August of 1808. at the age of 28. He had spent some three years at the Colegio de San Fernando in Mexico City before leaving for his placement in what was then one of the backwaters of

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the Spanish Empire. While the coasts of Alta California had been explored by the Spaniards as early as the 16th century, they had only recently begun to settle the area in reaction to Russian incursions from the north. The first mission in the territory that would become Alta California, San Diego de Alcalá was founded in 1769, only 38 years before Arroyo de la Cuesta's arrival. At that time the area was considered part of a larger territory known as Las Californias and was administratively part of the viceroyalty of New Spain. The Spanish colonization of Alta California was led by Franciscan missionaries, who eventually established 21 missions in the territory. The division of the Californias into Baja and Alta California in 1804, along roughly the same line that forms the modern-day border between the U.S. state of California and the Mexican state of Baja California, was also first established by the Franciscans. Military and civilian establishments were founded, including towns and presidios, but the non-indigenous population of Alta California remained small throughout Spanish and then Mexican rule.' What is often termed the 'mission period' in California's history was also a short one, officially lasting just 64 years. Control of the territory passed from Spain to Mexico in 1821, but the end of the mission system did not come until the missions were secularized by the Mexican government in 1833. Even after secularization, some Franciscans remained in the territory and continued to work with the indigenous population. Arroyo de la Cuesta was one of those who stayed, remaining in Alta California until his death in 1840, just eight years before the 1848 signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which transferred the territory to the United States of America. When he arrived in Alta California Arroyo de la Cuesta was sent to Mission San Juan Bautista, located some 50 kilometers to the north and east of Monterrey, then the capital of the territory. The mission had been founded in 1797 by Father Fermín Lasuén (1736-1803) and thus had been operating for just over 10 years when Arroyo de la Cuesta arrived. The Native peoples who lived in the areas immediately surrounding the mission spoke a Costanoan language^ that Arroyo de la Cuesta calls Mutsun. Whether this was the name that the Indians themselves used for their language or the name for their settlement is unclear, but descendants of the San Juan Bautista Mission Indians who are currently revitalizing the language continue to use the name Mutsun. 1. Bancroft (1966) puts the non-indigenous population of Alta California at 2,130 in the year 1810 (p. 158), and 3,270 in the year 1820 (p. 392), though he notes these numbers are not exact. 2. The name 'Ohlone' is also widely used to describe the language family to which Mutsun belongs, particularly in popular works on California Indians; see for instance Margolin (1978). Here I will foUow Mithun (1999) and GoUa (2011) and use the term 'Costanoan'.

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We do not know precisely when Arroyo de la Cuesta became interested in documenting the languages spoken at and around San Juan Bautista, but the manuscripts he penned during his time in Alta California leave no doubt that the study of languages became one of his principal interests. In the 1812 Interrogatorio, a questionnaire sent by the Spanish government to each mission, Arroyo de la Cuesta responded to a question about the languages spoken in the area by saying that although many languages were spoken, they were in fact all one in the same with small differences "in some terms, in the terminations" (as translated in Engelhardt 1931) indicating that he was aware of the different varieties of Costanoan spoken in the vicinity. His earliest manuscripts documenting languages seem to date from 1815 and 1816, and he continued to write and recopy information on California languages into the 1830s. Biographers and historians have highlighted his work on Native languages; Geiger calls him a "linguist-missionary" ( 1969:20). Engelhardt (1931:111) notes that a fellow missionary. Eather Vicente Francisco de Sarria (1767-1835), said of Arroyo de la Cuesta that he "applied himself most assiduously to learning the respective languages with such success that I doubt whether there is another who has attained the same proficiency in understanding and describing its intricate syntax." While other California missionaries, including Sarria, Buenaventura Sitjar (1739-1808), Jose Señan (1760-1823), and Andrés Quintana (1777-1812) penned vocabularies and religious texts in indigenous languages,^ Arroyo de la Cuesta was by far the most prolific missionary linguist in Alta California. Arroyo de la Cuesta remained at San Juan Bautista for some 25 years, from 1808 until 1833. While there he described not only Mutsun but also a variety of Yokuts spoken by people who came to San Juan Bautista from California's Central Valley and five different languages spoken at Mission Dolores in San Francisco. After leaving San Juan Bautista, Arroyo de la Cuesta spent the last seven years of his life in four Central California missions: San Luis Obispo, San Miguel, La

3. Some of these works have been the subject of later study. A vocabulary of Antoniano Salinan composed by Buenaventura Siljar, likely with help from other missionaries at Mission San Antonio de Padua, was published in 1861 as part of Shea's Library of American Linguistics. Madison Beeler published an edition of Señan's Confesionario in Ventureño Chumash in 1967, and Norval Smith & John Johnson (forthcoming) analyze a catechism in Quintana's hand written at Santa Cruz, in a variety of Yokuts. As Smith and Johnson note (p. 10), when it comes to translations of religious texts the priests involved may not have known the language themselves, but rather relied on interpreters to do the translation. There have also been studies of anonymous religious texts from Alta California, such as Blevins 8c Golla (2005), which examines a Doctrina written in a variety of Costanoan. In general these works have focused on what mission-era documents can tell us about the languages themselves, rather than the state of missionary linguistics in Alta California.

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Purísima and, finally, Santa Inés, where he died on 20 September 1840. During these last years of his life he recopied many of his earlier notes and word lists and continued to study and record Native languages, including a variety of Chumash spoken around Santa Inés. Because Arroyo de la Cuesta described so many different languages, and because of the high level of linguistic diversity present in California, a note on the phylogeny of these languages is in order. The naming and classification of California languages into families is not without controversy and not all linguists agree about familial relationships, but in terms of the languages Arroyo de la Cuesta described we can assert that they belonged to at least seven and possibly eight distinct famihes. Some of these families may in turn be related at a level of macro-classification called the stock or phylum. The eight language families we will be speaking of in this article are Costanoan, Chumash, Esselen, Miwok, Salinan, Uto-Aztecan, Wintuan and Yokuts. Costanoan and Miwok are often grouped together as a single family called Utian, after Callaghan (1967), and a larger phylum called Penutian has been proposed that would also include the Wintuan and Yokuts families, as well as several others spoken further north on the Pacific coast. Callaghan (1997) argues for a sub-group within Penutian linking the Yokuts and Utian famihes, called Yok-Utian, but GoUa (2011:130) argues that "it is too early to assert that a Yok-Utian grouping has been substantiated." While GoUa recognizes that the Costanoan and Miwok families are likely related (2011:168), he nonetheless maintains a distinction between them, and I will follow his convention here. Esselen and Salinan are recognized by both Golla (2011) and Mithun (1999) as distinct families, with Esselen more properly identified as an isolate, though a proposed phylum called Hokan would include both of these. Again I wiU follow the convention that maintains a distinction between the two families. Finally, we find among Arroyo de la Cuesta's writings descriptions of languages belonging to the Chumash and Uto-Aztecan families, which are recognized by both Mithun (1999) and Golla (2011) as distinct families not grouped into any larger phyla. In this paper I will follow both the family classification system and the naming conventions of Golla (2011), and thus use the name Yokuts rather than the alternate Yokutsan, and Chumash rather than the alternate Chumashan. 4. Arroyo de la Cuesta's work on Mutsun The language with which Arroyo de la Cuesta was most familiar was Mutsun, the Costanoan language spoken in the area immediately surrounding Mission San Juan Bautista. The process of colonization, first by the Spanish and then by the Americans, was devastating to the Costanoan-speaking areas of California and today all Costanoan languages are considered extinct, though modern projects of language revitalization are underway (Warner, Luna & Butler 2007). Louis Alfred

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Kroeber (1876-1960) indicated in 1925 that there were few highly fluent speakers of Costanoan languages left: "At best some knowledge of the ancestral speech remains among them." (p. 464) and the last known fluent speaker of Mutsun. Ascensión Solórsano de Cervantes, died in 1930. Some descriptions of Mutsun were made while the language was still spoken, including Arroyo de la Cuestas works, various studies and compilations based on Arroyo de la Cuesta, and a large volume of linguistic data provided by Ascención Solórsano de Cervantes to John Peabody Harrington (1884-1961) in the 1920s. Using some of Harrington's notes. Marc Okrand prepared a grammar of Mutsun in 1977. Though he is careful to characterize the work as "provisional at best" (1977:9), it remains the most comprehensive linguistic description of the language. Arroyo de la Cuestas work on Mutsun includes some brief ecclesiastical texts, a short grammar, and a vocabulary and phrase book. The original manuscript of the grammar has evidently been lost," but an edition was published in 1861 as part of John Gilmary Sheas (1824-1892) Library of American Linguistics with the title Grammar of the Mutsun Language, Spoken at the Mission of San Juan Bautista, Alta California. Although the title is in English, the text is simply a transcription of the Spanish and is not translated. According to this same 1861 edition, Arroyo de la Cuesta originally composed the grammar in 1816, though without corroboration this date should be considered tentative. Arroyo de la Cuesta gave his Mutsun vocabulary the rather fanciful title Alphab[eticu]s Rivulus obeundus, exprimationum causa horum indorum Mutsun, Missionis Sanct. Joann. Baptistae. Although title, introduction, and some notes are written in Latin, the bulk of the definitions contained in the vocabulary are given in Spanish, and elsewhere he refers to the work using the Spanish arroyuelo or "little stream", a play on his surname (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1815:77). This work was published in 1862, again as part of Sheas Library of American Linguistics, with the English title A Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun Language ofAlta California. A manuscript copy of this vocabulary, in Arroyo de la Cuestas hand and dated 1815, is currently housed in the Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley. 4. Arroyo de la Cuestas grammar and vocabulary were sent by Alexander Smith Taylor to the Smithsonian in Washington, D.C for study, which led to their edition and publication by John Gilmary Shea in the 1860s. From notes made in the vocabulary manuscript we know that it was sent to Washington in January 1857 and returned to Monterey, California in May 1859. The vocabulary was later acquired by Hubert Howe Bancroft and now forms part of the Bancroft Collection at the library of the University of California, Berkeley. It is not clear what happened to the manuscript of the grammar, however. While it seems that it was also returned to California there are no records of it being in archives or personal collections subsequent to its return. If it remained in the possession of Alexander Smith Taylor, then it may have been lost along with most of his other papers in the 1906 San Francisco earthquake and fire.

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Handwritten notes made in the Bancroft manuscript and comparison between it and the 1862 edition indicate that this was the manuscript used to prepare the published work, and to my knowledge no other Spanish manuscript copies of the Mutsun vocabulary exist. Madison Beeler (1910-1989) characterizes Arroyo de la Cuesta's handwriting as a " crabbed' scrawl [that] yields up most of its secrets only to prolonged familiarity" (1971:11). Indeed, while his Spanish glosses are nearly always recognizable by context, both his handwriting and the age and condition of the manuscript complicate a precise interpretation of the Mutsun portions. However, even more care should be exercised in using the 1862 edition for study, as the transcription and editing are frequently faulty and could lead to more serious misinterpretations. For example, in the Spanish glosses on just the first two pages of the 1862 edition we have "luogo" (p. 9) and "corrijome" (p. 10) where the manuscript has "luego" (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1815:17). and "corrigeme" (p. 18), respectively. Words are sometimes inserted in the 1862 edition that are not present in the manuscript, so on page 10 of the 1862 edition we find the puzzling Spanish gloss "Ah! que se faja!". Examination of the manuscript shows that the original gloss was "¡Ah q[u]e faja!" (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1815:18). The Shea's edition also omits diacritic markings found on some Mutsun forms, as well as a number of religious texts translated into Mutsun that are found at the end of the 1815 manuscript. AU descriptions and quotes in this work come from the manuscript version. The manuscript A/p/îabfeticujs Rivulus Obeundus is dated 1815. As the title of the later published edition indicates, it is as much a phrasebook as it is a vocabulary. Arroyo de la Cuesta himself advises the reader in his preliminary notes that the vocabulary does not foUow a strict alphabetical order: "Sext: quod ordo alphabeticus non est rigurose sequendus" (1815:1). Instead, he indicates that words and phrases will be grouped together under each letter according to patterns or shared meaning and in some cases related phrases are indeed found together. For the most part, though, the vocabulary seems to be ordered more by chance than by any particular design. For example, the first five phrases under the letter N are in this order (p. 50): Nanei Nani. Vamos á ver cuenta: cuenta, vamos á ver. Naha aiquichi apsie. Aahora [sic] si esta bueno, ó va bueno. Neppes ca ruta. Acerca de esto digo, ó hablo. Neppe mathren cata tigsin sicquen chauri. Este tabaco apesta como pedo de zorillo. Neppesun me hocse tacquepis. Con esto me medí hace tiempo. These examples illustrate the lack of precise alphabetical organization and the fact that the vocabulary is organized around phrases rather than words. While

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some consecutive phrases here share the root word neppe "this" they still seem to be grouped almost at random, sharing no other common vocabulary or semantic link. These characteristics make the vocabulary cumbersome to use and inefficient from a pedagogical standpoint, though the use of phrases rather than isolated words is something of a boon for those looking to reconstruct Mutsun morphology and syntax. While Arroyo de la Cuestas elaborately written title page and preliminary notes, which include some basic information on the grammatical structure of Mutsun, would seem to indicate that he intended his vocabulary to be of use to others, the phrasebook itself has the feel of a personal record. In the same vein, it seems safe to say that Arroyo de la Cuesta did not draw on any previous missionary vocabularies in structuring or ordering his work. If we compare the Alphab[eticu]s Rivulus Obeundus with Náhuatl dictionaries, these being the works he would have been most likely to come into contact with at the Colegio de San Fernando, there are few if any similarities. It in no way resembles the highly structured and compendious dictionary of Alonso de Molina (1571), and while Pedro de Arenas* (life-dates unknown) Vocabulario manual de las lenguas castellana, y mexicana (1611) is also a phrasebook, its phrases are clearly and carefully grouped by semantics and communicative function rather than alphabetically. Thus while one can find words of Náhuatl extraction in Arroyo de la Cuestas work. Including atole, chapule, chichigua, pepena, pinacate and tapestle, his work does not otherwise seem influenced by any experience he may have had with Náhuatl materials produced in New Spain. Indeed these words, all of which appear in Castilianized form, may simply be an indication of the fact that the Spanish used in the Alta California missions shared lexical characteristics with the Spanish of New Spain. This is not unexpected, for while most of the missionaries working in Alta California had been born and raised on the Iberian Peninsula, the remainder of the non-indigenous population living there came principally from northern Mexico, especially from the areas comprising the modern-day states of Baja California, Sinaloa and Sonora (Hackel 2005:57). Although the origins of these settlers indicate that Alta California initially had ties to Mexico's other northern territories, it is unclear whether or not the Franciscans working in Alta California would have had access to missionary works produced in these areas. According to Weber (1992:264), after 1781 the overland route to California was closed and contact with New Spain was made only by boat, which would have effectively cut off communication between California and the other areas that made up Mexico's northern frontier. Hackel (ibid.) speaks of the region's "crippling isolation" afi:er this point in time. However, further investigation is needed to determine what missionary works, if any, might have made their way to Alta California from other areas.

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The fact that the only extant version of Arroyo de la Cuesta's Mutsun grammar is the 1861 published edition complicates its study. For instance, in the preface to this edition John Gilmary Shea assumes that Father Arroyo de la Cuesta was from Cataluña based on a note found on the cover of the manuscript. Whether due to an incomplete understanding of the Spanish or a simple misinterpretation, the note as transcribed actually states that the manuscript is a copy of Arroyo de la Cuesta's work and that either the copyist was Catalan or believed the author to be Catalan. As noted earlier Arroyo de la Cuesta was in fact Castilian, from the province of Burgos. Without access to the manuscript used for the edition it is impossible to determine whether or not it was indeed a copy and in whose hand it might be. It is also impossible to know how faithful any copy might be to Arroyo de la Cuesta's original and how accurate the transcription is, though if we use Shea's edition of the Mutsun vocabulary as an indication it is likely that errors were made. These caveats notwithstanding, the organization and content of the grammar are consistent with other Spanish missionary grammars and it seems fair to assume that both the copy and the published version maintain much of Arroyo de la Cuesta's original work. The grammar is fairly short; in the preface to the 1861 edition Shea notes that the manuscript from which it was taken was 76 pages long. While a detailed description of the grammar is beyond the scope of this work, a few words on its organization and on Arroyo de la Cuesta's exposition of certain aspects of Mutsun grammar will help to give a sense of its contents. The grammar is organized into 14 chapters, the first 10 treating the parts of speech and the last 4 covering syntax and a few aspects of variation and phonology catalogued as "figuras del metaplasmo." After a brief note about the letras, letters or sounds, missing in the language, the first chapter describes nouns, the second adjectives, and the third pronouns. Chapters 4 and 5 cover verbs, tenses, and conjugations. Chapter 6 very briefly treats participles, as will be described below, and Chapter 7 contains a list of common adverbs and a few words on adverbs as a class. Chapter 8 describes "la Preposición y Posposición" (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1861:38), Chapter 9 conjunctions and chapter 10 interjections. From this list we can see that Arroyo de la Cuesta initially adhered to a Latinate model in choosing these eight parts of speech as his organizing principle. At times this creates almost humorous disconnects, as in the chapter on participles. The first lines of this chapter belie its very necessity: Participio es el que tiene casos, y significa tiempo, y participa del nombre y del verbo. Mas examinada bien la natura del Participio, veo que en esta lengua rigurosamente, ni el de presente, ni el de pretérito, ni el de futuro; ni encuentro que se use en expresión alguna. (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1861:34)

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However, this quote also shows that Arroyo de la Cuesta is quick to point out differences between Mutsun and both Latin and Spanish, even when he does not seem to stray far from the Latinate model in terminology. Indeed, he later makes a case for excluding the participle as a part of speech and states that one should in fact speak of seven parts of speech in Mutsun (p. 39): Queda pues explicado el tratado de las ocho partes de la oración que advierto hay en este idioma; que son: Nombre, Pronombre, Verbo. Participio, Adverbio, Preposición, digo Posposición, Conjunción, ê Interjección. Y podemos excluir no solo el Articulo, sino el Participio; y asi diremos: que son siete las partes de la oración en esta lengua Mutsun. Although the grammars brief extension does not allow for a detailed discussion of each topic, Arroyo de la Cuesta's comments show him to be observant and thoughtful about both Mutsun and language in general. In the first chapter, for instance, although he speaks of "declinaciones" (1861:9), Arroyo de la Cuesta recognizes that when case is marked in Mutsun, it is in fact marked by a "preposición pospuesta, ô posposición" (p. 11). At the beginning of chapter 4 he recognizes that verb tense in Mutsun is unlike either Spanish or Latin: "hallo un no se que, que no me es fácil encontrar reglas, analogia, ni proporción para comparar los Tiempos, y Modos de esta lengua con los de las dos que conozco, que son la Nativa, y Latina" (p. 18). He consistently contrasts the structures of Mutsun, Spanish and Latin, without viewing the Mutsun forms as less adequate. In the fifth chapter he has this to say about the lack of a copula, in his terms verbo sustantivo, in Mutsun (pp. 30-31): Este idioma carece del verbo sustantivo y auxiliar en la signifacion [sic] de ser rigurosamente y parece ser este un defecto grande, porque no se pueden explicar las cosas que con el explicamos en los quince sentidos que le usamos, y de que nos valemos, quando conviene. Mas como todo lenguaje ha sido inventado para descubrirlos sentimientos del alma: "Ad sensus animi exprimendos oratio reperta"; el lenguaje de estos Indios ha inventado ciertas palabras que suplen este verbo tan esencial à nuestro idioma, y no asi al suyo; y por eso, dixé, parece ser defecto grande en esta lengua carecer del verbo ser, y no lo es en realidad de verdad, porque tienen estos Indios palabras, ô voces con que manifiestan de distinto modo que nosotros, todos sus conceptos, y sentimientos.^

5. The Latin quote in this passage seems to have come from Pedro de Salas' edition of the Gompendium latino-hispanum, utriusque linguae, originally compiled by Bartolomé Bravo. De Salas translates the Latin into Spanish as "El lenguaje se inventó para descubrir los sentimientos de la alma" (Bravo 1785:371). For more information on de Salas and the Gompendium latino-hispanum, utriusque linguae, see Medina Guerra (1998).

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In Chapter 8, Arroyo de la Cuesta begins by clarifying his use of the term 'posposición' (p. 38): Si la Preposición en nuestra gramática es la que se antepone â las demas partes de la oración para guiadas al verdadero sentido de relación, ô respeto que tienen entre si las cosas que significan; la Posposición en esta lengua es la que se pospone â las demas partes de la oración, y hace los mismos oficios respecto del sentido de las cosas. Then, after laying out exactly twelve postpositions in Mutsun, Arroyo de la Cuesta clarifies that (ibid.) Las demas preposiciones que usa nuestra lengua, se suplen en esta con los adverhios de esta misma lengua [...] el sin nuestro lo suple con esta voz atsi, y esta palahra siempre se antepone, y nunca se puede posponer; por lo que no la asente entre las Posposiciones, y también significa no. These examples show that while Arroyo de la Cuesta used traditional Latinate terminology and concepts in his work, he also strived to describe Mutsun as accurately and as adequately as possible within this framework. In his chapter on "Figuras del Metaplasmo", ostensibly covering rhetorical figures, he describes metathesis^ in child language (p. 40): [...] esta es propia de los niños; que aun casi no pueden pronunciar; y las Madres Ô Padres les hahlan con las letras que tiene la voz trastornadas, y fuera del modo con que deben estar; v.g.: Onlemu, en lugar Onelmu, que quiere decir: Hacer rayas en el suelo.

Later, in talking about Mutsun word order he describes at some length what seems to be a process of topicahzation (p. 48): Regularmente siempre empieza este idioma â expresarse por aquella parte de la oración, que es el intento principal ô objeto que se propone manifestar, construyendo, y formando las clausulas, y tomando aquellas voces, que desde luego son propias y expresivas para descubrir los sentimientos del alma, según en ella existen. Tamhien he observado, que las mas expresiones se pueden formar de dos modos, pero siempre como acaho de decir, v.g.: Cati at irugmin; que significa: Asi son todos, ô Asi es todo. Este adverbio Cati, Asi, es lo se se intenta manifestar primeramente; y después dice at, que significa no mas (que equivale à nuestro son si dice algo este idioma); luego añade el irugmin que no es lo primero que ocurre expresar. Mas si se oye de este modo: Irugmin at cati, que también es el mismo

6. The spelling that appears in the 1861 edition is 'metastesis', and with the original manuscript missing, it is impossible to know whether the mistake is Arroyo de la Cuesta's, the editor's, or indeed the anonymous copyist's.

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pensamiento; el irugmin es todos, ô todo, es lo que primeramente se quiere descubrir; luego se pone at, son, y después se usa cati asi, que es lo ultimo que se persuade declarar. This is followed by another example, after which Arroyo de la Cuesta says "Lo que he dicho con los dos exemplos, se supone ser lo mismo con quantas expresiones largas, ô breves, hay en este idioma" (ibid.). This aspect of Mutsun grammar is one that has not been fully recognized in later studies, including that of Marc Okrand who notes that "there are not sufficient data to present more than a meagre sketch of Mutsun syntax [...] the word order appears relatively 'free*, though it is likely that numerous factors, involving both sentence structure and discourse structure, come into play" (1977:332). He identifies a 'neutral* word order of SVO or VSO. with the caveat that this order is variable, and while he does state that "deviations from the 'neutral* order [of syntactic elements] are likely to be reflections of topicalization. emphasis, discourse phenomena, etc." (p. 334), he does not make reference to Arroyo de la Cuesta*s description or examples. While this is understandable given that modern studies have sought larger sets of data on which to base their descriptions, it highlights the fact that missionary linguistic documents often contain information about indigenous languages not found elsewhere. One other unique aspect of Arroyo de la Cuestas Mutsun grammar is that it provides us with an example of a late Spanish missionary grammar written without the benefit of any previous works on of the language described. This can be contrasted with later colonial descriptions of Náhuatl (e.g.. Sandoval 1810) that drew heavily on earlier missionary work on the language. To give but one example, Sandoval dedicates an entire chapter to "verbos compulsivos, aplicativos, y reverenciales*' (p. 35). these being terms and topics that were already well-established in the missionary tradition of Náhuatl study If I am correct that Arroyo de la Cuesta did not have access to other missionary linguistic works, this may explain why his grammar adheres more to a Latinate formula, at least in organization and terminology, than many of those produced close to the centers of colonial power. This assertion is tentative, however, and further study should help to determine what particuiar grammatical models Arroyo de la Cuesta had at his disposal, if any It may also be instructive to compare Arroyo de la Cuesta*s grammar with Father Fernando de la Carreras (1604-C.1665) Arte de la Lengua Yunga (1644) as described by Hovdhaugen (1992). That work was written in Peru nearly two centuries earlier and was not only published but reprinted several times, but it shares with Arroyo de la Cuestas work the characteristics of being formulated in relative isolation and being the first Western description of the language. Hovdhaugen describes Carreras grammar as lacking a strong tradition and being organized idiosyncratically Indeed, there are few parallels between the two grammars in terms of organization. Carrera treats nouns, adjectives and pronouns in his Libro

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Primero (1939 [1644]: 13), grammatical gender in his Libro Segundo (p. 25), verb conjugations and a short treatise on a eight parts of speech in the Libro Tercero (p. 27), and direct comparisons between Latin and Yunga in Libro Cuarto (p. 55). As we have seen, Arroyo de la Cuesta's book is organized more directly around the eight parts of speech. In terminology, however, there are many parallels between the two works. Both use the same eight parts of speech, both clarify that the term 'posposición' better fits the languages they are describing than 'preposición' (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1861:38; Carrera 1939:50), and both speak oí declinaciones when describing nouns (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1861:9; Carrera 1939:13). Considering in particular this terminology, one can examine what Latin grammatical tradition Arroyo de la Cuesta's work was rooted in. He mentions no sources or grammarians by name, but many studies have shown that expositions and commentaries on Nebrija's Jntroductiones Latinae (1481) were used by missionary grammarians in New Spain and other parts of the Spanish Empire (see, for instance, Osorio Romero 1980 and Quiñones Melgoza 1997). For the most part we see the same scenario in the work of Arroyo de la Cuesta. He chooses to organize his work around the same eight parts of speech recognized by Nebrija and the terms he uses generally coincide with those of the Nebrijan tradition and, as we have seen, with other Spanish missionary grammarians. Some of his grammatical terminology, however, may be traced to other sources. For example, he uses the term 'monoptota' to describe Mutsun declensions, as the language does not have the fuU range of case endings that Latin does. This term is not found in the Introductiones Latinae, but it is used by Priscian in the lnstitutiones grammaticae (Hertz 1855:184) and by Marcos Márquez y Medina de Consuegra (fl. 1716-1764) in his Arte explicado y gramático perfecto (1787 ['1738]: 5), a work that expounds and elaborates on Nebrija's grammar. We must be careful not to jump to conclusions about influence as we cannot be sure whether his use of a certain term was based on direct consultation of grammatical works or on his general education and background. However, examination of Arroyo de la Cuesta's grammar seems to indicate that Nebrija's precepts of grammar continued to be influential into the early 19th century, but also that missionary linguists could draw from a number of related grammatical works and commentaries as sources for structure and terminology. 5. Arroyo de la Cuesta's work on other native languages Mutsun was initially the only language spoken at Mission San Juan Bautista, but around 1818 speakers of a Yokuts language began to come to the mission from areas further inland. Arroyo de la Cuesta called their language 'Nopchinches' or 'Nopthrinthres' and often referred to the people themselves as tulareños, meaning people of the Tulares or land of the tule reed. 'Nopchinches' was his initial

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spelling and the later change from 'ch' to 'thr' in 'Nopthrinthres' seems to reflect an attempt to better represent an aspirated or glottalized alveolar (perhaps retroflex) consonant. Like Mutsun, this variety of Yokuts is no longer spoken and therefore what is known regarding its pronunciation is imperfect. Beeler (1971), an analysis of the language based in part on Arroyo de la Cuesta's notes, contains a discussion of these sounds. Beeler uses the names 'Noptinte Yokuts' or simply 'Noptinte' for this variety, and I will follow this convention here. Arroyo de la Cuestas work on Noptinte Yokuts can be found in two notebooks. The first is dated 1819 and bears the title El oro molido.'^ This phrase in Spanish means literally "milled gold" but also refers to the gold leaf used in illuminated manuscripts and carries a figurative meaning of being of excellent quality. Arroyo de Cuesta also provides a personal explanation for his choice of title; "oro" because "es mucho lo que vale, y vale mas que el mismo oro" and "molido" because it was achieved "a fuerza de mil trabajos y sudores" (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1819:7). The first half of the notebook contains religious texts in Latin, Spanish and Mutsun, though there are also numerous pages left blank throughout. The Noptinte Yokuts texts in El oro molido begin on page 88 under the heading "Rezo Tulareño en lengua de los Nopchinches" and include four prayers; the first, an Acto de Fe, contains an interlinear Spanish translation while the other three (Acto de Esperanza, Acto de Caridad y Contrición and Confesión) are simply in Noptinte. These prayers are followed by a short catechism in Noptinte, then by translations of the prayers in both Mutsun and Spanish and some unrelated texts in Spanish and Latin. On page 125 we find musical notation with Noptinte lyrics, followed by 3 blank pages, further translations of prayers into Mutsun, and then another Noptinte Yokuts text on page 133. After a number of further blank pages, the manuscript resumes on page 169 with a single line of music and verse in Noptinte; after this the notebook itself ends with only a few unrelated notes in Spanish on the following pages. From notes made by Arroyo de la Cuesta at the beginning of this section of the notebook, it would seem that he planned over time to translate each Noptinte Yokuts text into either Mutsun or Spanish: "irá poniéndose ya en Mutsun ya en Castellano en traduccfiojn" (1819:89); why he did not finish this task during the rest of his time is an open question, and it may be that there was a second and more complete copy of this notebook that has since been lost. This possibility is hinted at in the second notebook containing Noptinte Yokuts texts.

7. Arroyo de la Cuesta is inconsistent in his use of capitalization with this title; on the cover of the notebook il is "El Oro molido" but within it is typically "el oro molido". I will follow the Spanish convention of capitalizing only the first word of a title and refer to the notebook as El oro molido.

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This second notebook bears the title Lecciones de Yndios and was compiled much later, in 1837, when Arroyo de la Cuesta was at Mission Santa Inés. As first noted by Beeler (1971:15), Arroyo de la Cuesta indicates in Lecciones de Yndios that he is copying Noptinte Yokuts material from El oro molido, but in fact the information contained in the Lecciones manuscript is not found in El oro molido. This may indicate that there was a third Arroyo de la Cuesta notebook, possibly a continuation of El oro molido, that has since been lost. The Noptinte Yokuts data from Lecciones de Yndios includes a 5-page word list (pages 11-16 in the notebook) interspersed with Arroyo de la Cuesta's observations and grammatical notes in both Spanish and Latin. While he does give some information pertaining to the structure of the language it is vague at best; for example, after providing examples of various verbs in the imperative he says simply "Ita in hac 2''^ Persona modi Imperativi praesentis formantur omnia verba, et voces, sed hoc repoliendum est alibi á me' (1837:13). Eugène Duflot de Mofras (1810-1884), a French traveler who visited California in 1841 and traveled for some time with Horatio Hale (1817-1897) of the United States Exploring Expedition, mentions Arroyo de la Cuesta in a footnote as the author of a grammar of Tulareño: Malgré le grand nombre de dialectes des Missions de la Californie, les Franciscains espagnols s'étaient attachés à apprendre la langue générale de la grande vallée de los Tulares, dont presque toutes les tribus sont originaires, et ils ont rédigé le vocabulaire et une sorte de grammaire de cette langue nommée el Tulareno*. 1. Gramática de la lengua Tularena, por el R.P. Arroyo de la Mission de Santa Inés. (Manuscrit entre nos mains.) (Duflot de Mofras 1844:387-388) The term 'tulareño' would almost certainly refer to Noptinte Yokuts but neither of the sources described here would seem to qualify even remotely as a grammar. Again we are left with the question of whether Arroyo de la Cuesta left some additional manuscripts that either did not survive or remain in private collections, unavailable to researchers. Arroyo de la Cuesta also collected information about languages spoken at or near other missions that he visited. During a visit in January 1821 to Mission San Francisco, better known today as Mission Dolores, he recorded brief word lists in five San Francisco Bay Area languages. These were the Costanoan languages Karkin and Juchiun (Chocheño), the Miwok languages Sacian and Huimen (Coast Miwok) and the Wintuan language Suisun. All five word lists can be found in the Lecciones de Yndios notebook referenced above, which dates to his time at mission Santa Ines in the late 1830s and where they were copied by Arroyo de la Cuesta from his original notes. An unusual feature of these word lists is that Arroyo de la Cuesta names each of the individuals from whom he collected the words. For example, his Suisun word lists begins "Términos, y expresiones de

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Suisun de N.P. que me explicó Samuel Capita Page en 17Enero de 1821" (1837:21). These lists, while comprising in each case only some 50-70 words, represent the earliest descriptions of most of these languages and provide the only descriptions of Karkin and Sacian made while there were still native speakers of the languages. As such, they have been used by later researchers of California languages, particularly for studies seeking to establish relationships between the different languages in the Costanoan and Miwok families: see, e.g., Beeler (1955, 1959, 1961), and Callaghan (1971, 1988). In the Lecciones de Yndios notebook we find descriptions of varying length of numerous other California Native languages. Many of these are copies of earlier notes made by Arroyo de la Cuesta, with the date of the original description noted. For instance, he gives a date of May 18,1833 for his two-page list of phrases in Esselen or Huelel (he uses both terms), a language isolate that he heard at Mission Soledad. No information is given for when Arroyo de la Cuesta heard the Salinan varieties he describes as "la lengua de S[a]n Ant[oni]o y S[a]n Mig[ue]l que con corta diferencia es uno mismo [sic]" (1837:3), but he gives a short list of phrases along with some notes comparing Salinan to other neighboring languages. Given that Arroyo de la Cuesta spent his last years at Mission Santa Inés, it is not surprising that he also dedicates a number of pages to the Chumash varieties spoken there and at La Purísima and San Luis Obispo, which he recognizes as distinct dialects. He seems to have been vexed by the difficulty he had in learning Chumash and often comments on what he considers to be its difficult qualities. Next to a table of verb conjugations he comments "Si, Lector casual, me fue tan extraño este modo de conjugar q[u]e me quitó las ganas p[o]r m[uchos] dias de volver á preg[un]tar cosas de Idioma durisimo, y feisimo p[ar]a mi" (1837:7). Later he laments that the Chumash spoken at Santa Ines "me ha molido, y calentado la cabeza mas q[u]e todos los q[u]e conozco" (p. 19). Of the language spoken at San Luis Rey, a Uto-Aztecan language usually called Luiseño, he speaks more positively: "Es mucho el gusto q[u]e he tenido en escribir esta cortas palabras, y voces de la Lengua de S[a]n Luis Rey" (p. 18) and in musing on Luiseño he also seems to recognize that perhaps Chumash is simply odd to him, calling it "este idioma preverbal, exótico, y mui raro p[ar]a mi" (ibid.). AU told, the number of languages or related varieties that Arroyo de la Cuesta described in some form or another in his notebooks and other documents is at least eleven, representing eight distinct language families. This in and of itself makes Arroyo de la Cuesta somewhat unique among missionary linguists. While there are examples of other missionary linguists who studied more than one language, among them Melchor Oyanguren de Santa Inés (1688-1747), who wrote on Basque, Tagalog, Chinese and Japanese (for details, see Zwartjes 2011) and Carlos de Tapia y Zenteno (fl.1753-1767), who penned works on both Náhuatl

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and Huastec, I am not aware of any other who undertook to describe as many distinct languages and language families as Arroyo de la Cuesta. 6. Preservation and influence of Arroyo de la Cuesta's work Because the first printing press arrived in California only in 1834, the works on California languages prepared by Arroyo de la Cuesta and other Spanish missionaries were manuscripts. Indeed, there are many indications that writing supplies were scarce. Arroyo de la Cuesta at times used the blank pages of books that he owned to record notes and in El oro molido he expresses a desire to have better materials with which to work; "mas quisiera tener mexor tinta y papel que de intento buscare con el fabor de Dios" (Arroyo de la Cuesta 1819:5). While we have seen that Arroyo de la Cuesta's vocabtilary and grammar were published posthumously, his remaining works stul await publication; it is likely that some have been lost or destroyed. However, those works that survived have been used by later students and researchers of California languages, and even during Arroyo de la Cuesta's lifetime and in the years immediately following the dissolution of the Alta California missions his works were copied by explorers and visitors of many nationalities. Among the early compilers of material on California languages was Karl von Gerolt (1790-1851), who made copies of some of Arroyo de la Cuesta's vocabularies in 1830 and sent them to Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835), who was a friend of his diplomat brother Friedrich's (1797-1879). According to Golla, Gerolt seems to have had plans to gather more information on Cahfornia languages but passed away in Santa Clara in 1831 (2011:298). As noted earlier, French explorer Eugène Duflot de Mofras appears to have seen some of Arroyo de la Cuesta's papers in the early 1840s, and he may have used these in compiling his translations of the Lord's Prayer and words for the numbers 1-10 in various Cahfornia languages. Alexander S. Taylor (1817-1876) collected mission documents during the 1850s and 1860s, and sent several manuscripts to John Gilmary Shea for publication in his series called Library of American Linguistics. These included a Salinan vocabulary by Buenaventura Sitjar and Fray Miguel Pieras (1741-1784) as well as Arroyo de la Cuesta's Mutsun vocabulary and grammar. It was likely through Taylor's acquaintance with the early California historian Hubert Howe Bancroft (1832-1918) that many of Arroyo de la Cuesta's works ended up in Bancroft's personal collection and are now in the Bancroft Library at the University of California in Berkeley. In the 1870s another Frenchman, AlphonseLouis Pinart (1852-1911), traveled along the west coast of North America and in California collected vocabularies of a number of languages still spoken at the missions. According to Golla (2011:359), Pinart also copied some religious texts from Arroyo de la Cuesta's papers. In the last two decades of the 19th century we

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know that at least two linguist/ethnologists working for the Bureau of American Ethnology in Washington, D.C, John Wesley Powell (1834-1902) and Albert Gatschet (1832-1907), used Arroyo de la Cuesta's works to aid in their description and classification of California languages. Linguists and anthropologists of the 20th century also found Arroyo de la Cuestas work a valuable source of information for languages with few or no speakers. Alfred Louis Kroeber (1876-1960), an anthropologist who trained under Franz Boas (1858-1942) and taught at the University of California in Berkeley, relied on mission era documents to describe Costanoan languages with few or no native speakers. In a 1910 article entitled "The Chumash and Costanoan Languages" he describes Arroyo de la Cuesta's grammar of Mutsun as "one of the most satisfactory treatises dealing with an Indian idiom of California" (p. 237). John Peabody Harrington (1884-1961), whose recordings and documentation of a number of languages have only recently been fully recognized, used Arroyo de la Cuesta's vocabulary to elicit data from Ascención Solórsano de Cervantes, the native speaker of Mutsun with whom he worked in the 1920s (Okrand 1977). Use of Arroyo de la Cuesta's materials by linguists and anthropologists continued through the rest of the 20th century. The work of Madison Scott Beeler (1910-1989) on Noptinte Yokuts has already been mentioned here. Beeler, who was trained in Indo-European philology, was a member of the faculty at the University of California-Berkeley from 1941 to 1977. Though initially hired in the Department of Cerman, he developed an interest in Native American languages and rediscovered many of the mission-era works in California archives. He used these as a basis for description of a number of languages no longer spoken (see Beeler 1955 through 1972). Later experts on California languages, many trained at Berkeley, have written descriptions of Costanoan, Miwok and Salinan languages based in part on Arroyo de la Cuesta's work. These include Marc Okrands doctoral thesis on Mutsun, which relies principally on Harringtons documentation of the language but also references Arroyo de la Cuesta. Okrand characterizes Arroyo de la Cuesta's work as "remarkably sound" though "suffering from transcriptional deficiencies and unavoidable incompleteness" (1977:3); he is referring here to Shea's editions. Other descriptive works to make use of Arroyo de la Cuestas manuscripts include Callaghan (1971) and (1988), and Shaul (1995). 7.

Conclusions This article is a first step towards documenting and analyzing the linguistic work of fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta, though much work remains to be done in both documentation and revitalization of these materials. It is possible that other Arroyo de la Cuesta manuscripts exist in personal collections or archives in Mexico and Spain, and Beeler s comment that "most of this [Arroyo de la Cuestas]

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material still awaits publication" (1971:14) is as true in 2012 as it was in the early 1970s, though the 1861 and 1862 published versions of his Mutsun grammar and vocabulary are widely available in reprints and in online document repositories such as Google Books. In addition to bringing the linguistic data contained in these manuscripts to light, the documentation and study of Arroyo de la Cuesta's work can offer insights into the type and scope of linguistic materials produced in missionary settings. As mentioned in the introduction, study of these works from Alta California serves to corroborate that during the colonial period in the Americas missionaries working with indigenous peoples often, if not as a rule, found it necessary to learn their languages. When materials and opportunities were available, some of these missionaries also undertook to record what they had learned. However, missionaries working in the peripheral areas of the Spanish colonies were often constrained by a lack of resources and by their distance from the colonial centers of power. Arroyo de la Cuesta seems to have been a prolific observer and compiler of information on California languages, but he was not able to share his work with others beyond the Alta California missions. Arroyo de la Cuesta's writings also present a diflerent type of missionary linguistic work than is often found in other parts of Spanish America. While he focused most of his energies on the languages spoken at San Juan Bautista, the fact that he sought to document so many different languages makes his linguistic labor rather exceptional. It is also important to note that while Arroyo de la Cuesta seems to have written his word lists and descriptions in large part for his own personal use and out of his own interest and curiosity, later researchers have ensured that his work lives on. Given that he labored in relative solitude, it is striking that his works reached a much wider audience through the efforts of others not long after his death. Also striking is the almost universally positive evaluation of his work in subsequent studies of the languages he described. This provides an example of the often tacit impact that missionary linguistic works have had on the larger field of linguistics, providing valuable lexical, grammatical and even phonological information that can form the basis of further study. REFERENCES A. Primary sources Arenas, Pedro de. 1611. Vocabulario manual de las Lenguas Castellana y Mexicana. Mexico City: Henrico Martinez. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Felipe. 1815. Alphab[eticu]s Rivulus obeundus, exprimationum causa horum indorum Mutsun. Unpublished manuscript, San Juan Bautista, California. Deposited at the Bancroft Library, University of California-Berkeley.

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Arroyo de la Cuesta, Felipe. 1819. El oro molido. Unpublished notebook, San Juan Bautista, California. At the Bancroft Library, University of California-Berkeley. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Felipe. 1837. Lecciones de Yndios. Unpublished notebook, Santa Ines, California. At the Bancroft Library, University of California-Berkeley. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Felipe. 1861. Grammar of the Mutsun Language, Spoken at the Mission of San Juan Bautista, Alta Galifornia. Ed. by John Gilmary Shea. (= Shea's Library ofAmerican Linguistics, 4.) New York: Cramoisy Press. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Felipe. 1862. A Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun Language of Alta Galifornia. Ed. by John Cilmary Shea. (= Shea's Library of American Linguistics, 8.) New York: Cramoisy Press. Bravo. Bartolomé. 1785. Gompendium latino-hispanum, utriusque linguae. Ed. by Pedro de Salas. Madrid: Ildefonso López. Carrera, Fernando de la. 1939 [1644]. Arte de la Lengua Yunga. Ed. and with Introduction by Radames A. Altieri. (= Universidad Nacional de Tucumán; Publicación No. 256.) Tucumán, Argentina: Instituto de Antropología. Duflot de Mofras, Eugene. 1844. Exploration du territoire de VOrégon, des Gaiifornies et de la mer vermeille, exécutée pendant les années 1840, 1841 et 1842. Paris: A. Bertrand. Hertz, Martin, ed. 1855. Prisciani grammatici Gaesariensis institutionum grammaticarum libri XVIII ex recensione Martini Hertzii. Vol. I libros I-XII continens (= Grammatici Latini ex recensiones Henrici Keilii, 2). Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. Kroeber, Alfred Louis. 1910. "The Chumash and Costanoan Languages". University of Galifornia Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 9:2.237-271. Kroeber, Alfred Louis. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of Galifornia. (= Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, 78.) Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Oflice. Márquez de Medina, Marcos. 1787 ['1738). El arte explicado y gramático perfecto: dividido en tres partes. Séptima impresión. Madrid: Viuda de Ibarra, Hijos, y Compañía. Molina, Alonso de. 1571. Vocabulario en lengua Gastellana y Mexicana. Mexico Cily: Antonio de Spinosa. Nebrija, Antonio de. 1481. Introductiones Latinae. Salamanca. (Facsimile edition published 1999 by Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.) Nebrija, Antonio de. 1996 [14881. Introductiones latinas contrapuesto el romance al latin. Ed. and with introduction by Miguel Ángel Esparza & Vicente Calvo (= Materialien zur Geschichte der Sprachwissenschafi und der Semiotik, 7.) Münster: Nodus. Sandoval, Rafael. 1888 [1810]. Arte de la lengua mexicana. Facsimile edition on CD-ROM in Obras clásicas sobre la lengua náhuatl. Compiled by Ascensión Hernández de León-Portilla {= Golección Glásicos Tavera; Serie IX, vol. 8, No. 16.) Madrid: Fundación Histórica Tavera & Digibis, 1998. B. Secondary literature Bancroft, Hubert Howe. 1886. History of Galifornia. Vol. II 1801-1824. {= The Works of Hubert Howe Bancrofi, 19.) San Francisco: 'fhe History Company. Beeler, Madison S. 1955. "Sacian". International Journal of American Linguistics 21:3.201-210. Beeler, Madison S. 1959. "Sacian Once More" International Journal of American Linguistics 25:1.67-68.

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Beeler, Madison S. 1961. "Northern Costanoan". International Journal of American Linguistics 27:3.191-197. Beeler, Madison S. 1971. "Noptinte Yokuts". Studies in American Indian Languages ed. by Jesse Sawyer, 11-76. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press. Beeler, Madison S. 1972. "An Extension of San Francisco Bay Costanoan?". International Journal of American Linguistics 38:1.49-54. Blevins, Juliette & Victor Golla. 2005. "A New Mission Indian Manuscript from the San Francisco Bay Area". Boletin: The Journal of the California Mission Studies Association 22:1.33-61. Callaghan, Catherine. 1967. "Miwok-Costanoan as a Subfamily of Penutian". International Journal of American Linguistics 33:3.224-227. Callaghan, Catherine. 1971. "Sacian: A reexamination". Anthropological Linguistics 13: 9.448-457. Callaghan, Catherine. 1988. "Karkin Revisited". International Journal of American Linguistics 54:4.436-452. Callaghan, Catherine. 1997. "Evidence for Yok-Utian". International Journal of American Linguistics 63:1.18-64. Engelhardt, Zephyrin. 1931. Mission San Juan Bautista. Santa Barbara, Calif.: Mission Santa Barbara. Errington, Joseph. 2001. "Colonial Linguistics". Annual Review of Anthropology 30.19-39. Geiger, Maynard. 1969. Franciscan Missionaries in Hispanic California, 1769-1848: A biographical dictionary. San Marino, Calif.: The Huntington Library Golla, Victor. 2011. California Indian Languages. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press. Hackel, Steven W. 2005. Children of Coyote, Missionaries of Saint Francis: Indian-Spanish relations in Colonial California. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press. Hernández de León-Portilla, Ascensión. 1988. Tepuztlahcuilolli: Impresos en náhuatl. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Hovdhaugen, Even. 1992. "A Grammar without a Tradition? Fernando de la Carrera's Arte de la lengua yunga (1644)". Diversions of Galway: Papers on the History of Linguistics from ICHoLS V ed. by Anders Ahlqvist (= Studies in the History of the Language Sciences, 68), 113-122. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Hovdhaugen, Even, ed. 1996.... and the Word Was God: Missionary linguistics and missionary grammar. Munster: Nodus. Margolin, Malcohn. 1978. The Ohlone Way: Indian life in the San Francisco and Monterey Bay Area. Berkeley, Calif: Heyday Books. Medina Guerra, Antonia María. 1998. "La labor lexicográfica del padre Pedro de Salas". Teoriay practica de la lexicología ed. by Juan de Dios Luque Duran & Francisco José Manjón Pozas (= IV Jornadas internacionales sobre estudio y enseñanza del léxico), 177-184. Granada: Método Ediciones. Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languages of Native North America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Okrand, Marc. 1977. Mutsun Grammar. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of California, Berkeley. Osorio Romero, Ignacio. 1980. Floresta de gramática, poética y retórica en Nueva España 15211767. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

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SUMMARY This article describes the linguistic work of Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (1780-1840), a Franciscan missionary from Spain who lived and worked in the missions of Alta California for some 32 years. He was the most prolific chronicler of the indigenous languages of Alta California during the mission period, writing a vocabulary and grammar of the Costanoan/Ohlone language Mutsun, taking notes on a Yokuts language he called Nopthrinthres> and compihng shorter word lists and religious texts in numerous other languages. The present work seeks to bring together and analyze what information is

Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta's Work on California's Native Languages 119

available about Arroyo de la Cuesta's life and writings and place tbese within tbe broader field of missionary linguistics.

RESUME Cet article décrit le travail linguistique de Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (1780-1840), un missionnaire franciscain espagnol qui a vécu et travaillé dans les missions de la HauteCalifornie pendant environ 32 ans. Il a été le plus prolifique chroniqueur des langues autochtones de la Haute-Californie au cours de la période des missions, auteur d'un vocabulaire et une grammaire de la langue mutsun, appartenant à la famille costanoan/ohlone, des notes sur une langue de la famille yokuts qu'il appelle noptbrintbres, et des listes de mots et textes religieux dans de nombreuses autres langues. Ce travail vise à rassembler et analyser les informations disponibles sur la vie et les écrits d'Arroyo de la Cuesta et à les situer dans le domaine de la linguistique missionnaire.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Dieser Artikel beschreibt die sprachwissenschaftliche Arbeit des spanischen Franziskaner-Ordensbruder Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (1780-1840), der als Missionar etwa 32 Jahre in den Missionen in Alta California lebte and arbeitete. Er war der vielseitigste Chronist der Sprachen der Eingeborenen dieser Missionsepoche in Alta California. Er schrieb nicht nur eine Grammatik und ein Vokabular der Mutsunsprache (Gruppe Costanoan/Ohlone), sondern auch vorläufige Notizen über eine Jokutsprache, von ihm Noptbrinthres benannt, und kürzere Wortlisten und religiöse Traktate in vielen anderen lokalen Sprachen. Die hier vorgelegte Arbeit fasst die heute noch vorhandenen Informationen über Arroyo de la Cuestas Leben und Werk zusammen und analysiert dieses, um diese seine Schriften innerhalb des breiteren Bereichs der Missionarslinguistik zustellen. Author's address: Catherine Fountain Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures Appalachian State University BOONE, NC 28608-2063 U.S.A. e-mail: [email protected]

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