Energías Renovables en Norteamérica

July 15, 2017 | Autor: Carlos Soria | Categoría: Renewable Energy, Energy, Environmental Sustainability, Solar Energy, United States
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Grupo de Corporaciones Mikisew
Mikisew Cree First Nation https://mikisewcree.ca/
Mikisew Energy Services Group
Mikisew Industrial Supply Ltd.
Mikisew Sport Fishing
Super 8 Fort McMurray
Fort Petroleum Limited Partnership
Mikisew Fleet Maintenace
Miksew Property Development
Mikisew Landing Ltd.
Lynco Eagle
Birch River Site Services (SODEXO)
Allison Bay camps and Catering
Mikisew North

Alberta Oil 2015, Volume 10, issue 12, June.
Una mirada a CANADÁ
The Economist

The Oil Industry. After OPEC,
Mayo 16 a 22, 2015, Volumen 415, Número 8938, pagina 56-57.
Snyder, Jesse 2015, Lost in translation,
Alberta Oil, June, pp 83-85
sobre inversiones chinas y futuro de las arenas en Canadá
De temple pesado,
en Alberta Oil 2015, June, V 10, Iss 12, pp 75

London calling
Los reportes de los analistas y las declaraciones de los gerentes de empresas de fuentes convencionales como el petróleo reflejan el deseo de éste sector de la industria de impulsar la producción aún a riesgo de la debilidad en el precio. De un lado la producción norteamericana de gas esquisto [shale gas] en EUA y de arenas bituminosas [tar sands] en Canadá, que se pueden proyectar hacia otras partes del mundo, como Inglaterra o Rusia. Sin embargo un 30% de la industria de estas dos fuentes ha tenido que postergar planes por con el barril alrededor de US$60 a Junio 2015.

Las tendencias de las energías convencionales
Otras opiniones
https://www.energyinst.org/information-centre
EI Publications website 
Petroleum Review (PetRev)
Energy World (EW)
Supplements to PetRev and EW
Journal of the Energy Institute

Electricidad limpia
ER Tech inversiones, innovación y fuerza de trabajo
Mercado de Tecnologías Limpias
en EUA

F CTLI 2015
La Energías Renovables en EUA
State and Metro Governments, Consumer Actions Drive Dramatic Shift in US Energy Landscape, June 3, 2015, By Ron Pernick, Clean Edge
La transición a una tecnología y energía economía basada en la eficiencia limpia está en marcha. La energía solar y eólica, junto con el gas natural, son las principales opciones para satisfacer las necesidades de electricidad de la nación; el carbón y la energía nuclear, dominantes en el siglo 20, se han convertido en las "alternativas" marginadas. Del mismo modo, los electrodomésticos de bajo consumo, las bombillas LED, los edificios verdes, y los vehículos híbridos y eléctricos se están expandiendo casi como convencionales o mas.
Los gobiernos estatales y distritales tienen objetivos para la transición a una economía baja en carbono. El objetivo del 50 por ciento, 80 por ciento, o 100 por ciento de las energías renovables no será fácil y requerirá innovación en toda la cadena de valor de la tecnología limpia - en la tecnología, la política y el capital.
Los Pueblos Indígenas de Canadá
Nativos americanos
Cree y otros pueblos
Neville, Kate y Weinthal, Erika 2015, Fracking with the Commons? How linking hydraulic fracturing debates to the Yukon's Peel River watershed land- use plans reveals overlapping public and private resource governance
"Don't frack with the Peel," read one protest sign in a sea of others held by mitten-clad hands at a protest in Whitehorse in the winter of 2014. This was not an isolated voice: the language of "fracking"—hydraulic fracturing—has played an ongoing role in the public theatre of protest over a contested land use planning process for the Yukon's Peel River watershed. It is referred to in signs, letters, speeches, and bumper stickers by those protesting the government's decisions. In some ways, this focus on hydraulic fracturing in the Yukon's Peel watershed is puzzling: shale gas reserves in the Peel are small relative to other deposits in the Yukon; shale appears to be of marginal interest even to oil and gas companies with claims in the watershed; and the location of the shale deposits (in the far northwest of the watershed) would make their exploitation particularly challenging, and likely economically unfeasible in the near future. So why has an apparently marginal resource in the Peel been a focal point for activism over the watershed? And what significance does this hold for our understanding of shifting dynamics of resource governance?
Fracking, we argue, is used strategically in the Peel debate for three main reasons: political opportunity (provides the Peel campaign with increased visibility); amplification potential (links local debates to global efforts and allies); and image politics (vivid language and visual representations attract media attention). We suggest that the widespread uptake of anti-fracking language in these land use debates illuminates growing tensions over public and private resource governance. In particular, we see friction between the perception by the Yukon public of the wilderness as a commonly-held trust, the constitutionally-entrenched rights of certain First Nations to governance input on their traditional territories (a restricted commons), and the history of the Yukon's privileging of privately-held resource rights.
These debates over the Peel reveal that the commons—even where legally bounded— remain contested and subject to reinterpretation. The commons, we find, are not static, but subject to ongoing contestation over what they are, what they should be used for, and who should make these decisions.
Mills, Jennifer 2015, Consultation and Contestation in the Albertan Bituminous Sands
In the last ten years, the extraction of bitumen in Alberta increased exponentially from the early days of the industry. Over 750 square kilometres of land has been cleared or disturbed by surface mining, in addition to the impacts of in situ extraction. This has led to conflict over land use as well as concerns over health, the environment, and indigenous rights. In the same time period, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples finally came into existence after 25 years, alongside the development in law of the Crown's duty to consult over extractive projects in Canada.
This paper will examine the differences between consultation and free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) as demonstrated in practice and newly revised policies in Alberta. How can the language of consultation serve to undermine indigenous self-determination? I will more specifically investigate how various stakeholders, including governments, First Nations, and companies, use these terms strategically in their negotiations. For example, many First Nations leaders and communities in the impacted territories, Treaty areas 6 and 8, have asserted their right to FPIC in opposition to the federal and provincial governments' definitions of consultation.
Consultation will be considered in the context of land use and governance of the commons. These negotiations and disputes are partly over the impacts of extraction on ecosystems and how those impacts will be monitored and managed. I will focus on in situ extraction, which represents the main type of extraction going forward and is subject to clashing claims over its land disturbance. The focus on in situ serves to both narrow the scope of the study and draw attention to regions that have been subject to less research than the mined areas
Longley, Hereward, y Tara Joly 'I'm not going to tell you that because then you'll go up there': Traditional Land Use Mapping and Cartographic Colonialism in 21st Century Athabasca Bitumen Extraction Conflicts
Traditional Land Use (TLU) mapping has become a benchmark standard of proof for Indigenous communities to demonstrate use and occupancy of their traditional lands and waters. This paper contends that TLU mapping is a problematic practice that forces Indigenous peoples to subject themselves to western systems of geographic knowledge that can be culturally inappropriate and linked to a broader history of cartographic colonization. By mobilizing concepts from social theory, cultural geography and the history of cartography we examine a variety of archival sources and materials from our work as research consultants with Fort McMurray Métis Local 1935, to trace the use of maps in the development of the oil sands industry. We argue that resource maps are fundamental tools of industrial colonization that portray the Athabasca region exclusively as a resource extraction zone.
In the past two decades, TLU mapping has become an invaluable way for Indigenous communities to contest this portrayal of their traditional lands and to negotiate or fight with industry and government for economic benefits and environmental protection. However, the process of TLU mapping subjugates indigenous geographic knowledge in several ways. First, in TLU mapping indigenous peoples translate their geographic knowledge into a western medium that freezes, codifies and simplifies a deep, complex and changing relationship with the land. TLU mapping forces land users to reveal knowledge of their environment to an unlimited number of outsiders, an act that compromises the places and ecosystems they reveal and is disrespectful to the land itself. TLU mapping presents a situation where if land use information is revealed over vast areas beyond the project site, it lowers the importance of land use within the project site.
We conclude with principles to move TLU mapping towards a more culturally appropriate and less problematic way for Indigenous communities to assert use and occupancy of spaces identified for resource extraction.
Using a community defined pre-development baseline, the research will examine (i) how the traditional values and practices of ML 125 culture have changed and how are they expressed today, (ii) what are the key factors that have led to these changes, and (iii) what do the ML 125 members believe is necessary to support their culture now and into the future.
Some of the aspects of ML 125 culture that we are exploring include the importance of visiting, language, and peaceful (low-stress) experiences on the land. For instance, when industrial development modifies how people move through and access the land, aspects of culture may be affected, such as knowledge exchange, socializing and resource exchange. This study will explore the ways in which the traditional land uses of Aboriginal people serve more than simply a resource procurement.

Garibaldi, Anne; Berryman, Shanti and Berg, Kevan, Integral Ecology Group, Canada 2015 Understanding the social and cultural dimensions of cumulative land impacts in a northern Alberta Aboriginal community
Since the 1960s, the ongoing and cumulative uptake of land for oil sands and related development has had a rapid and profound impact on the traditional lands and cultures of First Nations and Métis people in northeastern Alberta. Provincial and federal entities have approved development activity in the region, with minimal assessment of cultural aspects. It is only recently that projects undergoing federal review are required to more specifically consider impacts to culture along with impacts to biophysical dimensions. Nonetheless, Aboriginal people have long been aware of the profound cultural shifts that are occurring as a result of changes to the land.
Large-scale land disturbance has involved significant change not only to the quality, availability, and access to traditional resources, but also to intrinsic components of culture, such as knowledge transmission, language and shared values. To understand the extent of this complex and cumulative impact to both culture and land use, we must endeavor to go beyond project-specific traditional use studies and other site-based documentation of use and impact, and explore the complex meanings and values that the land holds for people. In this study, we have partnered with the Métis Local 125 community of Fort Chipewyan to pursue this goal and to gain a better understanding of the cumulative implications of government approved resource development projects on the opportunities of Aboriginal people to sustain and express cultural values.
First Nations Perceptions of Wild Food Contamination in Alberta's Oil Sands Region, presented at IASC 2015 by Baker, Janelle Marie 2015,
Crees have a way of understanding pollution, unique to their cosmology and ritual practices, that is currently neglected in studies and policies regarding contamination in Alberta's oil sands region. For example, they often consider large tracts of land to be polluted because of companies' failure to show the land respect and lack of proper spiritual protocol in developing industrial projects.

This contributes to people's unease about harvesting wild foods, with negative effects for physical and spiritual well-being and potential breakdown of traditional family units that are formed around food harvesting, among other adverse impacts on Aboriginal communities.

Various attempts are now being made to integrate TEK into risk and impact assessments with ineffective outcomes because the ethnoecological worldviews of people providing TEK and those who are writing assessments are conflicting.

In the project approvals process, information that First Nations provide for the purpose of TEK integration is reduced to biological data and the community's concerns about land degradation and contamination are being dismissed as insignificant.
Investigaciones presentadas en
IASC Commons 2015,
Asociación Internacional para el Estudio de los Bienes Comunes
University of Alberta, Edmonton.
Mayo 25 a 29.
Sobre industrias extractivas en tierras indígenas
Mas información sobre hidrocarburos en tierras indígenas de Canadá
http://www.beaverlakecreenation.ca/

http://www.keepersofthewater.ca/athabasca

http://oilsandsrealitycheck.org/factcategory/human-rights/

http://www.healingwalk.org/human-rights.html

https://mikisewcree.ca/


Stonehouse, Jodi 2015, Womyn, Water, and Well-Being: Looking at Indigenous Knowledge Downstream from Alberta's Tar-sands
Globally, natural resource development impacts Indigenous peoples' land base, water sources and interferes with access to traditional food sources (Downie 2003). Fort Chipewyan, a small Indigenous community in Alberta, downstream from tar-sand extraction, is dealing with large impacts from oil and gas developments. The extent to which pollution from tar sands' industrial activities in northeastern Alberta, affects ecosystem and human health is a matter of growing international concern (Timoney 2007).
The Athabascan Fort Chipewyan people have begun to learn that their traditional foods contain foreign contaminants, which may result in families ceasing to eat them; with no ready alternatives in remote Fort Chipewyan, the communities' nutritional and cultural concerns are compounded (Schindler 1998). Local Elders have noted the declining availability of traditional foods due to intensive industrial development in the oil sands region, hydroelectric developments, and competitive hunting and recreational harvesting (Nation 2003).
In this research I explore the connections between their relationship with the land in Fort Chipewyan and a sense of well-being; 'being alive well' in a Cree cosmology means that one is able to hunt, to pursue traditional activities, and to eat traditional foods (Adelson 2000). This presentation will provide an Indigenous feminist critique of development impacts while sharing Indigenous womyn's stories from Fort Chipewyan that demonstrate resilience and how their day-to-day practices on the land embody resistance.
The Tar Sands Healing Walk
In northern Alberta, local Aboriginal communities are forced to endure highly degraded air and water quality. Eighty per cent of the traditional territory of the Mikisew Cree and Athabasca Chipewyan First Nations has been rendered inaccessible for most of the year by tar sands development, and the Beaver Lake Cree have documented 20,000 treaty rights violations.

The expansion of tar sands refineries has also increased toxic pollution in numerous communities in Canada and the U.S., and pipeline companies have used eminent domain to confiscate private property from ranchers and landowners as they ram new pipelines through.

The Beaver Lake Cree have filed a constitutional challenge to oil sands expansion based on the 1982 Constitution and recent Canadian court precedents, arguing that the cumulative impacts of development within the band's core territory will leave them with no meaningful way to exercise their constitutionally-guaranteed treaty rights.

Under Treaty 6, the Beaver Lake Cree are guaranteed the right to hunt, trap and fish on their traditional lands in perpetuity. The oil sands developments threaten their traditional way of life by destroying the very habitat upon which the animals and fish depend.
http://www.healingwalk.org/stories.html

Pembina Institute
http://www.pembina.org/oil-sands/key-facts

The oilsands in northern Alberta are the fastest-growing source of greenhouse gas emissions in Canada.
The oilsands underlie approximately 140,000 square kilometres of the boreal forest in northern Alberta. Increasing greenhouse gas emissions are a major concern, but other impacts — from drawing down water levels in the Athabasca River, to the creation of toxic tailings dumps, to hundreds of square kilometers of strip-mining and drilling in the boreal forest — are growing just as rapidly.
While oilsands production has expanded rapidly in the last decade, government policies and regulations have failed to keep up, creating serious challenges in managing the environmental, social and economic impacts.

Pueblo Inuit o Nunavit
Metis. Mestizos con practicas de manejo comunitario de recursos naturales
Los Pueblos Indígenas de Canadá y las industrias extractivas
Cómo en muchas partes del mundo la relación entre pueblos indígenas e industrias extractivas involucra miembros:

a favor que participan de las industrias y sus actividades en mayor o menor medida (como el caso de Fort Petroleum Corportation y las corporaciones Mikisew) y
aquellos que se oponen a estas actividades; sea para prevenir impactos socio-ambientales o demandando la remediación de los mismos www.healingwalk.org/stories.html

Gracias

Escríbanme a [email protected]
Referencias
Albert Oil. The Business of Energy 2015, Volume 10, Issue 12, June.

Clean Edge 2015, 2015 Clean Technology List Index http://cleanedge.com/indexes/u.s.-clean-tech-leadership-index

Pernick, Ron 2015 State and Metro Governments, Consumer Actions Drive Dramatic Shift in US Energy Landscape, June 3, Clean Edge, en http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/articles/2015/06/state-and-metro-governments-consumer-actions-drive-dramatic-shift-in-us-energy-landscape.html

Williams, Andrew 2015, Wheels, Towers and Trees: Unconventional Renewable Energy Technologies in the Pipeline, May 15, http://www.renewableenergyworld.com/articles/2015/05/wheels-towers-and-trees-unconventional-renewable-energy-technologies-in-the-pipeline.html

Conclusiones
El futuro de la industria convencional parece apoyarse en la expansión del avance tecnológico norteamericano sobre los petróleos pesados que podría expandirse a otras regiones del planeta con la misma efectividad dependiendo de cuan rentables sean los acuerdo para compartir la tecnología y la experiencia. Ello significa oportunidades pero también riesgos socio ambientales locales y globales. Queda mucho por aprender de la experiencia positivas y negativas de gestión de dichos impactos en Norteamérica.
El desarrollo de las energías renovables puede ser una oportunidad para nuevas configuraciones de sistemas de energía locales y regionales que puedan eventualmente vender su excedente, como lo muestran las ciudades norteamericanas que lideran el desarrollo de tecnologías de energías limpias.
Mientras tanto un desarrollo combinado de sistemas mixtos de ER y convencionales en zonas urbanas y periurbanas parece posible, mientras que las ER tienen mayores posibilidades de expandirse en zonas rurales propias para pilotos de economía verde baja en carbono y emisiones.
Corporaciones indígenas
FP ofrece un amplio surtido de productos de petróleo y lubricantes, así como alquiler de maquinaria pesada para sus clientes residentes de Fort Chipewyan y oficinas de gobierno.

Tienen las acreditaciones ISO 9001, WCB y ACSA.
ER en el Transporte
Edificaciones verdes
Rueda de Viento Holandesa
Son dos aros tridimensionales de acero colocados en una base sumergida bajo el agua de tal manera que flotan.

El aro exterior tiene 40 cabinas rotantes en un sistema de rieles gigante mientras que el aro interior será construido de una turbina de viento novedosa, que convierte la energía eólica en electricidad a través de un marco de tubos de acero estacionarios.
Es un diseño de la empresa TU Delft y la Universidad de Wageningen en Holanda que se espera tener concluido para 2025.
Torre eólica-solar
Es una torre de energía hibrida solar y eólica diseñada para aprovechar la energía de la corriente de aire que se genera al introducir agua en aire caliente en un diseño innovador de torre con inyección de agua y y turbinas en corrientes de viento en la base. El agua se evapora y es absorbida por el aire caliente contenido en la torre, enfriando el aire, haciéndolo mas denso y pesado que el aire caliente afuera de la torre. El aire frio pasa a velocidad de 80 kph antes de llevarla a los túneles de viento en la base que mueven las turbinas y generan energía.
Árbol de viento
Diseñado por Jérôme Michaud-Larivière a partir de ver las hojas moverse con el viento.

Un árbol de viento tiene unos 12 metros de alto con 72 silenciosas micro turbinas giratorias sobre un eje en apariencia de hojas. Tienen una capacidad de generar 3100 watts .

Su objetivo principal es capturar corrientes de viento suaves en ambientes urbanos, tan bajo como velocidades de 2 metros por segundo, logrando así operar 280 días del año.
Colocaran un prototipo en Plaza de la Concordia en Paris en la primavera 2015 a un costo de 36,500 dólares
En Singapur Súper árboles hechos por el hombre en alturas de 28 a 55 metros en Los Jardines de la Bahía, cubren mas de 100 hectáreas. El sitio de ecoturismo promueve agua limpia, energía solar, practicas sostenibles y diversidad botánica.
National Geographic 2015, June, vol 227, num 6, pp 22-23
Las posibilidades de las energías renovables desde los bienes comunes
Homagain, Krish 2015, Carbon economy of the commons: biochar-based Bioenergy System in Ontario, Lakehead University, Canada IASC 2015
Bioenergy is widely considered as a carbon neutral solution for the current environmental crisis. The use of biomass feedstock for energy generation not only has the potential to address the environmental problems related to air pollution and climate change, but also ensures energy security for local communities. Biochar is a by-product of bioenergy that can sequester carbon for longer time if applied in soil, which is claimed to be carbon negative in the life cycle.
Fossil fuel related emissions are often considered to be one of the biggest contributors of current environmental crisis including greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and subsequent global warming. Fossil fuel makes a significant proportion in the current power-supply-mix in Ontario. In order to reduce GHG emissions from coal fired power stations, the province of Ontario has phased out coal firing plants and replaced these with forest biomass plants.
We conducted a thorough life cycle assessment (LCA) of biochar production and land application using SimaPro® Ver. 8.0 to assess the energy consumption and potential environmental impact within the system boundary. Results show that biochar land application consumes 4847.61 MJ per tonne dry feedstock more energy than conventional system but reduces the GHG emissions by 68.19 KgCO2e per tonne of dry feedstock in its life cycle. Biochar land application improves ecosystem quality by 18%, reduces climate change by 15%, and resource use by 13% but may adversely impact on human health by increasing disability adjusted life years (DALY) by 1.7%.
The LCA results of bioenergy production when compared with conventional energy production for GHG emissions and other environmental consequences show that replacing fossil fuel with woody biomass has a positive impact on the environment. LCA results are further analysed in life cycle cost analysis (LCCA) and a case study of the carbon economy is presented.
Energy.gov
Es la oficina federal que regula los servicios públicos de energía y promueve las energías renovables en EUA. Provee una serie de instrumentos para:
Programas de eficiencia energética en el diseño
Capacitación
Orientación
Herramientas de medición y planificación, etc.
Para ello visite su pagina web http://energy.gov/ o revise en YouTube los videos de Energy.gov bajo los títulos Energy 101.
La Energías Renovables en EUA
State and Metro Governments, Consumer Actions Drive Dramatic Shift in US Energy Landscape, June 3, 2015, By Ron Pernick, Clean Edge
LAS CIUDADES
San Francisco (86.5) lidera las ciudades seguida de San José (80.6) y muy delante de Portland (59.7); entre otras.
En la lista de las ultimas ciudades en desarrollo de mercado de ER Tech están las ciudades sureñas de Louisville, Miami, Orlando, Tampa, Jacksonville, Memphis, New Orleans, y Birmingham.


ER in North-America

Energías renovables en Norteamérica
Carlos A. M. Soria Dall'Orso, Ph. D.
USIL 2015
Curso Energías Renovables y Matriz Energética
Plan de la presentación
La producción de energía en EUA
Las energías renovables en EUA
Nuevas tecnologías
Las posibilidades de las energías renovables desde los bienes comunes
2015 Clean Technology List Index by Clean Edge
Las tendencias de las energías renovables
Una mirada a Canadá
Los pueblos indígenas de Canadá
Los pueblos indígenas de Canadá y las industrias extractivas
Conclusiones

La producción de Energía en EUA
La expansión de las energía renovable alcanza el 47% de las nuevas plantas de generación; ello quiere decir que un 53% o menos continúan siendo recursos convencionales. De ello podemos concluir que para la producción de energía en EUA y, por tanto, parte del mercado mundial seguirá produciendo una combinación de fuentes convencionales y no convencionales.
Los compromisos de los Estados permiten preveer una expansión gradual importante de las ER en EUA al 2030.
La Energías Renovables en EUA
State and Metro Governments, Consumer Actions Drive Dramatic Shift in US Energy Landscape, June 3, 2015, By Ron Pernick, Clean Edge
LOS ESTADOS
La energía solar y eólica representa un 47% de las nuevas instalaciones de generación de energía.
11 estados generan el 10% de su energía de fuentes solares, eólicas o geotérmicas, con 3 de ellos excediendo el 20%.
Si se incluye la energía hidráulica 4 estados aumentan la participación de las renovables hasta un 70%.
En California, el estado # 1 en el índice durante seis años consecutivos, el gobernador Jerry Brown fijó un objetivo del 50 por ciento de la generación de energías renovables para el año 2030 en su discurso de enero de 2015 sobre el Estado del Estado de California. Las ciudades de San Francisco, San José y San Diego (junto con ciudades mucho más pequeñas como Burlington, Vermont, Georgetown, Texas, y Greensburg, Kansas) tienen objetivos de 100 por ciento de ER.
La Energías Renovables en EUA
State and Metro Governments, Consumer Actions Drive Dramatic Shift in US Energy Landscape, June 3, 2015, By Ron Pernick, Clean Edge
Alcanzar estos objetivos ha sido posible, además de la importante expansión de la energía eólica en la última década por el reciente crecimiento de la energía solar y el almacenamiento de energía. EUA agregó más de 6 GW de nueva capacidad solar en 2014, con una tasa de crecimiento del 30 por ciento. Y los avances en baterías avanzadas están preparados para permitir la adopción masiva de las energías renovables distribuidas e intermitentes, al tiempo que dan a las empresas y a los individuos la oportunidad de ayudar a aliviar las tensiones en la red durante los períodos de alta demanda de energía.

A common pool resource framework for comparing community renewable energy projects presented at IASC 2015 UofA Edmonton by Ehlers, Melf-Hinrich 2015
I develop a framework for the analysis of institutional evolution of the diverse development and business models of renewable energy generation with a focus at "community renewable energy". Community renewables projects can share attributes of commons and common pool resources, as they can draw on local resources and infrastructure and can impact on local environments, such as landscape in the case of wind energy, while local or larger-scale communities can benefit from the energy generated.

However, community renewable energy continues to be an ill-defined concept, despite a long tradition in certain regions such as in Denmark and Northern Germany and great expectations in countries such as Germany, the UK and Italy. Increased social acceptance, mitigation of environmental conflicts and improved development of local communities are usually seen as the main benefits of such arrangements, when they encourage local ownership.

Property rights and governance arrangements are decisive for qualifying as a community energy project. However, differences to "noncommunity" projects are not entirely clear, as other models also offer benefits to "local communities", while ownership may be shared between large institutional investors, local residents, absentee owners and municipalities for example. These questions can be decisive for governments and banks wishing to support community renewables. More generally, the defacto organisational set-ups can theoretically direct investments in renewable energy infrastructure and determine who benefits from increased deployment. This way they would influence the future of energy provision.
NUEVAS TECNOLOGIAS
2015 Clean Technology List Index
by Clean Edge
Capital invertido en ER
Índice de ciudades promoviendo ER Tech
Políticas
The guiding research questions are how community renewable energy generation projects emerge, how they are organised and how they change over time. This implies a need to categorise community renewables projects and identify quantitative and qualitative change.
I approach the questions of emergence from entrepreneurship perspectives (private, social and public) and the questions of organisation and change from institutional and evolutionary economic perspectives, with a particular focus on common pool resource theory.
There is very limited research into the conditions for emergence of novel organisational models of community renewables, their evolution and implications for further deployment and governance of respective sectors. For example, external professional development and management companies can be involved in such projects, while some community renewables projects are merging and run subsidiaries, for example managing local grids. Other community projects fail and are bought by community and "non-community" companies.
There are thus similarities to large utilities to which community renewables are often compared to as more sustainable decentralised alternatives. Several criteria are identified, which determine the degree to which these renewable energy projects can be seen as commons and community enterprises. The criteria can also be used to track institutional evolution and compare projects in different localities in terms of ownership, conflict mitigation and policy dependency.
TECNOLOGIA
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11/06/2015


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11/06/2015


Haga clic para modificar el estilo de título del patrón
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11/06/2015


11/06/2015


Haga clic para modificar el estilo de título del patrón
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Segundo nivel
Tercer nivel
Cuarto nivel
Quinto nivel
11/06/2015


Haga clic para modificar el estilo de título del patrón
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Segundo nivel
Tercer nivel
Cuarto nivel
Quinto nivel
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Segundo nivel
Tercer nivel
Cuarto nivel
Quinto nivel
11/06/2015


Haga clic para modificar el estilo de título del patrón
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Segundo nivel
Tercer nivel
Cuarto nivel
Quinto nivel
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
Segundo nivel
Tercer nivel
Cuarto nivel
Quinto nivel
11/06/2015


Haga clic para modificar el estilo de título del patrón
Haga clic para modificar el estilo de texto del patrón
11/06/2015



11/06/2015



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