Environmental Justice, Environmental Racism, and Ghettoization

Environmental Justice, Environmental Racism, and Ghettoization
A guest lecture written and delivered by L. Dugan Nichols on March 17, 2015 for Communication 349: Environment, Media and Communication – Simon Fraser University [slight revisions and endnotes since added]
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1
To fit with the course, I picked out an obligatory nature theme for the PowerPoint slides, but after working with it, I started to think it looks classy.

I want to thank Professor Shane Gunster for offering guidance and allowing me to speak about this week's topic. It's an important topic for me because in a way it is germane to my own research interests.

2
My interests are:
-Marxist urban theory (à la Henri Lefebvre)
-Critical geography (à la David Harvey)
-The commodification of space
-Capitalism/neoliberalism/uneven development of cities (e.g., suburbs and ghettos)
-Deindustrialization and capital flight

Incidentally, urban theory and critical geography have more in common with the study of communication than you might think. I could get into that, but I wouldn't have the time. More importantly, nuances of these research interests connect to this week's theme.
How is that?

Environmental justice, as I'll explain, radiates from marginalized areas often populated by people of color, traditionally. Policymakers and mainstream environmental typically organizations overlook these communities.

3
I was initially apprised of marginalized spaces due to living in Milwaukee, Wisconsin for ten years. This city, which has about the same population as Vancouver, is alleged to be the most racially segregated city on the planet.1 I saw firsthand how employment opportunities vanished from low-income neighborhoods in outlying, wealthier suburbs.

I also witnessed how cognitively ill-equipped white Milwaukeeans were when it came to explaining racial inequality—particularly in local news media. Living there had a lasting impact on me. I say this humbly, but exposure to the United States also affected none other than the famed sociologist Max Weber, who said that America had a race problem "par excellence."2


4
Lecture outline:
-Introduction: Louisiana's "Cancer Alley" + environmental racism
-The genesis and structural causes behind America's racialized ghettos
-Dorceta Taylor article on the Environmental Justice Movement
-Link these to Robert Cox's Ch. 9 (Environmental justice, climate justice, and green jobs)

As indicated in this outline, I want to begin by introducing Cancer Alley, a heavy industrial area located between Baton Rouge and New Orleans, Louisiana, as well as its news media coverage, or lack thereof. I see this as perfectly evincing the major themes of this course.

Secondly, the textbook chapter for this week does not detail the antecedents or structural causes of ghettoization (a factor of uneven development). This isn't a fault of the book, because it's not an urban theory reader. But at the same time I think it is absolutely imperative to NOT perceive ghettos as natural: To not see them just as places that happen to be there which succumb to all these problems.

We must understand that impoverished neighborhoods are not that way because their residents don't care about their living situation or that they're welfare cheats or some other negative stereotype. To ignore the institutional, commercial, historical, and racist factors that go into the underdevelopment of ghettos is, as Marxist semiologist Roland Barthes would say, to mistake history for nature.3

So, I will spend a bit of time giving you that urban background, which will also help to contextualize why and how, for instance, toxic manufacturing sites are frequently located near poor communities of color.

Then I will incorporate a significant article by Dorceta E. Taylor on the rise of a new paradigm of environmentalism: The Environmental Justice Movement—with greater attention to people of color, as well as workers who shouldn't be forced into choosing between unsafe conditions and unemployment, for instance.

This new paradigm emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s and ended up challenging an existing environmental paradigm that had been around since the publication of Rachel Carson's book in 1962.

The EJOs associated with the paradigm assert new conceptions of the environment through frames that are based on their members' social location.4

Lastly I will connect research on the Environmental Justice Movement to the textbook reading from this week, with attention to the more global in scope climate justice movement.



5
Louisiana's Cancer Alley complements this course's theme of environmental issues and communication. The region received attention for its impact on communities of color in the early 1990s.5

Yet coverage was also criticized for being paltry by the news watchdog organization: Project Censored.

Has anyone heard of Project Censored?

Since 1976, it's been promoting investigative journalism and media literacy, based out of Sonoma State College in California—and every year they publish what they consider to be the 25 most underreported stories in news media.
Its slogan is "The news that didn't make the news."
This event/region made their 2000 list of top 25 stories, although it began to see mainstream coverage, as well as coverage in local media outlets such as New Orleans' major newspaper, the Times-Picayune.

Cancer Alley is a petrochemical expanse between Baton Rouge and New Orleans, a region comprised of 7 oil refineries and around 200 industrial plants, and "the toxic waste released in the air affects two areas populated mostly by African Americans."6

By 2000, the Times-Picayune started to run articles on the effects of Cancer Alley, concluding that "economic and environmental decisions made over decades had exposed poor and minority communities around the country to more pollution and environmental hazards than the population as a whole."7 Though industry and the state government countered that the Cancer Alley threat is fictitious, citing evidence gathered by the Louisiana Tumor Registry.

Other scenarios resembling this region discussed by Project Censored are landfills adjacent to minority communities in a San Francisco neighborhood, a Chevron oil refinery next to residents of Richmond, California, and a polymer factory causing problems for a community in Odessa, Texas.

6
These of course parallel the Fort Chipewyan news piece we saw in lecture several weeks ago, wherein the First Nations' community downstream of the Athabaska oil sands [in Alberta, Canada] experienced increased cancer rates thanks to rampant bitumen extraction.8

Moreover, the area's medical doctor, John O'Connor, who tried to sound the alarm after witnessing the uptick in sickness rates since 2003 has weathered criticism. Health Canada filed four complaints against O'Connor, claiming he was causing "undue alarm."9

And although it's amazing that he has since gone on a crusade to Washington DC with his message, he did offer an interestingly fraught analysis of the situation, indicating some of the exact debates we've been talking about in this course vis-à-vis job creation and the environment:
O Connor did state that in regard to the oil sands development that "I'm not advocating a shutdown. You can't shut it down. Poverty kills faster than exposure to toxins."10
This is an idea that I'll take up later in terms of green jobs.

7
What all these cases evince is what Naomi Klein in her book This Changes Everything says about environmental impacts, which is that they're not evenly distributed.
In addition to quoting Deeohn Ferris, who states that, "We're all in the same sinking boat, only people of color are closest to the hole,"11 she adds: "Historically marginalized in the Global South, as well as communities of color in the Global North, are still at far greater risk of living downstream from a mine, next door to a refinery, or next to a pipeline, just as they are more vulnerable to the impacts of climate change."12

8
Moreover, these all bespeak factors of environmental racism, a term coined in 1991,13 discussed in both the textbook chapter and by Dorceta Taylor. She defines it as
"the process by which environmental decisions, actions, and policies result in racial discrimination."14
While she lists 13 ways environmental racism manifests, I will just highlight what I think are five main ones regarding racial disparity:

1 "the increased likelihood of being exposed to environmental hazards"
2 "the deliberate targeting and siting of noxious facilities in particular communities"
3 "the lack of access to or inadequate maintenance of environmental amenities like parks and playgrounds"
4 "inequality in the delivery of environmental services like garbage removal and transportation"
5 "the appropriation of land, the destruction of indigenous cultures, and the abrogation of traditional treaty rights."15

9
But how and why are people of color consigned to these neighborhoods to begin with?
Because the textbook chapter doesn't go into detail about the formation of ghettos, or what Malcolm X and Martin Luther King called "internal colonies,"16 I wanted to offer that background to give you context to better understand Black struggle.

It's not acceptable to look at racialized ghettos as natural, so I want to outline how subordinated social and racial groups find themselves in these areas in the first place. What were the structural causes of ghettos and impoverished areas that later become adjacent to environmentally harmful industries?

10
Peter Marcuse writes that divisions in cities have always existed; these divisions are economic, cultural, based on a power relationship, or are combinations of all three.17 The term ghetto originally comes from Italy, where it was used to denote the spaces Jews were relegated.18 Marcuse's definition of the division of ghettos:
"Ghettos are involuntary spatial concentrations of those at the bottom of a hierarchy of power and wealth, usually confined on the basis of an ascribed characteristic such as color or 'race.'"19

11
In the US, you can't speak of this phenomenon without taking into account the history of African Americans, which Ta-Nehisi Coates describes as comprised of "250 years of slavery, ninety years of Jim Crow, Sixty years of separate but equal and thirty five years of racist housing policy."20

After slavery was abolished, the Great migration consisted of around 6 million African Americans moving from the Southern United States to the North hoping to be better protected by the law—this really peaked in 1915 and again in the 1940s as Blacks went north to work in factories producing implements for WWII.21

This is not to say that the North was a racial utopia. When African Americans began to settle in northern cities, Coates writes that legislatures, mayors, civic association, banks, and citizens all worked to keep black people in ghettos. So those participating in the Great Migration faced rampant attempts at racial segregation.

In Kansas City, MO, for instance, Kevin Fox Gotham writes that "real estate elites, community builders, and homeowner associations [tried] to create racially homogenous neighborhoods through the use and enforcement of racially restrictive covenants—private agreements among property owners that prevented blacks and other minorities from owning property in a particular subdivision."22
This sentiment generated the idea that "the value of housing is dependent upon the race of the occupants."23

In Los Angeles, the Marxist sociologist Mike Davis writes that the most powerful social movement in Southern California has been "affluent homeowners, engaged in the defense of home values and neighborhood exclusivity."24

He adds that historically, "early twentieth century Los Angeles established the national legal precedent for zoning districts exclusively for upscale single family residences."25
This faction formed homeowners' associations beginning in the 1920s, which through various restrictions prevented Blacks from purchasing homes outside of the ghetto.

Davis continues by describing the elite homeowners' ability to engage in what's known as "Lakewoodism," named after the Lakewood Plan. What this plan refers to is that in the mid 1950s the city of Lakewood emerged out of Los Angeles. Lakewood was able to govern itself, but it contracted out various services like police and fire to the county of Los Angeles.26

This plan set the template for other powerful suburban homeowners to obtain an "exit option" from paying taxes to the city of Los Angeles by incorporating themselves and thus distancing themselves from the inner-city population.27 Davis writes that Lakewood Plan cities comprised a population of 1.5 million by the mid-1990s and create a "nonsense-jigsaw map of southern California."28

As an example:
"The incorporation of La Habra Heights enabled its homeowners' associations to restrict development and impose a one-acre minimum zoning law to ensure the maintenance of a 'horse-oriented community.'"29

But one of the biggest contributors to racial segregation was the government institution known as the FHA, which the US Congress created in 1934 to insure mortgages.
The incentive of government to put people into homes was for patriotic reasons, the notion being that homeowners wouldn't turn into communist agitators during the Cold War era.30 Secondly, suburbanization offered a major opportunity for the US economy to absorb its surplus capital into home construction so as to avoid a financial crisis after WWII.31

The FHA operated with maps that rated neighborhoods across the US in terms of their stability:
A rated neighborhoods had no Black families.
D rated neighborhoods, (majority black) were ineligible for FHA support.32

According to Gregory Squires, what this rating system allowed was the transfer of most loans to suburban housing during the 1950s and 1960s, or in other words the government subsidized the move of white flight from the inner city to the suburbs.33

In addition, the FHA mandated that neighborhoods needed to be racially homogenous in order for them to maintain stability.
Kevin Gotham writes that the National Association of Real Estate Boards (Founded in 1908) also advocated neighborhoods racial homogeneity.

And by WWI, "real estate boards in Chicago, St. Louis, Milwaukee, Detroit and other cities had approved measures endorsing the maintenance of racial homogeneity to protect property values and neighborhood stability."34

12
The racialized ghetto, created by state and commercial forces, in addition serves a valuable function for capital. What is this role? Peter Marcuse and Edna Bonacich argue that due to the globalization of business, the end of Keynesianism, and the marketization of other parts of the world, "an ever growing percentage of the population in the older industrial countries [is] not needed for production."35

Says Marcuse: "Business interests see no use in ghetto residents for purposes of business," meaning that "the ghetto is functional for society to the extent that it provides protection against the anger and the disorder that ghetto residents might cause if not limited to the space of the ghetto."36
Bonacich concurs, writing that due to the "technology of advanced capitalism" Black workers had become of little use to the capitalist class.37


The criminal justice system, the mass incarceration of Black males, and the War on Drugs waged almost exclusively on people of color has a similar outcome towards people of little use to business interests.
According to Michelle Alexander's book The New Jim Crow, this translates to the shocking statistic that there are more black men in American prisons today than there were slaves in 1850.38

13
Meanwhile, neoliberal government policy, gaining purchase since the 1970s, has led to the steady eradication of the welfare state and any sort of safety net for low income communities, which includes measures such as the elimination of workers' rights to bargain to cuts in state spending on education, forcing more and more students into debt.

The most disadvantaged people living under neoliberal governmental policies are leveled by austerity measures. While David Harvey writes that neoliberalism hasn't been taken up evenly around the world, where it has planted roots it has invariably spelled social inequality for the population.39

But marginalized communities aren't limited to the States. A short and very powerful book by Marxist sociologist Mike Davis details the formation of slums in major urban centers around the world (in Planet of Slums).

The process works as follows:
Countries that used to be under the yoke of European imperialism find themselves in debt, having had their resources benefit colonizers while suffering the repatriation of revenues. Institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund approach the indebted countries.

Nations then opt to take loans from these financial institutions under the agreement that the governments sell off their public assets and utilities to foreign corporate control. The process is referred to as accepting a structural adjustment program or SAP.

What does this mean for ghettoization? Well, as foreign control of agricultural interests works its way into a country, like Mexico, for instance, local agricultural workers cannot compete with foreign owned agribusinesses as well as cheap goods from the United States and are forced to fold.40 With nowhere to go they descend on cities trying to look for work and proceed to live extremely precarious lifestyles—which are threatened by toxins and waste.


14
According to Davis, this happens around the world due to goods imports, "mechanization of agriculture, and everywhere the consolidation of small holdings into large ones."41

Most problematically, slum growth outpaces urbanization in these exploding cities without the growth of the economy catching up to the population increase

The UN stated that in 2005 there were around 1 billion slum dwellers living in about 200,000 slums worldwide, with the largest being found in Bombay, Mexico City, and Dhaka (around ten million slum dwellers each).42


15
So the main point is … no matter whether the antecedents are brought on by the World Bank and IMF's structural adjustment programs, whether brought on by real estate boards, the FHA, globalizing businesses, outsourced jobs to the suburbs, racist sentiment, and so forth, ghettos are not natural but a creation by powerful forces with an agenda.

16
So we can see how this background links to the Dorceta Taylor article referenced earlier. This is because her object of analysis is a "new environmental paradigm" originating from marginalized communities of people of color.

This paradigm challenges the existing environmental paradigm. This is a main point to remember: there is a tension between traditional, white, middle-class environmentalism bent on preserving pristine areas and wildlife, versus the more urban focused organizations populated mostly by women and people of color who switch the focus from pristine wilderness out there to neighborhood and places closest to work and home.

Taylor writes:
"Mainstream environmental activists and environmental justice activists are, for the most part, in different social locations. As such, they have vastly different environmental experiences, and those experiences influence how they perceive environmental issues."43

17
This is echoed by our textbook. Robert Cox writes on page 245 that Environmental Justice "calls to recognize and halt the disproportionate burdens imposed on poor and minority communities by environmentally harmful conditions."

He adds that EJ also posits a "more robust meaning of environment, one that includes places where people live, work, and play," and not simply pristine wilderness somewhere out there that's difficult to access.

But what are the divergences within environmentalism hinted at above?

18
Taylor states that:
Four "pathways [of environmental activism] arise because people occupying different social locations have different environmental experiences."
1 The first, "mainstream environmentalism" comprises the "dominant sector of the environmental movement" and is concerned with "wilderness/wildlife/recreation… and espoused by mostly middle-class, White males"
2 secondly, during the early twentieth century Progressive era "some middle-class males and females… remained in the cities where they developed an urban environmental agenda focused on parks, open spaces, occupational safety, and public health"
3 labor unions and progressive females = offered "working-class environmental agenda focused on worker rights, occupational health and safety, and access to recreation"
4 people of color "linked social justice concerns like self-determination… human rights, social inequality, access to natural resources, and disproportionate impacts of environmental hazards."44

Taylor also makes note of four "waves of mobilization around environmental issues" that seem to correspond with the four pathways
These include the pre-movement era from 1820 to 1913
The post Hetch-Hetchy era from 1914-1959 (Heth Hetchy was valley that officials wanted to dam in the early twentieth century in order to provide water for San Francisco)
The post-Carson era (1960-1979)
The post Love Canal/Three Mile Island era (1980 to the present).45

The premovement era entailed preservationists (who advocated environmental protection) and conservationists (who advocated the conscientious use of resources)
The inspirational figures for this period include Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, John Muir, and Teddy Roosevelt among others.

The Hetch Hetchy era still entailed a major emphasis on preservation and conservation, hiking, camping and outdoor recreation.

However, Carson's publication of Silent Spring launched the "modern" environmental movement.
According to Taylor, "the environmental agenda was broadened to include issues affecting humans, a focus on the urban environment, radical environmental activism.46 This era also saw the unveiling of the first Earth Day in 1970.

The last era corresponds to the Three Mile Island accident, a nuclear meltdown that took place in Pennsylvania in 1979.
And it also encompasses the Love Canal disaster, which constituted the building of schools in Love Canal NY over the surface of a massive chemical waste dump, which led to within 20 years severe birth defects as well as a disturbingly high rate of miscarriages within the community. These two events led to the increased attention to "toxic contamination in local communities."47

It is out of this fourth era that the environmental justice paradigm emerges.

Taylor writes:
Environmental Justice Organizations address "water and air pollution, waste disposal, recycling, worker health and safety, housing, pesticides, parks and recreation, wildlife, lead, facility siting, and toxics."48
Moreover: "The EJP, of which these organizations are a part of, articulates a strong position on worker rights and worker health and safety. It is not surprising… that EJOs are far more likely to work on these issues than are mainstream environmental organizations."49

19
Taylor's analysis is based on social movement theory, which means that part of understanding environmental justice organizations (just like any activist movement) is contingent on studying their mobilizing structures and their framing processes.50

Social movements operate by establishing frames, which in our case Taylor refers to as collective action frames.

These consist of three components: "injustice, agency, and identity."51
She adds that "collective action frames are also considered injustice frames because they develop in opposition to already existing, established, and widely accepted frames,"52 and, given this, Taylor adds that the collective action frame of "the environmental justice has emerged as a master frame used to mobilize activists who want to link racism, injustice, and environmentalism" together.53

20
Taylor writes that white "mainstream environmentalists, drawing from their cultural stock, evoke images related to wilderness and wildlife protection to motivate their supporters" which are "rooted in 19th-century frontier experiences and Romantic/Transcendentalist environmental ideology," which goes back to one of the four pathways introduced earlier.54

But "given the 19th-century experience of people of color (reservations, slavery, sharecropping to name a few) environmental justice activists "do not draw on Romantic/Transcendental images to motivate their supporters. Instead, they evoke images of racism, appropriation of land, and the destruction of communities and cultures."55

As for the climate justice movement, according to Robert Cox: "Climate scientists and advocates for climate justice generally agree that 'the greatest brunt of climate change's effects will be felt… by the world's poorest people."56
In terms of its framing process climate justice sought to shift "the discursive framework of climate change from a scientific-technical debate to one about ethics focused on human rights and justice."57

21
As we've seen, regarding the focus of environmental justice on workplaces and safety, environmental justice can serve as a bridge to address the interests of workers—particularly those who have suffered the negative effects of globalization of business and the deindustrialization of areas once stocked with jobs – those workers who once had relatively high paying positions who are now forced into the service industry or suffer unemployment.
The key is to cultivate awareness and the political will for green jobs.

I was struck by Naomi Klein's assessment in This Changes Everything that workers in the Alberta oil sands extracting bitumen look at their jobs as high-paying prison terms, with a three-year, five-year, or ten-year sentence, with the ten-year plan yielding a salary of a million dollars, allowing one to retire at 35.58

To me that is a very tantalizing proposition, ten years of environmentally destructive, hard labor but the chance to make enough to be able to relax for the rest of your life afterwards. But, anyway, the point is that these workers don't particularly like their jobs. Shane made this point about workers in the liquefied natural gas fracking industry to me as well—that they're not especially excited for their work. Yet all of these workers possess a valuable skill set that can be exploited for greener job possibilities in a line of work that can restore rather than obliterate. Shane mentioned that instead of fracking for LNG, fracking labor can instead be reset to tap into geothermal energy.

22
Adam Werbach, a former president of the Sierra Club, delivered a speech ten years ago to the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, titled "Is Environmentalism Dead?"

While he laments the legacy of the environmental movement in the US, he also offers some potential solutions as to where environmental activism could go so as to rejuvenate itself. One of these strategies originates with his mentor, another Sierra Club president David Brower, who in his later years "stepped outside the confines of the environmental discourse to articulate a more expansive, more inclusive and more compelling vision for the future."59

In doing so, he allied with labor unions and steelworkers, hoping for "an industrial and transportation base through an alliance that would accelerate our transition to a clean energy future," or in other words a New Deal for clean jobs.60

Given this, Werbach endorses the New Apollo Project for jobs and energy independence, which diverges from traditional environmentalism but would ensure investment for millions of new jobs in the clean energy sector.

Werbach cites enthusiasm among the working class for this half environmentalist, half job creation plan, according to focus group interviews with workers undertaken in two deindustrialized towns in Pennsylvania and Ohio. The local industries had since relocated to Mexico to save money on wages (which was possible thanks to the passage of NAFTA in the mid 1990s). The jobs left over paid half as much with no benefits.

Werbach states that "we then asked them what they thought of the idea of a major federal investment program to accelerate America's transition to the clean energy economy of the future: research and development, manufacturing of wind turbines and solar, energy efficiency… a roomful of tired and semi-depressed working folks transformed itself into a roomful of excited, optimistic Americans in a period of just 20 minutes."61

This echoes Cox's description of the green jobs movement, which "champions a new source of employment, particularly for depressed communities and unemployed workers, by funding labor-intensive, clean energy projects such as weatherproofing buildings, installing solar panels, and building wind turbines, which… help reduce US emissions of greenhouse gases."62
Groups affiliated with this plan include the Apollo Alliance, Blue Green Alliance, and Green for All.


























Notes

1 Stephanie Lecci and Michelle Maternowski, "New Ranking: Milwaukee Still Country's Most Segregated Metro Area," November 27, 2013,
http://wuwm.com/post/new-ranking-milwaukee-still-countrys-most-segregated-metro-area.
2 Ernst Moritz Manasse, "Max Weber on Race," Social Research 14, no. 2 (1947): 196.
3 Roland Barthes, Mythologies (New York: Hill and Wang, 2012), xi.
4 Dorceta E. Taylor, "The Rise of the Environmental Justice Paradigm," American Behavioral Scientist 43, no. 4 (2000): 509.
5 Ron Nixon, Louisiana Promotes Toxic Racism, Project Censored, April 30, 2010,
http://www.projectcensored.org/9-louisiana-promotes-toxic-racism/.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 Vincent McDermott, "Fort Chipewyan Cancers 'An Ongoing Tragedy': O'Connor," Fort McMurray Today, February 27, 2014,
http://www.fortmcmurraytoday.com/2014/02/27/fort-chipewyan-cancers-an-ongoing-tragedy-oconnor.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid.
11 Naomi Klein, This Changes Everything (Toronto: Alfred A. Knopf Canada, 2014), 314.
12 Ibid., 314.
13 Robert Cox, Environmental Communication and the Public Sphere (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2013), 249.
14 Taylor, "The Rise of the Environmental Justice Paradigm," 536.
15 Ibid., 536.
16 Tavis Smiley and Cornel West, "The Oratorical Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr." Smiley & West. Podcast.
17 Peter Marcuse, "Cities in Quarters," in Readings in Urban Theory, eds. Susan S. Fainstein and Scott Campbell (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011), 168.
18 Susan S. Fainstein and Scott Campbell, "Race, Gender, Ethnicity and the Partitioning of Space," in Readings in Urban Theory, 112.
19 Marcuse, "Cities in Quarters," 175.
20 Ta-Nehisi Coates, "The Case for Reparations," The Atlantic, June 2014,
http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2014/05/the-case-for-reparations/361631.
21 Manning Marable, How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America (Boston: South End, 1983), 34.
22 Kevin Fox Gotham, Race, Real Estate, and Uneven Development (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2014), 21.
23 Ibid., 22.
24 Mike Davis, City of Quartz (London and New York: Verso, 2006), 153.
25 Ibid., 161.
26 Ibid., 165-168.
27 Ibid., 169.
28 Ibid., 168.
29 Ibid., 167.
30 David Harvey, Rebel Cities (London and New York: Verso, 2013), 50.
31 Ibid., 50.
32 Coates, "The Case for Reparations."
33 Gregory Squires, "Partnership and the Pursuit of the Private City," in Readings in Urban Theory, 215.
34 Gotham, Race, Real Estate, and Uneven Development, 35.
35 Marcuse, "Cities in Quarters," 175.
36 Ibid., 175
37 Edna Bonacich, "Advanced Capitalism and Black/White Race Relations in the United States," American Sociological Review 41, no. 1 (1976): 35.
38 Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow (New York: New Press, 2012), 180.
39 David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 118.
40 Mike Davis, Planet of Slums (London and New York: Verso, 2006), 16-17.
41 Ibid., 16-17.
42 Ibid., 26.
43 Taylor, "The Rise of the Environmental Justice Paradigm," 509.
44 Ibid., 524-525.
45 Ibid., 525-527.
46 Ibid., 527.
47 Ibid., 527.
48 Ibid., 537.
49 Ibid., 555.
50 Ibid., 509.
51 Ibid., 511.
52 Ibid., 511.
53 Ibid., 514.
54 Ibid., 514.
55 Ibid., 514.
56 Cox, Environmental Communication and the Public Sphere, 263.
57 Ibid., 265.
58 Klein, This Changes Everything, 343.
59 Adam Werbach, Where the Environmental Movement Can and Should Go From Here, Grist, January 13, 2005,
http://grist.org/article/werbach-reprint/.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62 Cox, Environmental Communication and the Public Sphere, 270.