El Valle de los Caídos as space plural of memory
Descripción
EL VALLE DE LOS CAÍDOS AS SPACE PLURAL OF MEMORY José Carlos Rueda Laffond and Belén Moreno Garrido Complutense University, Madrid
This paper analyzes the evolution of “El Valle de los Caídos” (The Valley of the Fallen) like polemic and plural space of memories in Spain. The monument had been since the mid-twentieth century a memory emphatic, and it has presented a strong sense of historicity linked to the institutionalization of the Franco´s regime. Currently, this site has established itself as a subject of controversy related to news politics of memory. In recent years, the Spanish media have focused on building the Historical Memory using different narratives about it. In 2009, the Spanish TV commercial channel Antena 3 released two documentaries Franco: Operación Caídos (Franco: Operation Fallen) and El Valle de los Caídos: la obsession de Franco (The Valley of the Fallen, Franco's obsession). The paper also analyzes these television programs. They defined a counter-memory practice led to the dismantling of traditional meanings characteristic of authoritarian imagination that still lives in the The Valley of the Fallen.
1. “EL VALLE DE LOS CAÍDOS” AS CONTROVERSIAL MEMORY SPACE IN SPAIN (1939-2006)
El Valle de los Caídos is the most representative memory of Franco’s regime. It is a mausoleum built near to Madrid, crowned by a large cross that is visible for several kilometres. There are buried in it thousands of soldiers and civilians who died during the Spanish Civil War, between 1936 and 1939. In the Basilica are also buried the remains of General Franco, who died in 1975, and the founder of the Spanish Falange, José Antonio Primo de Rivera. Spanish Falange was the only party during the dictatorship of Franco. It was established, with clear ideological influences of Italian fascism and Action Française in 1933. El Valle de los Caídos was designed with a strong symbolic value. It is a clear indication of "patriotic topography," this term had been used by Stephen Daniels. Space
was created as a celebration of victory against the "anti-Spain" (Marxism, liberalism and parliamentary democracy). In this sense, the monument can be read as a excluding the defeated. It was therefore an official historical memory paradigm. But el Valle de los Caídos is also part of the geography of collective traumatic memory. It's a big cemetery, and it was built of political prisoners. From this point of view can be noted as a place of repression and violence. El Valle de los Caídos, today, is also a space for debate and political confrontation. During the first parliamentary government of socialist José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero in Spain was aproved the "Law of Historical Memory" (2007). The objetive of this text was try to the full rehabilitation of the defeated in the Spanish Civil War, as well as the location and exhumation of the corpses that it are still buried in open fields or in ditches along roads and paths. Among the measures included in the Law of Historical Memory is the abolition of the public symbols of the dictatorship that still remain. Under the Law, el Valle de los Caídos must be exclusively a religious space, and it is prohibited to do political acts that exalting the Civil War or Franco. Leftist groups have raised the conversion of el Valle de los Caídos in a museum or a lay memorial. However, its future causes an intense political controversy. For the main opposition party (Partido Popular), the Law of Historical Memory is biased, proRepublican, and seeks to artificially re-open old wounds among the Spanish. El Valle de los Caídos is an uniform memory space. Establishes, however, a rather complex relationship between a place historical, a clash between social and political memoirs, and successive present situations. It have reflected, over time, an overlap of values, perceptions and discourses about collective memory. As Pierre Nora said, the memory spaces are not fixed and immutables, and it is constantly open in their new meanings, which depend on the processes of negotiation and conflict between the social, cultural or political. Therefore, el Valle de los Caídos represents the official memory of the dictatorship, and also the uncomfortable memory of Franco.
2. EL VALLE DE LOS CÁIDOS, THE OFFICIAL MEMORIAL OF FRANCO (1939-1975)
Furthermore, not even during the Franco regime's el Valle de los Caídos presented a meaning unique or closed. Its symbolic nature was altered in relation to the evolution of the dictatorship. The design and construction of el Valle de los Caídos was extended during very long time, devoting twenty years, between 1939 and 1959. Throughout this period the politicals, diplomatics and strategics interest of Franco's regime changed. The cult of the "fallen" became an ideological key ritual in dictatorship, assuming that the tribute to the dead will act on the living as a model of heroism, patriotism and religious faith. This idea sums up well the values of the authoritarian regime of Franco, a mixture of military cult, traditional Catholicism and nationalist fervor. El Valle de los Caídos is a great architectural work, and was initially conceived as a metaphor of unchanged power. It is close to Madrid, and seeks to strengthen the idea of national centralism. It is also near the El Escorial Monastery, where Spanish kings have been buried. Its design was influenced by the great public works carried out in Germany and Italy during the Nazi and fascist regimes. It may therefore be considered as an example of "totalitarian art" in Europe. Its inauguration in 1959, was done to coincide with the twentieth anniversary of the end of the Civil War. But shortly before was made the decision to bury in the great pantheon not only the fighters of Franco's side, but also some hundreds of Republican deads. The reason for this decision was twofold. On the one hand, by the very urgent rush to fill the vaults of the enclosure, even if was with the remains of former enemies. But also influenced by the new political interests and changes in public policy of memory. Indeed, in the late fifties Spain was a loyal U.S. ally in the context of the Cold War. Spanish propaganda emphasized the memory of the Civil War as a battle against communism. This idea allowed to present the Valle de los Caidos not as a fascist memorial, but as a place of reconciliation for those who did not discuss the authority of Franco. Later, the Valley of the Fallen drifted to be a place of contradictory resonances away
from
Franco’s
socialization.
During the last years of the dictatorship became the setting for sporadic acts of official memory, even though it was rarely used as a venue for large public gatherings. However, already during the democratic period, in the last third of the twentieth century has been primarily a tourist attraction. It has also been the site where have been meeting nostalgically on the anniversary of the death of Franco, the Spanish extreme right groups.
3. REPRESENTATION OF EL VALLE DE LOS CAIDOS ON TV TODAY: THE COUNTERMEMORY AGAINST THE FRANQUISM
Faced with the image given by the dictatorship of crusade, victory and partial reconciliation; and of the Spanish Transition, where a kind of official silence reigned. Documentaries El Valle de los Caidos. Franco’s obsession and Franco: Operation Fallen have highlighted the character of the monument as a place of violence and trauma. ……………………………………………………………………………………………. In 2009 was the fiftieth anniversary of the inauguration of the Valley of the Fallen. That commemoration justified the making of a television documentary by the Spanish producer Mediapro. The documentary would focus on the historical circumstances surrounding the construction and burials in the Valle de los Caidos. Considering the amount of information found, it was decided to make two complementary programs, which were issued by private broadcaster Antena 3. Franco: Operation Fallen aimed to investigate complaints about what happened to a group of bodies (known as "those from Aldeaseca"). Since that case, the film developed a broader narrative framework, focusing on the mass transfer of corpses to the Valle de los Caidos during the stages immediately before and after its inauguration. Franco's obsession set, meanwhile, a more general perspective, and focused on the history of the monument, from its formulation and project to the circumstances of its construction.
The first documentary was broadcast in late January 2009, at late-‐night hours. It was one of the most watched TV spot in its timeslot, and got 1, 3 million viewers. On March 30, was set Franco's obsession, at at late-‐night hours too. This time it was the third most watched program, with 1, 2 million viewers. The two documentaries audience got the objetives set by the broadcaster. ……………………………………………………………………………………… Both documentaries were led by journalist Fernando Gonzalez, Gonzo, a popular face on the small screen thanks to its reports of public complaints. It is a figure that can be identified by the viewer as a defender of the weak and as a journalist with informative rigor. These ideas were developed in the scripts of both documentaries as they were presented as public complaints and protests, aimed at revealing transcendent hidden truths. This journalist developed a dual role as narrator and interviewer. As the interviewer was close and impartial, simply ask the questions politely, and did not reveal his personal position, acting as a mere conduit for information. However, as voice-‐over, was clear, forceful and concise, with short and accurate sentences, that highlighted these dark episodes potentially unknown by the general audience. ……………………………………………………………………………………………. To achieve its objectives the documentary used the narrative clarity. Franco's obsession presented a chronological line from the Civil War to the present. The main characters were two former inmates who had worked in the construction of the mausoleum. That narrative clarity is also reflected in the use of actual informatives resources, typical of the investigative report or chronic in-‐ depth. Operation Fallen presented, however, an investigation that started from the present, from the symbolic and ideological meaning of the Valle de los Caidos at the beginning of XXI century. In its first sequence offered an accurate exposition of files of summary . Without solution of coninuity, flows into a battery of questions: The main purpose, then, was to reveal "what hides the greatest monument" of Spain.
The narrative clarity used in both documentaries can also be seen on the remoteness of tone of academic specialization or excessive scholarship. Both programs used what we might call "affordable introspection forms", as from a popular history nearby, characterized by the simplification of processes and relationships of past, through agile products and with a strong visual appeal. All this led to a sense of credibility and objectivity. But this character of objectivity had some limitations, such was the confusion between the sources, or the shows of testimony and evidence known, as original or exclusive. …………………………………………………………………………………………… The plots of the two documentaries highlighted the painful experiences. Their base was direct traumatic memory, the memories still open, and all testimony presented a coral tone. The protagonists of the documentarys were shown as a dramatic television community. This question shows a certain contradiction. The argument of the documentary highlighted the still latent wounds from the past. However, television remembering policies also need to socialize the pain, and "tame" it, in front of the possible emotional dyscontrol due to its update to the present. …………………………………………………………………………………………… Both, Franco's obsession and Franco: Operation Fallen offered a narration that combined past and time present, value of the testimony, research and journalistic introspection. Both discussed issues of political of remembrance at national level, analyzing and picking up one of the apparent "forgotten" most notable of Transition: The Valle de los Caídos. Their portrayal of this monument got away from the official franquist memory. It was presented as a space that remained in 2009 as an unpunished tribute to the dictatorship. And as a sample of "media amnesia", of ignorance about the circumstances of its construction, or the conditions of the burials in there. Both documentaries reflect what Joseph Loshitzki defined as the culture of the claim embodied in the "hybrid victims." Those who make up a second generation of memory, the descendants of the repressed, or, as the creative team and production of these films, did not experience the toughness of repression. This question allows to relate both television embodiments to a wider
international
stage,
such
as
Latin
American
or
the
Balkans.
In these geographical areas as well we could talk, -‐as in Spain nowadays-‐about a "saturation of memory," using the Regine Robin’s expression. This is reflected in the proliferation of television programs. But it also points a phenomenon of collective rewriting, made from new generations. It presents mediatic memory as a social function and as a claim of democratic citizenship. Also as a claim for roots, more or less submerged, on the specifics in an era of globalization. …………………………………………………………………………………………… THANK YOU VERY MUCH
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