Experiencias esteticas, fetichismo y el \"choque de las civilizaciones\" en el Mediterraneo

Beyond Politics, Überarbeitung MZ 28.11.06
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1. Universalism, cultural relativism, and the question of the
Mediterranean as a cultural area.

5. Zeile von unten: un-?famously
In the years between the Kosovo Wars and the events of September 11, 2001,
even intellectuals unsuspicious of neo-conservatism and Christian
fundamentalism, like Slavoj Zizek (2000), Susan Sontag (1999) and many
others, admitted that there is a growing epistemological and political
problem, if not a kind of logical gap, between the concept of cultural
relativism and state-autonomy on the one hand, and international civil
society, globalized free markets, and Human Rights on the other. As we want
to show in this paper, anthropologists have dealt with the underlying
epistemological problems since the very beginning of this academic field.
Ambivalences between the two poles torment the minds of postmodern
philosophers and anthropologists until today. Every stance taken in this
matter has political implications, this lesson was (un-)famously taught
when the Association of American Anthropologists left the commission
preparing the International Declaration of Human Rights in 1947 (Executive
Board AAA 1947, Washburn 1987). Indeterminacies in this field are still of
political importance as one can observe in the political aftermath of the
latest Iraq war waged by the United States, Great Britain and other Western
nation states since 2003.


Es ist zu überlegen, ob wir an dieser Stelle einen Absatz zum Verhältnis
Universalimus-Partikularismus einfügen, den wir Deinem Aufsatz Ethnologie
als Kulturwissenschaft entnehmen könnten – den ich gerade nicht zu Hause
habe, um einen Vorschlag zu machen. Das kann ich aber noch tun.


In recent years and in this context, a publication of major political
impact has been the "Clash of Civilizations" by the political scientist and
advisor to the Pentagon Samuel P. Huntington. Published in 1996, it was
mostly read as the wishful thinking of a culturalist-essentialist scholar,
or as a document of neo-imperial thought. But in rereading his book today,
we can discover that Huntington still maintained that his book should serve
to prevent the development of homogeneous culture areas and help to create
a universalistic civil society (1996, part V, ch. 12). In the years
following 1996, however, his publications have been considered to fit well
the ages of distrust between ethnic and religious groups and the climate of
a "war against terror" (Huntington 2004). One could speculate that it is
precisely the process of occasionally exaggerated interpretation and
critique that has finally brought Huntington to the point of adapting to a
truly neoconservative position. However, strangely enough, the origins of
his ideas can still be located in a genealogy of thought that has tried to
warn against an age of culturalist post-racism and ethnic-religious
fanaticism.

Hier ist zu belegen: Genealogie über > Heidegger und > Adorno zu Spengler,
auch wenn später diskutiert
It is true that Huntington argues against certain simple forms of
multiculturalism and that, because of this, his writings have become
central for neo-conservative positions. But on the other hand, most of his
critics have overlooked that Huntington's theses, under close discourse-
analytical scrutiny, turn out to be heavily inspired by older and very
complex ideas about what cultures are, what happens when they come into
contact, and how coevalness should or could be developed. Huntington
relates to a field of thought developed in the 1920s and 1930s by mostly
German and Austrian thinkers like Oswald Spengler for example (Spengler
1962, see Huntington 1996, part I, ch. 2). This genealogy of thought also
touches positions taken by most divergent and influential theoreticians
like Martin Heidegger and Theodor Adorno; further, it reaches far back in
to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to Goethe, Herder, Humboldt and
to the German "Völkerpsychologie" of the 1860s (Schneider 1990).

Leaving aside the burden of long, self-reflexive discussion in
intellectual history and a legitimate bias towards some of the respective
thinkers, it is in this genealogy of thought that we can already recognize
the ambivalence of universal and relativistic approaches towards the
concept of culture and, furthermore, common origins of at first glance
irreconciable schools of thoughts and thinkers. The "Völkerpsychologie" and
its attempts to grasp unity and diversity of cultures exerted a most
profound influence on the founder of American cultural anthropology, Franz
Boas (Hauschild 1997). The American Anthropological Association, which he
founded, is today the largest and most influential professional group of
scholars worldwide, active in the field of ethnographical studies about
culture and cultural contact. But it is the pairing of such opposite
thinkers like Heidegger and Adorno into one genealogy of thought, leading
finally up to modern and postmodern anthropology, which might indicate how
ambivalent the whole field of argument is. Martin Heidegger played a
certain role in fostering exclusionary national socialist theories of
culture within the German academia of his time, but he was also an
important reference when Jean Paul Sartre and others in post-war France
advanced to the point of staging cultural criticism as a humanistic and
universalistic endeavour. Theodor Adorno, in turn, anchored his ideas in
the concepts of human rights, equality, and universal civil values. Thus he
became a father figure of that humanistic criticism so dear to Sartre. But
in "Dialectics of Enlightenment" (Adorno and Horkheimer 1972), he explored
the dark sides and misuses of critical and liberal thought, and in his
writings on music and literature, he exalted particular European culture
traits above all heights. It is the problem which Michel Foucault alluded
to when he was enquired about the consequences of his ideas on the "birth
of the clinic" and the criticism of practices of exclusion and punishment
when they were "applied" by medical reformers and politicians in those
disastrous years of political reform and institutional chaos in Italy in
the late 1970s. The problem is not, Foucault declared, that some ideas were
clearly to be distinguished as good or as evil in themselves, rather, the
task is to observe the development of ideas and practices up to the point
where they become dangerous. Precisely at this moment it becomes necessary
for intellectuals to intervene and to distance themselves, perhaps even
from their own ideas (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982).

Sollte Heinrichs 1998 (Doppelung) vielleicht raus?, Unten: der Formenkreis
von Frobenius, diesen Passus habe ich sehr eng an Streck angelehnt, macht
nichts? "formal articulation" ist alles, was mir zur Formensprache
einfällt, aber vielleicht nicht glücklich. Ich kann versuchen noch an
englisch sprachige Aufsätze zu Frobenius zu kommen, um den Wortgebrauch
abzugleichen. Ich beziehe mich auf Streck 1999 (vgl. Lit-Liste
Ergänzungen), so dass danach Streck 1989 eine Doppelung sein könnte, ich
habe den Aufsatz von Streck 1989 gerade nicht zu Hand, um das zu prüfen,
kann ich aber gerne machen.
In the tradition of such ambivalences relating genealogically in one
way or another to Oswald Spengler's controversial political philosophy, we
discover not only Samuel Huntington's anti-relativism, but also
contemporary American liberal anthropologists and their anti-anti-
relativism (Geertz 1984). This direction of American liberal anthropology
is related in an uncanny way to Leo Frobenius, an ethnologist of the German
tradition, who is widely judged as completely out-moded today. Between 1895
and the late 1930s, Frobenius was active as a theoretician of culture
areas. He was a politically most ambivalent personality not untypical for
German intellectuals during the "klassische Moderne" when political life of
the young Republic of Weimar was profoundly shaped by the competing,
holistic claims of imperialism, fashism and communism (Ehl 1995, Heinrichs
1998, 1999). Today, he can be seen as an author dear and central to the
first indigenous intellectual African movement towards self-determination,
the "négritude" of the 1940s (Soo 1974, Dimassi 1974). Like Samuel
Huntington in the more subtle passages of his seminal study, Frobenius
argued against simplistic models of universalism and relativism, and in
favour of a new and subtler search for features common to all cultures. In
his Kulturmorphologie every Formenkreis, albeit understood as being always
one of many resembling "cultural conglomerations" in space, was a Gestalt
in its own right, with a specific formal articulation, in which he
recognized the essence or the spirit of an ethnos (cf. Streck 1999). Those
aspects of "négritude" that were inspired by him can be seen as a search
for historical as well as for ritual experiences that would allow new forms
of cultural self-determination, and of intercultural empathy and mimesis.
This did not prevent Frobenius from participating in a type of analysis of
African cultural traditions following what we today would call slightly
racist criteria, like the differentiation between "Hamitic" and "Ethiopian"
cultures and physical types in Africa (Frobenius 1933: 236, Lange 1975, cf.
Ehl 1995, Streck 1989). But when we criticize Frobenius' quasi-racist
culturalism today, we should take into account that in the 1930s,
contemporary anthropological theory in the US – today seen as the
international model for an advanced cultural relativism – in its
ambivalence between universalism and cultural relativism was not too far
away from Frobenius' positions, thus revealing its common origins in German
"Völkerpsychologie" (Benedict 1934, Boas 1940, Rudolph 1968, Hauschild
1997). It is quite clear that this problem of interference between
universalism and relativism, between an anthropology favouring human rights
and an anthropology fostering the classification and division of humans
into "races" or, today, essentialist "cultures", remains unsolved and
touches deeply on every argument in the realm of a general anthropology.


Frobenius, wenn er im folgenden drin bleiben soll, habe ich
spezifiziert mit "Kulturform"? Bleibt es nun bei Foucault, oder solle es um
Deleuze explizit gehen, ich habe keine Falte bei Foucault gefunden. 5./6.
Zeile von unten: "meaning mediated by culture", Zusatz "or the respective
social setting" kann vielleicht weg?
For the sake of going ahead with the development of a modern
contribution to this old problem, we will try to combine Frobenius'
thoughts on cultural molds with Foucault's and Bourdieu's ideas about self,
identity and power. Thinking about unity and diversity of culture we want
to follow a student of Boas, Sapir (Sapir 2002) and start off from the
acteur's point of view. In this respect we find the notion of the "fold"
useful, along wich outside experience is transformed into inside experience
(Deleuze 1993). With Bourdieu we take this process by which individual
experience is constituted and meaning constructed as mediated by culture or
the respective social setting. Therefore we combine the idea of the "fold"
with the idea of "habitus" (Bourdieu 1994), which simoultaneously triggers
and follows outward practice as well as interior cognitive processes, thus
creating historical process from structure and deriving structure from
history (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982, Giddens 1984).


Ich sehe im vorhergehenden Absatz durchaus den Punkt der reviewer, wir
kommen noch oft auf die Falte, aber nicht auf den habitus inhaltlich
qualifizierend, d.h. konkret, zu sprechen, ich habe weiter unten bei den
Sufi-Bruderschaften in Anlehnung an Pinto versucht, das wieder
aufzugreifen. Einige Literaturangaben habe ich rausgeschmissen, weil ich
nicht weiß, worauf sie für das Argument abzielen: Foucault 1986 ist ja
eigentlich der locus classicus für die wissenstheoretische Funktion der
Ethnologie in diesem Zusammenhang, die wir aber nicht angesprochen haben,
und bei Arac 1988 kann ich nur Edwards Said Aufsatz als relevant verstehen,
der aber angebracht werden wäre, wenn wir, wie oben bei Adorno, von der
Überhöhung der europäischen Geistesgeschichte bei Foucault reden wollten,
und dann sollte m.E, auch spezifisch der Aufsatz und weniger der Sammelband
erwähnt werden.


Richtig finde ich für den folgenden (von mir nun modifizierten) Absatz den
Hinweis auf den uneingelösten Verweis auf den Diskurs. Ich bin post-
Feldforschung nicht recht orientiert, die erste Frage, die sich mir hier im
Lichte der Reviewer stellt ist: welchen Begriff von Diskurs? Nach Foucaults
Archäologie des Wissens wirken DIskurse auf nicht-diskursive Praktiken
ordnungsbildend ein (Psychopathologie auf Praktiken in Irrenanstalt). Der
Foucault der Ordnung des Diskurses (keine Ahnung in welcher englische
rÜbersetzung könnte ich noch raussuchen) wiederum stellt die Abhängigkeit
von Wissensformen von sozialen Praktiken , d.h. ihrer Grundlagen fest
(Macht, Begehren). Vielleicht würde es verdeutlichen (und habe ich das
richtig verstanden? Wenn das zweideutig bzw. Nur halbrichtig, wird man in
den USA gelyncht), wenn wir (zu Beginn des absatzes: Our aim is to bring
together the concept of discourse/habitus, S. 4) wie folgt weiter
schreiben:


Following the Foucauldian perspective on discourse as depending on the very
basis of social practices (Foucault 1974), we want to shed light on corpo-
real needs, experiences and agencies expressed, cultivated and produced in
everyday practices and religious rituals. In order to explore new grounds
for dealing with the problems of fragmentation and unification on the
discursive, i.e. theoretical, as much as on the practical level, we want to
combine the concept of discourse and the concept of habitus in the light of
ethnographic experiences of religious and aesthetic practices in the
Mediterranean. We try to rethink these relations by following recent
impulses given to the study of Mediterranean cultures by historians
Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell (Horden and Purcell 2000), as well as
by cultural anthropologists like Dionigi Albera, Christian Bromberger, and
Anton Blok (Albera and Bomberger and Blok 2001). We take the Mediterranean
as a field of argument for four reasons: First of all, the question of
universalism and relativity can be resolved into questions of intercultural
connectedness and local fragmentation – the Mediterranean as a seaway leads
to connectivity, but as a most fragmented, karstic and volcanic zone,
geomorphologically capricious as well as fecund in many parts, it leads to
the formation of very specific local niche cultures. According to Horden
and Purcell, in the Mediterranean the aspect of "unity in diversity"
(Horden and Purcell 2000: 9-26) is more densely present, and historically
more deeply documented than in any other region of the world. Secondly, the
dialectics of fragmentation and unity have been the object of five decades
of very productive debate and research among anthropologists centering on
the Mediterranean, so that we can draw on their experiences with a
fragmented, contested and constantly reified regional field (Braudel 1972,
Davis 1977, Herzfeld 1987, Peristiany and Pitt-Rivers 1992, Horden and
Purcell 2000, Blok 2001, Albera and Blok and Bromberger 2001, Harris 2005).
Against this background, it is important, that, thirdly, not only
Huntington stages his scenario of a clash of civilizations prominently in
the Mediterranean – time and again in intellectual history this Roman mare
nostrum has been more or less explicitely taken to be the borderline of
culture-areas (Frobenius, Ginzburg) –also Foucault and Bourdieu developed
their processual and discursive approaches by relating to materials from
Mediterranean cultural history and anthropology. Fourthly, we will draw
from material we have recovered through our own research in the
Mediterranean (Kottmann in Southern Spain, Zillinger in Northern and
Central Morocco, Hauschild in Southern Italy and Southern Spain).
Hier im vorangehenden Absatz: 5. Zeile "on the discursice, i.e.
theoretical, as much as on the practical level" sollte vielleicht
gestrichen werden. Ist der Einschub über mare nostrum in Ordnung für Dich?
die Nebeneinanderstellung von Huntington, Frobenius und Ginzburg scheint
gewagt, ich meine nur, dass alle drei mal explizit (Huntington) mal nur
implizit (Ginzburg) eine Grenze zwischen Nord- und Südmittelmeer gezogen
haben, allerdings ja doch qualitativ unterschiedlich: essentialistisch
(Huntington) der eine, durch Auslassung (Ginzburg) der andere. Sollte das
Sinn machen wären noch Datenangaben zu ergänzen: Ginzburg 1991 (bereits
aufgenommen), Frobenius 1933 (dito).

The concept of the Mediterranean as a cultural area has been contested
for a long time (Herzfeld 1987), but at the end of the debate it reemerges
in altered form, as the idea of a patchwork, of a fragmented unity.
However, it is as well a consistent "laboratory" of anthropological
comparison (Albera 1999) and "critical paranoia", to cite Salvador Dalí
(see also Herzfeld 2005: 63). Temporary local cultural solutions and
lasting global cultural trends will not be played out one against the other
any more, but both have to be taken into account as "hybrids", lingering
between particular cultural traits and basic universal factors eliciting
human practice (Latour 1999). The hybrid character of anthropological
discourse itself may not be forgotten in this respect. It has to be the
starting point, included in a systemic self-reflection, as it is only one
variant of the eternal play between the "drift" of knowledge trying to
achieve comparative categories in the study of mankind and the
imponderables of experiences made in local fields (Latour 1999, Malinowski
1922: introduction).

In the course of the paper, we will try to give a comprehensive,
comparative image of the potentialities and of the boundaries of
Mediterranean monotheistic religions. At the same time we will point to the
firm roots of most Mediterranean religious experiences in certain
landscapes, be they small rural niches, urban spaces, nations, or larger
connections. Therefore, as students of religion and culture in the
Mediterranean, we are dealing with localizing and fragmentizing religious
experience and knowledge as much as these religions are characterized by
their universalistic claim to truth, salvation and by their all
transcending scripture . This will lead us, then, to the problem of a
Mediterranean "clash of civilizations" between Christianity and Islam.
However, it will also lead to eventual syncretistic and pragmatic ritual
and discoursive foundations for a lasting peace between Mediterranean
nations and movements.

2. Image, Text, Dispositive of Power
If we scrutinize the variations of religious discourse, habitus and power
in the Mediterranean under the auspices of "landscape", it soon becomes
clear, that the three monotheistic religions, Judaism, Islam and
Christianity, display patterns of both rootlessness and regional rootedness
at the same time. The three interrelated Holy scriptures and apocryphic
traditions travel through geographical niches and language barriers, but
all three movements maintain historical roots in certain places. As far as
the Mediterranean is concerned, all three religions are, for example,
rooted in the various holy places offered at Jerusalem, so heavily
contested yet again. More than Judaism, Islam and Christianity appear as
amassed networks of connected communities with certain geographical
borders, be they centralized or not. To become real corporations of living
and dead, the Christian and Muslim world religions have to be realized by,
and to be embodied in, local communities (Hauschild 2002, Zillinger 2006).
Such communities are formed not only by the all-pervasive word, by the
ritual language and magical power of Catholic mass and Islamic prayer, but
also through the cult of certain physical places (statues, holy graves) and
specific collective imaginative practices (trance cults, local religious
choreographies and local popular customs). Religious markers in the
landscape (temples, churches, mosques, natural and artificial monuments
with a religious legend) and personifications of the word in the form of
living human males (Christian priests, Religious experts in Islam such as
a'imma (Sg. imam), fuqaha' (Sg. faqih)) repeat and vary these complex
interrelations and differences. If we put aside those relatively small
religions like Judaism, Protestantism, and the Druses, the sectarianisms
and minor religious movements on this level of grass root discourse,
organization, and imagination, it is quite obvious that the two
Mediterranean majority religions display well defined borders between basic
religious practices and teachings. Christianity and Islam present
divergent, but, in the confrontation on broader levels, quite consistent
elaborations of the dialectics of flesh and word, on the one side, and of
the relations between scripture and practice, on the other. Whereas the
former yields endless applications and variations of images, the latter
yields endless versions of oral, ritual and visual representation of verses
and characters from the Quran. On this level of practice and local
discourse it seems quite fruitless to search for common ground between
these two grand Oriental, European, and most of all Mediterranean styles of
thought, ritual practice, visual representation, and script.

Vgl. Hier die neue Literaturangabe Colleyn et al (Erklärung in der ersten
mail)
Some data from the anthropology of Africa even seem to support the
impression that there is a kind of anthropological abyss between cultures
that define their religious practice through images and those who
definitely do not. Currently, we are witnessing heavy proselytizing
activity waged by Islamic theologians and politicians against traditional
African religious art, or "fetishism". To be sure, the ground has usually
been prepared by and therefore leads to a firm competition with Christian
missionary pressure (cf. Colleyn 1999, Behrend 2004, Larkin and Meyer
2006). However, early contact material from the 18th and 19th century
teaches that the postcolonial situation of indecisive power structures only
seems to have reopened an older contrast between those African groups that
are used to leading a religious life in dialogue with statues and other
objects, and those groups who express and channel their relation with the
supernatural mainly by the help of trance, possession and other forms of
ritual oratory and techniques of the body (Kramer 1993).

In 1933, Leo Frobenius (1933: maps no. 28, 41 on pp. 210, 297),
mentioned above, who was at that time one of Germany's leading
anthropologists and African scholars, published a map delineating a kind of
front line dividing cultures of the mask and of the idol from cultures of
trance and an imageless "shamanism" in Africa. We have to attribute this
type of categorization to an essentialist and ethnicizing "Zeitgeist", to
the epoch of World War II, which was marked by the German Reich's attempts
to draw and violently redraw many other lines of demarcation. However, even
though we now no longer base our ideas on ethnic and racial megalomania but
rather on careful ethnographic research, there are still some good reasons
to peacefully prolong the line drawn by Frobenius between East and West
Africa into the Mediterranean. Taking off from the Guinean coast with its
strong fetishisms, we would pass the Western shores of Morocco and enter
the Mediterranean through the stretch of Gibraltar. Here, the line of
continuation divides areas of imageless religion quite neatly from areas of
image-veneration. It would maeander along the littorals of Spain, Italy,
the Balkans, and Greece, just to fade out in the Christian enclaves in Asia
Minor, Syria, Palestine/Israel, and in the Coptic and other Christian
churches of Egypt and Ethiopia. Of course, this division is by no means
absolute and it indeed leaves spaces for variations like the remnants of
cults of possession in Southern Italian exorcisms or in Andalusian
flamenco.

S. 7 unten ur-phenomena anstatt fundamental phenomena:
But even in this subtle form, an essentializing interpretation on the basis
of ur-cultural traits will not work any more. Today we know that here there
is quite good reason for the hypothesis that the fetishistic imagination
and the seemingly "purely" intrinsic forms of imagination in Africa are
grounded in the historical influences of Christianity or Islam,
respectively, and not in some sort of ur-phenomena. In a recent re-analysis
of historical and anthropological data, the German anthropologist Karl
Heinz Kohl (2003) has given fresh and surprising evidence to the old
suspicion that African "fetishism" in West Africa has deep roots in
Portuguese-African Catholicism of the fifteenth century. This is mirrored
by the fact that the East African areas of imageless cult are obviously
adjacent to or consisting of areas under the influence of many centuries of
precolonial, proselytizing Islamic influence.
Erst schrieben wir hier "missionary Islamic influence", doch missionary
scheint mir im englischen nicht gebräuchlich und wenn dann wie evangelizing
ein christlicher Begriff.

Im folgenden Absatz scheint "religious habitus" klärungsbedürftig, nur
fällt mir partout nichts ein außer das folgende (religious habitus) "of
fetishistic or imageless imagination", was sich dann aber doppelt, da im
darauf folgenden Absatz (systems of… fetishistic or imageless imagination)
kommt, hier könnte es dann gestrichen werden, so dass es dort nur hieße
systems of imagination, ich habe noch keine Veränderung vorgenommen:
In the case of Africa, primitivistic imaginations and the lack of data in
early periods of research may have hindered a more rational historical
interpretation of local data in terms of global influences. As far as the
Mediterranean is concerned, the historical foundations of the Christian
cults of statues seems to lie in reappraisals of pagan antiquity, and the
decidedly anti-pagan and anti-christian origins of imageless cults in Islam
may be taken for granted. The same is true for Islam's and Christianity's
common origins in a close-to imageless Judaism. We have to take into
account historical change, even on the level of such deep-seated religious
habitus and there is no way of argument in favour of truly "essential"
cultural traits.

The true fundaments of African and Mediterranean systems of fetishistic or
imageless imagination, thus, seem to lie in the development of a syncretism
between practices nourished by Roman cults and later by state-controlled
Christianity – these syncretisms in turn, being partially rooted in
millennia of struggle within and between Near Eastern tribes about the
question of idolatry and abstract cult (Lang 2002, Hauschild 2004,
Finkelstein and Silberman forthcoming 2006). And we might even proceed to
assume, like historians of art and folklore Aby Warburg (1995, 1998),
Waldemar Ljungman (1945), and Carlo Ginzburg (1991) already have, that
there is a quite longer tradition of mixture between trance-based
experience of the supernatural and the frozen pathos of cult images,
stretching so to speak above Europe and the Mediterranean, the lines of
longue durée being rooted in Central and Northern Asia, Eastern and
Southern Asia, and Africa (Dumézil 1977, Heine-Geldern 1956, 1966).

Is there, for example, some Asian "shamanistic" substratum to be discerned
behind the Mediterranean cults of possession and trance, as Ginzburg (1991)
believes? In his magnificent study on the witches' Sabbath, he neglected
to outline the existing African parallels. His famous map of shamanistic
rituals in Europe attributes the cult of statues and images to "Europe" and
its Hellenistic and Indo-Aryan or Eastern Asian origins, leaving out
"African art" as well as African cults of possession, let alone possession
cults at the Southern Shore of the Mediterranean from Egypt to Morocco.
Ist der letzte Halbsatz angezeigt?


Der nächste Absatz ist deutlich umgeschrieben, sollte der Nachweis De
Martino von Dir bestätigt werden, mache ich mich noch auf die Suche nach
der Seitenangabe:
Since in intellectual history Euro-Mediterranean "civilization" appears
time and again counterposed to African "primitive culture", research on
resemblances and differences in religious practices and concepts can no
longe diverge from our predecessors in the history of religions on this
particular point. However, after deconstructing paradigmata of longue
durée, "substrata" or other of types of culturalist genealogies, we should
try to put all these concepts together again and eventually draw some
epistemological profit from our ethnocentrisms (De Martino 1942). In his
influential analysis of fetishist and trance cults in Africa, German
anthropologist of art Fritz Kramer (1993) has pointed out that the parallel
analysis of both, usually seperated types of cults actually leads to more
than a "culture area"-based argument. Rather, the comparison of particular
historical configurations behind African or, as we might add, Mediterranean
religious practices breaks path to a generalized theory of imagination that
does not stress the differences between the material and the spiritual. It
refers quiet simply to a general human inclination to have dialogue with
supernatural forces. This in turn helps to transcend the limits of given
social and geographical niches: spirits can be experienced through the
meditation of statues as well as through cults of possession. There are
numerous ethnographic cases where both forms intermingle in diverse ways.
This impression of entangled practices and concepts is mirrored by many
strands of the psychology of perception and the science of media.


Diese numerous ethnographic cases müssten m.E. unbedingt nachgewiesen
werden, später erwähnen wir die Hand der Fatima und geben Kriss an, aber
hier erwecken wir den Eindruck , als gäbe es mehr. Vielleicht die
Marienerscheinung in Kairo würde mir einfallen Eigentlich müssten wir hier
einen Absatz verfassen zu den parallelen Aktivitäten an den
Heiligenschreinen (Einschlagen in den Mantel resp. die Fahne des Heiligen
ect.).
The process of mirroring inner and outer realities, be it in the form of
envisioning practices, be it in the form of material representation, seems
to be fundamental for humans. Rites of Trance and all kind of theatrical
performances, as much as all the particular acts entering into dialogue
with material objects are almost always followed by politicization,
categorization and very often the installation of practices and teachings
that should lead to an abstraction of sensual experience towards higher
ends. This historical politicization of cults and other forms of
imagination, then, turns out to be the true source of what we experience as
the anthropological divide between cults of objects and cults of spiritual
abstraction in the "religious field" (Bourdieu 1971). Our courageous
continuation of Frobenius` dividing line into the Mediterranean only adds
further evidence to the fundamental argument in the end that only the
arrival of monotheistic religions could create a situation in which basic
religious attitudes and fundamental techniques of imagination like
fetishism and shamanism, or trance dance and veneration of statues, were
divided up between certain social categories and cultural groups (Irmscher
1980).

Thus, the war about images and imageless cults in the history of the
Mediterranean surprisingly throws an interesting light onto the deeply-
rooted anthropological stance of "the politics of…" often simply reducing
emotional, religious and other kinds of experiences and their related
practice to power-plays (Bailey 1983). Developed in the Durkheimian and
Radcliffe-Brownian school of structural functionalism, which designed every
form of religious behaviour as pouring out from the eternal human will to
categorize and to format social life into politically effective
corporations, this topos has travelled quite a long way to arrive at the
center of postmodern culture studies and media science at the beginning of
the third millennium. This transfer focuses mainly on Foucault's earlier
writings, where he has it that every categorization or cognition leads to
politicization in historically specific dispositives of power from which
contemporary humans have close to no way to flee. Mirroring this early
Foucauldian stance in the development of the history and anthropology of
Euro-Mediterranean societies, it is no surprise that Foucault's carrier was
authoritatively fostered by nobody else than the most important historian
and theoretician of the longue durée of geographically far-stretching
culture traits of post-war Europe, Georges Dumézil (Eribon 1987, 1991). The
awkward friendship between a culturalist all too deep in the spirit that
much later brought forth Huntington's thesis of a "clash of civilizations,
and a left-wing culture critic stating nothing more than the most extreme
versatility of culture traits, of human bodies and minds, is based on the
common ground that one is describing the vast consequences of what the
other had tried to observe in its minute beginnings. Both thinkers,
however, refer to the foundation of cultural difference through the
practice of naming, through categories. It is all about the power of the
word, about the installment of dispositives of power that, in effect, are
to have far-reaching results. Such results do not seem to be touched very
much by material and local circumstances or by the imponderables of actual
human practice. Only in his later writings, the Foucault of the "fold",
tried to find his way out of a concept that the greatest of all culturalist
sociologists, Max Weber, had already put into the metaphor of the "cage" of
our historically specific Western civilization (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982,
Weber 1947).
In diesem (vorausgehenden Absatz nennen wir den Foucault der Falte.
Ich konnte den Nachweis nicht finden und denke, wir müssten das nachweisen
oder irgendwie den älteren Foucault anders reinbringen (spielst Du hier auf
die Anormalen an? Ich habe das nicht zur Verfügung).


Im nachfolgenden absatz ist mir nicht klar, warum wir hier von "naked
facts" sprechen (müssen), auch wenn es von der unkategorisierten Realität
her eingeführt ist, gerade für amerikanische LEser muss erklärt werden
warum cults of saints naked facts sind, vielleicht sollten wir den Halbsatz
da herausstreichen (..but –bis---facts).:

A unitary anthropology of imagination gives us new insights into the
character of specific local configurations of cults, magical practices and
religious confessions. It shows elementary practices not in the totally
"raw" form, which Foucault admitted as the only form of uncategorized
reality, but in a certain order of naked facts: rites of passage, festivals
in the vegetational cycle of the year, the cult of the dead, local deities
and saints, which can take the form of visible markers in the landscape as
well as the character of a visionary process that leads local groups into
liminal phases and ritual crisis, and, in the end, to the reinstallation of
old or the installation of new orders. Even to firm believers of one of the
monotheistic religions, these folkloric and anthropological perspectives
leave new spaces of identity. If we concentrate on the unimportant, the
everyday practice, on what happens beyond politics and beneath the "clash
of civilizations", we locate universals paradoxically in the common grounds
of local variations and differences. This approach seems more promising to
us than any attempt to "prove" common grounds of theological or grand
"cultural" dispositives of the world religions - even though ecumenical
movements of this kind obviously have their merits. We will try to
delineate a pragmatic, habitual and practical "common ground" between
culturally as well as individually-bargained "folds". This will happen in
an admittedly superficial and preliminary way here. But we will be able to
demonstrate the above-outlined "unity in diversity" (Albera and Blok and
Bromberger 2001) through an analysis of the religious and aesthetic
practices of two neighboring Mediterranean landscapes. On the surface,
these culture areas are sharply divided by what Leo Frobenius once called
the contrast between "the cult of statues and masks" on the one side and
"shamanism" or visionary cult on the other: Christian Southern Spain and
Muslim Northern-Central Morocco. We will base our ideas on syncretistic
profiles of local cults and magic in the Maghrebinic-Iberian continuum on
anthropological literature produced since the late 19th century by
researchers coming from Central and Northern Europe and from North America.
Some recent observations from our published and current work in Andalusia,
Northern Morocco, and in Italy will be added in the course of the argument.

3. Northern and Central Morocco
"Moroccan Islam" has been analyzed by Edward Westermarck (1926),
Ernest Gellner (1969, 1981), Clifford Geertz (1968), Dale Eickelman (1976)
and many other authors, as a religious system that is marked by strong
local variations of religious practices centred around pious men and women
that may accomplish varying degrees of holiness in or after their lives. In
the huge corpus of colonial writings, these individuals have often been
called "marabouts" and are understood as part of rural "folk Islam" as
opposed to a scripturalistic scholarly Islam of the cities (cf. Zillinger
2007: Marokkanische Heiligenkulte im Spiegel der Ethnologie, Münster,
Berlin (in press).). Even though Inner-islamic reform movements had started
to struggle against the popular belief in "intermediaries" shortly after
Mohammad's death, in Morocco and beyond the friend of god, the wali allah,
has continued to be an important part of religious Islamic life (Lapidus
1987, Schimmel 2000). This counts for the attitudes of the masses as much
as for the attitudes of those belonging to the inner circles of religious
experts (cf. Munson 1993).

However, we will not follow the scheme of constructing two spheres of
sainthood in this context. Rather, our argument will take its start from
the observation that these differing modes of perception influence each
other reciprocally (Cornell 1998). The countryside as much as the cities
are mapped by a dense cluster of maraboutic shrines which delineate the
belonging of individuals and communities to saints. Pilgrims who visit
their graves during local religious festivals (Westermarck 1926, Reysoo
1991) spare no effort to travel huge distances in Morocco and from Europe
and other places in the Diaspora, thereby reaffirming religious and local
identity and social ties across time and space. Today, an increasing
percentage of Muslims adhere to a more "formal Islam", dismissing the idea
of intermediaries altogether and emphasize the equality of men before god
(cf. Eickelman and Piscatori 1996). Nevertheless these saintly graves
continue to be visited, especially by groups carrying newly born children
with them for whom blessing is sought, or accompanying someone sick, or
persons in other critical states of body and mind, mingling with migrants
and yuppies of the cities who seek the excitement of a sacred journey to
remote places and of the liminal state of a mass-ritual or trying to re-
establish personal ties to the practices of their forefathers.
Personal ties to practices ist wahrscheinlich schlecht auf den Punkt
gebracht, aber mir fällt noch immer nichts besseres ein.

"Patron saints" is the somewhat out-moded concept that has been used to
describe these cults since Westermarck. The concept pays tribute to the
anchoring of these imaginative and material practices in the social and
geographical landscapes of Morocco. Good-evil spirits, the jnun, continue
to strike persons of all societal strata and call for the interference of
specialists and brotherhoods attached to the particular saint in question,
a saint who may be specialized in the particular treatment of physical or
spiritual disorder or whose blessing is accessible for the person in need
through shared social networks with his followers and their religious
experts (Crapanzano 1981, Welte 1990).

To be sure, even among the majority of Muslims who adhere to Islamic
practices comprising what an outside observer would call un-Islamic or
syncretistic, we find a clear cut concept of monotheism, of belonging to
the Islamic world and theology. But their local practices are not only
pervaded by theological doctrine, but also by the notion of "baraka",
divine grace or blessing, and by the social practices of holy lineages and
their politics that continually re-locate local life-forms within the wider
regional, national, and international context (cf. Zillinger 2006). In the
ever-changing social contexts and transforming cultural horizons there
remains the tension between the theological systems of ideas and the social
reality in which these are enacted. As Eickelman has shown in his
biographic study of the life of a twentieth-century notable in Morocco,
within the local context the Quranic teacher, the faqih, remains to be an
"objective" outsider to the community insofar as he is not "radically
committed" to the local people (Eickelman 1985) and the locally upheld,
hierarchical ordered modes of closeness to God and men.
Also, religious belief continues to be realized within local brotherhoods
and through common practices that emphasize sensual experiences of the
metaphysical as well as of the social – that is, at the very micro level of
individual experience – in ceremonies like the dhikr, often culminating in
controlled states of trance and mystical union with the divine – or the
demonic. Local variations as they have been analyzed for example by Vincent
Crapanzano (1973) and Frank Welte (1990), concern cults of collective or
representative trance and performances of holy persons in the field of
ecstatic practices and healing – be they partly very generalized practices
of scripture-based magic, partly highly personalized ways of dealing with
states of possession, or either one of its weaker forms, the fixation of
the mind on witchcraft, illness, and bad fortune. These rituals shift
constantly along the "fold" of "the private" and "the public", between
rituals of mediumship, healing and sacrifice in the protected space of the
private household and the public display of religious power at saint-
festivals and the state-sanctioned, aestheticized, and folkloristic
celebration of local traditions and identity in the streets. The latter is
increasingly mirrored during the public opening of weddings and other rites
of passage and prestigious, private rituals.

This regional religious field is – on the surface level of official
religious terminology– free from images of personalized deities or deified
persons. On the more popular levels of "practical religion" (Leach 1968),
however, we observe minor forms of fetishism that concern the writing of
holy verses and a huge variety of amulets (Welte 1990), the pictorial or
plastic representation of evil forces like the scorpion, or of carriers of
bliss like the star and the hand of Fatima (Westermarck 1926), the last one
being at least a pictorial representation of a part of a holy person (Kriss
and Kriss-Heinrich 1962). The K'aba is ever present, for example, when
multiplied in miniaturized form, but the holy graves of saints attract
local fetishistic acts of devotion, for example the placement of ex-voto
objects, especially cloth, that do not differ so much from what we can
observe in Christian popular cults. Brotherhoods do not display proper
masks, but, during public procession to a saint's grave, hide the
individual behind guises that in some sense announce the "feeling" of
holiness, martyrdom, supernatural force and, in certain cases, of trance
and possession.


In states of Possession, the ever present Other of the social order is
enacted. The social acquisition of Quranic cosmology and of various forms
of syncretism with pagan beliefs have brought forth jnun, not few of them
appearing in the form of the Christian and Jewish Other demanding devotion
and sacrifice (Zillinger ongoing research). These good-evil spirits promise
various kind of help and success while at the same time they are
threatening the unharmed life of a Muslim agreeable to God and therefore
the individual's social standing (cf. Eickelman 1976). As "sabat spirits"
they have to be tamed or exorcised in rituals of trance, during which the
body of the possessed s made the battlefield of demonic and divine forces,
identity and otherness. During these states of possession, however, their
mediums are likely to be seen by people seeking for help and advice. In
these trance-like representations of personalized demonic forces and
"sabbat spirits" (cf. Welte 1990), as much as in the carnevalesque
representation of the "paradigmatic" Jew representing specific cases in the
universal classification and the hierarchical order of man before the
divine (Hammoudi 1993), ritual and magical practices seem to react on the
presence of Judaism and the struggle with Christianity within Moroccan
society and culture and, nowadays, increasingly experiences of or
aspirations for migration.

Zu Kepel sollte wir hier Navid Kermani hinzufügen? (Amalgam aus
Kapitalismuskritik, Märtyrerkult, Drittweltrhetorik, totalitärer Ideologie
und Science Fiction: Dynamit des Geistes, Martyrium…S. 29f)
Recently, a new and highly personalized, and at the same time idealistic,
aesthetic imagination of martyrs of the holy war has been breaking new
grounds, thus revealing the modernistic character of Islamic fundamentalism
(Kepel 2003, cf. Krings 2005). However, many reform movements in Morocco
and in the wider Islamic world continue to draw from the legacy of saintly
or saint-like persons and from their special role in articulating social
protest and advocating political change (Munson 1993) – without promoting
holy war and/or violent actions. In the course of globalization and global
change, they criticize and in the same moment refer to religious traditions
in order to meet new challenges and to articulate specific values by
adopting, transforming and also binding transnational processes and
discourses to their life-worlds (cf. Hammoudi 1997). Like elsewhere,
Moroccan Sufi-brotherhoods play an important role in creating and
organizing the "public sphere", shaping through dyadic ties with a
spiritual master and in ecstatic rituals the cognitive, emotional and
practical dispositions, i.e. the habitus of their followers and therefore
their actions in and understanding of the public (Pinto 2004: 182).
Recently, many of them literally compete in order to reposition themselves
vis à vis discourses of modernity by creating, or at least engaging in,
what has been called "parallel modernities" (Larkin 2002), claiming to give
access to the promises of globalization and modernity (cf. Larkin and Meyer
2006).

With massive support from the royal house and the national and local
governments, local traditions are re-vitalized in diverse ways: through
documentary features on and folkloristic appearances of spiritual (Sufi-)
music-traditions on the main Moroccan TV-program during Ramadan and beyond,
through festivals like the annual "Festival of Sacred Music" in Fez or the
Gnawa-festival in Essaouira attracting hundreds and thousands visitors from
Morocco and the world but also through local street parades at occasions
like the prophet's birthday (miloud) or during visits from the King and his
entourage who travel from town to town representing the influx of money and
development programs. i.e. the promises of modernity. Common roots are
explored and constructed to Andalusian Music traditions in Spain and ibero-
american traditions of South America, and put on stage during widely
commercialized festivals, managing local identity in a globalized world.
These so called traditional religious practices are not the least promoted
by the royal house in order to counter growing fundamentalist movements in
Morocco. The point is, however, that these aestheticized and folklorized
body techniques of possession and trance promise "(im)mediate salvation"
(Schulz 2006) by drawing from and supposedly modernize individual trance-
experiences through medialization and commodification, in other words, by
working along the "fold" transforming outside into inside experience and
vice versa.
Findest DU die Verwendung der Falte im obigen Absatz gut?

4. Southern Spain
On the other side of the Strait of Gibraltar, we encounter a society where
the African roots have been ignored for a long time and where straight
politics of diversity and closure are prevalent today. Global occurrences
have lead to diverse, locally-anchored reactions of reservedness or of
grasping back to identity-strengthening traditional practices of directed
memory and public performances of the 'own' and 'authentic'. In this
respect not very different from Morocco, popularization, aestheticisation
and commercialization of the cultural heritage of Al'Andalus serve the
needs of a conscious, creative identity management which handles the old in
new forms. Modernity may thereby sometimes be defiantly confronted by very
modern means.
Local reservations against globalization become on the one hand perceptible
in the reanimation of traditional religious, imaginative and aesthetic
practices, local folklore and modi memorandum. Since the reconquista, in
Andalusia, a scheme of local saints referring to images involved
processions or pilgrimages like the Andalusian Semana Santa or El Rocío
(Crain 1992, 1997, Moreno Navarro 1982, Murphy 1993) and popular events
like corridas and bullfights (Braun 1997), all of which are combined with
Carneval (Fernández 2004, Gilmore 1975, Mintz 1997, Schrauf 1997) and a
variety of other Fiestas (Velasco 2000). But since the 1980s, all these
cultural forms have experienced a notable renaissance and folklorization,
represented as eminent examples of a "typical" Spanish "passional" and
"visionary" culture (Christian 1996, Mitchell 1999). On the other hand, at
the end of the twentieth century, we observed a rising up of particular
forms of supralocal discourses about the Muslim-Christian heritage of
Al'Andalus, cumulating in the activities of the Southern Spanish foundation
El Legado Andalusí (El Legado Andalusí 1995) and in the continuous "re-
orientalization" of discourses around the artistic genius of flamenco
(Cruces Roldán 1996, Washabaugh 1996). Nostalgic currents and
"Nostrifications" (Kohl 2004: 427) render attractiveness to the
Mediterranean cultural landscape of Southern Spain for tourists, purchasers
of real estate or pensioner migrants from middle European countries as well
as for converts to Islam (Stallaert 1998, Dietz and el-Shouhoumi 2005) from
all over Europe, who move there for the purpose of getting in touch with a
former Muslim culture, and their suposedly existing Arab "roots" in
Al'Andalus. Last but not least, the Legado andalusí is constantly evoked by
mass media in Arabic speaking countries, fostering a substantial tourism of
Arabic elites, including the Royal House of Saud, to Southern Spain.

Nevertheless, beside the present celebration of Moorish reminiscences
from the past, there have always been prevalent latent and open
islamophobic resentments too. Current diffuse anxieties about vulnerability
to attack as a result of the terrorism of fundamentalistic Islamic global
movements like Al'Qaida, striking Spain on March 11, 2004 in Madrid
(Atocha), and fears of an overwhelming influx of particularly Moroccan
laborers - as well as education-immigrants (Dietz and Barea 1999, Crain
1999, Dietz and el-Shouhoumi 2005) nourish the potential for political and
racist excitement on the border area between Iberia and Morocco (Téllez
2001). Likewise the growing obstacles for young Moroccans to pass the
strait of Gibraltar increase frustration and a politics of nostrification
among them, giving ground to conspiracy theories and a confuse suspicion
that Europe and "the West" are the real source of terrorism in and out of
Morocco and Spain (cf. the omni-present slogan "Touche pas à mon pays"
after the Casablanca attacks of 2003).


A very striking example of a popularized local tradition that brings
together syncretisms and stereotypes concerning the Muslim Other are the
Fiestas de Moros y Cristianos (the 'Feasts of Moors and Christians').
Ritual enactments of battles between "Moors and Christians" seem to have
been present in Spanish history since the twelfth century. Today they can
be observed as a vital symbolic practice again in about 300 villages and
towns all over Spain (concentrated in the South, in Andalusia and on the
Levante coast), and can be found in other countries of the Western
Mediterranean, as well as in wide parts of the former colonial territories
conquered by the Catholic Spanish crown (including Southern Italy, Latin
America, the Philippines and even the African island Santo Tomé, Albert-
Llorca and González Alcantud 2003, Baumann 1995, Carrasco Urgoiti 1976,
1999, Hoenerbach 1975, Neuhaus 1999). In these ritualized "social dramas"
(Turner 1969), diplomatic and military conflict between Islam and
Christianity on Iberian terrain are put on stage by local communities, that
is to say, exclusively by Spaniards under exclusion of the real Muslim
Other of the present days. The victory won by the Christian warriors in
these "mock battles" (Driessen 1985) is ascribed to the legendary decisive
intervention of the local saint, related originally to legendary visions
experienced during the Muslim-Christian frontier fighting in Al'Andalus.
The Fiesta de Moros y Cristianos therefore also integrates a cult of the
local Catholic Patron saint and is – like other local religious practices
– centred around the statues of the local "holy saviours." These saviors
are often spiritually "loaded" with a mythological charter that derive the
statues' presence and power from reconquista times. These fiestas are a
corporal and discursive act of marking boundaries within the social
networks of the local community. They show and create borders between that
which is the community's 'own' and the outside world. In partly ludic and
partly serious mimetic dimensions, historic and actual confrontations with
the human and supernatural Other are outlined (Kottmann 2005).We are
currently studying this field of embodiment, incorporation or defence in
dialogue with the Other and the Saint on both shores of the Mediterranean,
working in the direction of explaining the social effectiveness such a
management of "social dramas" and traumatic memory.

Representations of inner and outer realities in Muslim and Christian
contexts – mirrored along the Mediterranean borderlines between the Maghreb
and Southern Europe – sometimes do not only appear in the form of contrast,
but in strict homologies and complementarities: For example, the
organization and regional anchoring of religious corporations and
brotherhoods does not differ very much between Spain and in Northern
Morocco (Zoido Naranjo 2001), and the same applies to carnevalesque
imaginations of the Other described above. The processions and other image-
related cult behaviours in Spain may be seen as a direct opposition to
Moroccan practices that are devoid of such figurative representations of
holy persons. But at the same moment, the Christian cults are accompanied
and often rooted in legendary and sometimes also recent apparitions
(Christian 1972, 1981), disclosing situational parallels with Moroccan
practices of trance and vision (Crapanzano and Garrison 1977, Welte 1990).
This visionary moment is even present in the actual handling of the statues
in Southern Spain. – During the processions they are illuminated and moved,
and constantly shaken by their carriers to provoke the image of livelihood
and the experience of collective vision.

Regarding many other aesthetic practices, festival events and more
privatised forms of magic investigated, for example, by Pitt-Rivers, and
Caro Baroja, an intermediate Asian-African-European "ethnic group" comes to
the fore, namely, the Gipsies (gitanos). Their dance and music still waits,
as far as we are informed, for an analysis in the light of what we know
about North African cults of trance – only the popular imagination
especially fostered by the organizers of pop-musical events in the last few
years stresses the "Oriental" nexus of gitano-music. The true "feeling", el
duende (literally the "goblin" or "spirit") of flamenco is experienced by
the public, when the (often gipsy) dancers seem to be transformed into an
impersonalized medium that mediates between the singers voice, the music,
and the reactions of the animated public. Interestingly enough, this duende
is sometimes even pictorially represented as a dwarf wearing a small red
hat. Even in the former Spanish colonies in Southern Italy, today there is
a tradition of a goblin causing states of trance, wearing a small red hat
(scazamauriegg', Hauschild 2002: 498seq).

We can interpret the red hat as a fetishistic "objet trouvé" (Kramer
1993) for our investigation and compare it to the role of the red fez in
several African cults of possession that play with the theme of
multicultural encounters with North African Arabs. It might not appear too
far fetched if we attribute the whole complex of flamenco to be encountered
in Andalusia, and of goblin-trance to be encountered in Southern Italy to
the influence of Arabic, Islamic cults of possession on Southern European
habitus of imagination.

5. Complementary Cults: Dogma, Practice, Local Culture
The two grand traditions of Islam and Christianity in all their
difference seem to form similar local autopoietic "folds". A locus
classicus of such convergences seems to be the island of Lampedusa, as it
was encountered in the age of Philipp II by Capitán Alonso de Contreras,
soldier and brigand, "matamoros" and personal friend of Turkish
adventurers, pirate, actor, and writer. Until today this island is
virtually situated between the two worlds. It still houses fugitives today,
mostly from North Africa, but also drug dealers and criminals from Naples
and Palermo. Until today it has preserved something of the character of the
natural, and historical reserve that appears in Contreras account of his
life and deeds (Contreras 1989: 29-30):

"Lampadusa was almost alive with tortoises, and we always used to take a
lot of them aboard when we stopped there. There were also thousands of
rabbits. The island was as flat as your hand and about six miles round. The
port was big enough to take six galleys. Above the port was a high tower,
which was quite deserted. Some said that it was haunted and that this was
the island where King Roger and Bradamante fought. But that is just a
fable."


In this old place of intensified hunting and gathering, of "harvesting"
proteins directly from a natural reserve (cf. Lips 1956), the Christian
cult of images and the Muslim cult of envisioning saints intermingle for
the sake of helping rootless persons to find back home, to get "re-bound"
to their roots in networks of exchange and geographical homelands, to
cultural "reserves" – and that that means re-ligion in the original sense
often attributed to the Latin word religere.

"However, what was not a fable was that there was, in a cave that was very
easy to get at, a painting, on a very old piece of wood, of the Blessed
Virgin with the Child in her arms, and this had worked many miracles.
The Blessed Virgin had her altar in this cavern and on it was this picture.
On the altar was also a great pile of things that Christians had put there
as offerings, such as biscuits, cheese, oil, salted pork, wine, and money.
At the other end of this cave was a tomb. This tomb was said to contain the
body of a Turkish marabout, a saint according to their lights. At this
grave were also more or less the same offerings as at our altar, and also
lots of Turkish clothing…but no salt pork.

The reason for this was quite simple. Both Christians and Turks left the
necessities of life there so that if a galley slave managed to escape he
would find something to eat while waiting for a ship of his own nation. It
was the same for Christians and Turks alike. I have seen it at work myself.

This is how the fugitives found out if the ships in the harbour were
Christian of Moorish. I have already spoken of the tower: Well, they would
go up this tower and scan the sea. When they sighted a ship, they would
slip down during the night among the bushes to the port, and by the
language they heard spoken aboard it was easy for them to tell whether the
ship was one of theirs. If it was, they hailed it and went aboard. Slaves
escaped in this way every day. But remember, nobody would dare to take even
the value of a pin out of the cave if they were not in dire need. If they
did they would not be able to sail out of port. That, too, was well proved.
The lamp on the altar of the Blessed Virgin never went out, by day or
night, despite the fact that not a soul lived on the island. Yes, the
offerings on the altar of the Blessed Virgin would not allow any ship of
any nation to take anything away, except the galleys of the Religion, which
used to take these offerings to the Church of the Annunciation in Trapani

As I have said, if any other vessel took them, just let it try to leave its
moorings and sail out of port!"

Im folgenden Absatz kamen mir Bedenken ob der Schrift, die gesprochenes
Wort in all den Sprachen der Welt werden muß – das ist richtig, wie wir ja
an den unzähligen religiösen Idiomen, die das MEnschen der Leben in MArokko
regeln, gesehen haben. ICh halte das auch für wichtiger als gemeinhin
angenommen (etwa Crapanzano, der all die Idiome in der Transkription seines
Gespräches mit Tuhami rausgeschnitten hat, denn sie würden der ÜBersetzung
eine archaische Qualität geben, was ja auch nicht ganz unrichtig ist).
Gleichwohl ist dies sicherlich eine Quelle für Missverstehen und Kritik bei
Veröffentlichung. Der Koran ist eben nur auf Arabisch wirklich zu
zugänglich und eine Entfremdung junger Türken gegenüber den Praktiken Ihrer
Väter liegt gerade in dieser Sprachbarriere begründet. Gemeinhin ist es
common sense zu sagen: der Koran muss sich die Köpfe der Menschen zu eigen
machen, nicht umgekehrt (etwa LAmbek 1993, Eickelman 1985). Also: ein
alternativer VOrschlag ware für 4. Zeile von oben: the one scripture that
has to seize individual and collective minds and intrude local life worlds
and individual and collective bodies (vielleicht eher nicht hier: through
scriptural magic. (and body techniques))

Since the beginnings of monotheistic, proselytizing activities,
theologians on both side of the Strait of Gibraltar have lead a more or
less hopeless fight against such practices, entangling themselves time and
again in the unresolved problem of the one Word that has to become flesh in
many bodies and the one scripture that has to become spoken word in all the
languages of the world, including the language of gesture and conduct. By
trying to "root" their message in local niches, they fall prey to the
"irony" that accompanies every centralized power (Herzfeld 1993) It is the
problem that in the moment of "apparition", "verification" or
"enforcement", the abstract centre mixes with its local polyvalent and
polyphonic peripheries. On this level of the "popular" articulations of
official systems of thought, forming a "bricolage" (Lévi-Strauss 1966) of
its own kind, we can observe numerous parallels – the anchoring of holy
persons and their graves or temples in the form of markers to certain
landscapes and urban niches, the notion of the Evil Eye and the practice of
its cure, the relation between trance, body experience and music. We also
witness a lot of complementary forms of practice: Ecstatic practices are
part of religious experiences and their aestheticization and folklorization
in both, Moroccan and Andalusian culture, be it the, at times
aestheticized, performance of the religious dhikr at the Southern or the
quasi-religious cumulus in the aesthetic performance of the Flamenco at the
Northern Shore of the Mediterranean, they are both about the "hal" as
Moroccan call the state when the ecstactic trance strikes the individual
and the subject dissociates.
(Ich habe aus purem Opportunismus zu den reviewern den Stierkampf
rausgenommen. Auch die meisten englischsprachigen Wissenschaftler in
Marokko, die zum Teil vergleichende Studien vornahmen, konnten bei einem
Vergleich, den ich dort im Gespräch ziehen wollte, nicht folgen. )

Traditions of mainly scripture based amulets (in Morocco) or of amulets
based on practices of a naturalistic black magic (in Spain), meet in the
sign of the all-Mediterranean use of amulets representing hands in a
gesture of defense and/or evocation (Kriss and Kriss-Heinrich 1962). "Red
hot" body practice of dance, of procession, of "keeping together in time"
(McNeill 1995) continue to underlie religious practice in both
megacultures, the Christian and the Islamic. It is with such local and
primordial, pre-political dispositives of human energy and power, that we
want to make our point, stressing a renewed "corpo-realistic" vision of the
factors establishing and threatening dominant cultural ideologies. Rather
than to join the chorus of anthropologists (over-) stressing "the politics
of…" topos for the last twenty years, we turn to the cultural goods and
elementary structures that – in ever-changing formations and "bricolage" –
form the very basis for all politicization.

This is how older paradigmata from folkloric science and nineteenth-century
anthropology might be of use for an anthropological study of human
behaviour after postmodernism. But with our comparisons, we do not mean to
conjure up the spirits of "survival" and a pan-Mediterranean popular
religion of honour, shame, magic and mother goddesses. Fernand Braudel and
Julian Pitt-Rivers have definitely broken important grounds for an
anthropology of the Mediterranean, but today we prefer more differentiated
perspectives of "unity in diversity", perceiving the Mediterranean as a
huge assemblage of varying small niche structures based on sharp divisions,
drawn by volcanic and karst-like grounds (Horden and Purcell 2000, King and
de Mas and Mansvelt Beck 2001). We do not intend to describe a pan-
Mediterranean religion based on Roman antiquity, but a complex patchwork of
local cults and cultural reserves, a constantly changing "bricolage" of
religious practices in the culture of the family, in specific rural
landscapes, and in certain urban niches. "Cults of regeneration", as Fritz
Kramer (2000) calls them, can take the form of the cult of images as well
as of states of trance, of individual exorcism and identity formation as
well as of some kind of group psychotherapy. Any of these cultural
practices might serve as a marker in the flow of time and space, as a
cultural "fold" readjusting individual experience and outside realities in
a constant struggle for meaning and thus, remain to be a reserve for
further social use. In their characteristic bricolage-like nature, these
local cults offer potential strategies of resistance and adaptation to the
course of globalization precisely because they remain in constant flux,
accepting and incorporating globalized goods, images, values and practices.


Complementary cults concur with ethnographic and historical parallels,
while local idiosyncracies disclose their "family resemblance"
(Wittgenstein 1979) with local applications of modernized cultural
practices. Relations between cultural goods, which Lévi-Strauss would have
called "systems of transformations", turn out to be functional adaptations
to certain social, historical, political and geographical milieus. Today,
all this is superseded by the big movements of modernity in all their "flux
and reflux", as Ernest Gellner (1981, 1985) used to call the dialectics
between monotheism and ritualistic multivocality in Islam: The abstraction
and reduction of Islamic fundamentalism as well as the over-production of
media and images in the West, the festivalization on one side, the
politicisation on the other, the fading of popular cults in an age of
industrialization and their integration into the world market, and the
rebirth of vibrant religious cultures in the new ghettos of poverty, which,
in turn, all too often become the object of international psychiatric
culture, of medicalization and "rational" contempt of the indigenous. We
may take the world success of flamenco culture as one vector that allows us
to have an idea of all the layers of cultural and material production
compromised here. And on the other side of the Mediterranean we may take
the Islamic anchorage of world-famous Gnawa-music in the field of
experimental Rock and Jazz or Ray-musicians in the field of Oriental Pop
with their syncretisms of house music, entertainment, techno trance and
religious confessions. Vielleicht sollten hier die Gnawa rausgelassen
werden, insofern dies die andere Richtung, das Aufgreifen einer Tradition
durch Jimy Hendrix ect. beschreibt.

Ich finde wir können – wie der Reviewer zu Recht anmerkt – im folgenden
ruhig einmal Farbe bekennen und mit Horden und Purcell gegen Horden und
Purcell argumentieren. Ich kenne aber den Harris Band noch nicht.
Maybe it is too early to evoke the end of history and politics "of"
the Mediterranean as a fragile entity of niches and connectivities, as
Historians Horden and Purcell suggested at the begin of their seminal study
on the history "of" the Mediterranean (Horden and Purcell 2000:3) and, as
we think, against the grain of their own argument. Taking their course of
argument serious, we hold on to the possibility that there may still be
some cultural reserve and resistance against international economic and
political intervention "in" the Mediterranean, as the authors have pointed
out for the recent and distant past. In his painstaking analysis of the
discursive representation of difference and economic distance between the
Islamic and the Western world, published under the title "What went wrong",
scholar of Islam Bernard Lewis (2002) recently confessed his irritations
about the fact that all Western cultural goods and styles have been taken
over by the world of Islam except the musical culture. Even though, to take
but one example, Moroccan youth culture has certainly produced famous,
local adaptation of Rap and Hip Hop, for the overall picture, this is still
a point well taken. We may add to these broader strokes the culture of
local symbolic orientation and regeneration, the culture of privacy in
family life, the minutiae of the creation of gender differences and others.
On the level of the popular, and beyond purely resisting global influences
originated in the "West", Oriental music may continue to conquer a
"Western" popular music culture that in itself is already heavily dominated
by the cultural creativity of Afro-Americans. At this fundamental level of
popular culture, in the world of saints and magical therapies, of goblins
and objets trouvés like the "red fez" (Kramer 1993) which appears in
African trance cults as well as in the Spanish iconography of "el duende",
in the world of an illiterate use of written texts and of religio-political
"agitation" (de Martino 1959) of all sorts, in a world of dance and face-to-
face interaction in families and neighbourhoods, we can see the "rock", the
cement foundation of social interaction that was once evoked with great
pathos by Marcel Mauss (1954) in his famous essay on exchange, the gift and
popular cultures of friendship and spiritual relations between humans.

This fundamental social interaction is situated at a level that might be
constructed along the lines of relations rather than essences, and which in
itself forms a lively, highly variable but still "eternal return" to common
anthropological grounds. Discourse has to go together with actual practice
to make the word come true, and ironically in this very practice the
demarcation lines between the world religions become fuzzy and intermingle,
and peace between the confessions does not seem to be a mere theological
fantasy. Islamic Fundamentalist terrorists tried to hit exactly that common
ground when in Spring 2002 they attacked one of the last big Jewish and
syncretistic pilgrimages in Northern Africa. March 11, a truck loaded with
gas tanks attacked a Synagogue on Djerba precisely at the moment it was
visited by German tourists. But the targetin Djerba were not only locally
"embedded" German tourists: the attack happened just two weeks before the
Laghba-Omer feast. For this occasion, thousands of Tunisian Jews from
France visit the place every year and meet their former Muslim and
Christian neighbours again, putting Easter-egg-like fetishistic objects
into the "womb" of the temple and pulling them out again for use as fortune-
bringing amulets, praying, dancing, singing and re-anchoring their lives in
the sign of a holy Jewish grave and a Muslim spirit, sidhi ghrib, which
brings the smell of incense to the houses of Islamic believers on Friday.
Still to be investigated is who was in fact responsible for this attack
that took place on an Island famous in both the Jewish and the Islamic
world for its particular, local interpretation of theological
dogmata.Whereas most of the Djerbian Muslims adhere to a small-scale local
adaptation of Ibadism, the Jewish tradition on Djerba has given way to
endless scholarly controversies on its particular interpretation of the
Torah (Goldberg 1994, Hirschberg 1981: II, 118-130).
Al Qaida's attack hit not only this enclave-like local ecology but at the
same time the German culture of commemoration of Nazi crimes and the
resulting and lasting German interest in Jewish culture, creating something
like a continuum of guilt between what happened "then" in Germany and what
continues to happen after German Jews have been excluded from German
society. The Djerbian Jewish niche-culture and the post-war German-Jewish-
Israelian cultures of memoria appear to be historically very distinct
features. But both folds, that is, the historical bricolages of remembering
the atrocities of the "Third Reich" on the one hand, and the festivalized
memory of the oldest and partly autonomous ecology formed between Djerbian
Jews, Ibadite Muslims, and Maltese Catholics on the other, overlap at the
moment of the attack on "La Ghriba". The explosion in the Djerbian
synagogue "La Ghriba", caused by a partly Germany based-group of Al Qaida,
followed a schema of Al Qaida activities which has aimed at destroying old
or new enclaves of Christianity, Judaism, or Hinduism in so-called Muslim
countries. That is, the Al Qaida groups aim at destroying religious
parallels and "mixités" (Albera and Blok and Bromberger 2001) that made a
lot of what we could call Mediterranean religion" in past and present.
Für die marokkanische youth culture of Rap, vgl, wenn es Dich interesiertt
ein rap gegen Terror: http://video.google.fr/videoplay?docid=-
2150927682601745961&q=rap
Am Ende des vorhergehenden Absatzes habe ich einfach die kritisierte
Qualifizierung als Kharijit Islam gestrichen, dann versucht in Frage der
deutshcen Vergangenheit etwas unmissverständlicher zu formulieren (wer
verlängert das Band der Schuld, die Terroristen?), bin mir aber nicht
sicher, dass ich es treffe.

In turn, Western consumerism also tries, so to say, to hit that common
ground of religious and "red hot" (McNeill 1995) syncretistic practice by
transforming religious events into festivals, and thus into "reserves" for
the international culture of tourism and voyage. But, as we can observe,
often enough the saints have their unforeseen come-back well into the
centres of globalization. Lots of aesthetic practices in the West, from
Jeff Koons to Joseph Beuys, from Madonna to that tacky international
culture of Tarantella, Flamenco, salsa and Hispanic revival, Mystical
tourism of Western Muslims and non-Muslims alike to Gnawa-Trance festivals
or globalized sufi-saints in Morocco open the path for a return to the
cultural reserve, to syncretistic cults and other forms of ritualistic
anchorage. The "fold" of identity does not follow total ideologies, it
turns them into ever new inside experiences that sometimes develop
astounding similarities with the "old", the rejected tradition again. The
continuance of agricultural practices, domestic economies, and familiar
reproduction, the necessities of spatial orientation in urban and rural
niches, the habitus of friendship and patronage as supplementary
structures, as Eric Wolf (1966) once put it, all the local activities
carrying and sometimes rejecting the "official system", all these are more
than only symbolical practices and contribute, we argue, to the creation of
such cultural reserves. Thus, global scriptural memoria (Assmann and Harth
1991) builds a reserve for local ironies and folds, a source for the
acquisition of new habitus. These indigenous practices in turn become a
reserve for the formation of intercultural hybrids and drifts of
international format, as has been observed on certain levels since a long
time by folklorists in their metaphoric of "descending" and "ascending"
cultural goods (Lixfeld and Dow 1986, Welz 1994).

Maybe we are overly optimistic to see in these old syncretisms and new
parallels, in the complementary aesthetic practices and in the variations
of imaginative styles a common ground for future ways of cohabitation and
cooperation between the World religions. But are we not, so to say, obliged
to cling to a universalistic discourse, if we are up to thinking beyond the
politicization of a "clash of civilizations"? Noble Prize winner Wole
Soyinka (Wernicke 1996) once accused Western ideas of human rights of
hiding concepts of Western supremacy. What he criticized as a broader
political attitude in the West, in Western social and historical sciences,
is still a widely accepted dogma: the idea of the advent of a subjective
self in Western religion, the idea of the creation of an autonomous subject
in the culture of the renaissance, the intricate relation of democracy and
Western modernity and so on. This logic of the invention of democracy in
the West is still widely held even by liberal intellectuals, not only by
neo-conservative. The West, in turn, has been faced with the local ur-
democracies of segmentary societies and communal movements scattered all
over the non-Western world.

But, "it is all there", Soyinka proclaimed (Wernicke 1996, Soyinka
2000). We should take that seriously. Every "culture" has a potential for
subjectivity, for empathy and civil society – this is why religious brother-
and sisterhoods are used to sharing their communal culture in the sign of
the spirits of the dead, of the saints all around the Mediterranean.
Cultural particularism, even if it is presented in the form of cultural
relativism, does not seem to be a lasting solution. We can take the idea of
coevalness from cultural relativism, but for the sake of maintaining the
stance of human rights, we have to mediate particularism with
universalistic ideas and by this we have to allow our thinking to distance
itself from the culturalism so dear to us intellectuals and cultural
managers. However, time and again, we observe how fundamentalism transforms
itself into a non-violent philosophy and protest movement, even in
seemingly "lost" regions like Burma, or South African townships.

An dieser Stelle fände ich einen Hinweis auf den Siegeszug japanischer
Meditationstechniken von einem Bestandteil faschistoider Kosmologie in die
internationale Zivilgesellschaft treffender, wie in Deinem Aufsatz von
Internationale Politik


Global capitalism is still very young and in the course of decades and
centuries the cultural reserves of Mediterranean niches, sound reason, and
the religious cultures of compassion may merge into a new Empire of
humanism – which, again, will then display its own perils and problems. If
today we are close to the worst point of relations between those big
cultural constructions called the "East" and the "West", Islam and
Christianity, we should more than ever cling to the "rock", as it was once
called by Marcel Mauss in his seminal study on exchange, which often
literally turns out to be a real rock in the landscape, as Marcel Mauss`
disciple Robert Hertz (1913, 1960) observed: a place where cults of
regeneration are practiced in the sign of any kind of offer to any concept
of divinity imaginable, and against all odds.

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