Cultural Patterns As A Component Of Environmental Planning And Design

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CHAPTER 24

CULTURAL PATTERNS AS A COMPONENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING AND DESIGN

R.D. BROWN1, R. LAFORTEZZA2, R.C. CORRY1, D.B. LEAL1, G. SANESI2 1

School of Environmental Design and Rural Development University of Guelph Guelph, Ontario, Canada N1G 2W1; 2Department of Plant Production Science, University of Bari, Bari, Italy

Abstract. Rural landscapes are multi-functional systems. Environmental functions are influenced by both natural and cultural landscape patterns. Beyond the traditional productive functions, rural landscapes are increasingly being recognized as complementary sources of biodiversity and places for cultural identification. Rural landscapes can often be seen as a complex assemblage of structural elements (patches, corridors, and matrix) whose arrangement reflects the magnitude, intensity, and type of human intervention and influence. This chapter describes some of the cultural patterns inherent in selected rural landscapes. It outlines how cultural artifacts and remnant habitat patches can affect ecological functions in two contrasting landscapes: the relatively young agricultural landscapes of southern Ontario, Canada; and longer-established agricultural landscapes of the Apulia region in southern Italy. For these landscapes, we illustrate the effects of cultural settlement patterns on habitat patterns and discuss implications for enhancing ecological attributes through landscape planning and design

1. INTRODUCTION The concept of landscape is often studied in a cultural context because it is a spatial entity perceived and influenced by human activity over time. However, inherent in this holistic and dynamic concept is the recognition that landscapes are seamlessly related to ecological function. The local cultural values and ideals that respond to and evolve landscapes also directly determine the structure, function, and change of the ecosystems therein and those linked at a coarser or finer scale. As with the idea of landscape, ecological function can vary in relation to time and space. Due to their

395 S.-K. Hong, N. Nakagoshi, B.J. Fu and Y. Morimoto (eds.), Landscape Ecological Applications in Man-Influenced Areas: Linking Man and Nature Systems, 395–415. © 2007 Springer.

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relative size and nature1, rural landscapes have been the focus of several studies examining how cultural activities relate to ecological function within a landscape (Tress and Tress, 2002; Correy and Nassauer, 2002). Rural landscapes can often be regarded as a complex assemblage of remnant habitat patches and green corridors set within an agricultural matrix. The structure of these landscape elements can affect many ecological processes, including movement and persistence of species, spread of disturbances, and flow of matter and nutrients across the landscape (Forman, 1995; Forman and Godron, 1981; Turner, 1989). This chapter focuses on cultural artifacts and patterns inherent in selected rural landscapes of Europe and North America, and illustrates how they affect ecological function. In this context, a cultural artifact is considered to be any tangible object or element present in a landscape that has either been made or modified by human activity (Korr 1997), and while it is not a process, it may be the result of a process (Leal 2005). The repetition and arrangement of cultural artifacts creates patterns – measurable physical expressions of the relationship between a culture and the environment it inhabits. Whether historical or recent, cultural artifacts are often multi-functional. Understanding the role of these patterns at the landscape scale allows landscape architects and planners to guide human activity so as to achieve the desired production while maintaining or enhancing ecological functions such as water movement, species diversity, and microclimate. The data presented here were collected from two contrasting cultural landscapes: the long-established agricultural landscapes of Apulia, in southern Italy; and the relatively recent agricultural landscapes of southern Ontario, Canada. Exploring the physical patterns of such different cultural landscapes not only provides insight into the place-specific relationship between people and their landscape but also demonstrates the potential for place-specific landscape patterns to improve ecological function. Corry and Nassauer (2002) have identified three sets of cultural values and traditions that affect the structure and, consequently, the ecological function of rural landscapes: (a) land division, settlement patterns, and ownership traditions; (b) applied science and technology; and (c) stewardship values and landscape aesthetic values. These three categories provide the framework for our discussion of cultural patterns and their effect on ecological function. 2. CULTURAL PATTERNS IN RURAL LANDSCAPES 2.1 Land division and settlement patterns 2.1.1 Italy The patterns of land division and settlement have commonly fragmented primeval ecosystems along lines that coincide with road networks, farm boundaries, and field

1

Nature here refers to the defining characteristics such as shape, texture, connectivity, and land use.

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patterns. As in many Mediterranean regions, the landscape in the Apulia region of southern Italy has been influenced by many different civilizations and their land use practices over millennia, resulting in a deep and textured landscape history that continues to evolve (Makhzoumi and Pungetti, 1999). Traditionally, rural activities have played a major role in shaping these landscape mosaics. Cereal cultivations, olive groves, vineyards, citrus groves, inter-cropped orchards, and other multi-use farming systems are examples of the human exploitation of this region. The traditional farming system was often labour-intensive, technological resources were few, and there was a low level of productivity. This gradually led to complex and heterogeneous cultural-rural patterns typified by a fine-grained texture, made by relatively small patches and corridors, and high species diversity as a consequence of cyclical perturbations introduced by rotational grazing, cutting and coppice regimes, and fire management together with cultivation and other human land uses (Naveh, 1995). The conventional subdivision of properties into small units, due to ownership succession and transfers of property, has further augmented this structural heterogeneity, thus influencing the contemporary cultural patterns of rural landscapes (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Fine-grained, fragmented landscape of Apulia, Italy (© Ufficio Informatico and Servizio Cartografico, Regione Puglia, 1997: with permission).

The physical expression of land division and property ownership is further reinforced visually by the presence of limestone walls and other structures and facilities such as terraces, hedgerows, and canals along property lines. These landscape artifacts have the dual function of protecting soils from being eroded by wind and water and delineating farm property boundaries. As a physical consequence of the nature and physical properties of these artifacts, they can potentially play an important role in the ecological function of the landscape at a

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broader scale. For example, indigenous, forest-interior tree species, such as Quercus pubescens and Quercus trojana, find microclimates conducive to good growing conditions adjacent to stone artifacts. The presence of these species not only increases biodiversity and structural complexity in the landscape, they may also provide valuable habitat for species that would otherwise be displaced in this highly deforested landscape (Figure 2). Furthermore, the linear arrangement and frequency of these stone artifacts may provide an opportunity to connect the habitat patches thereby creating a network that enhances the ecological function of the landscape.

Figure 2. Mediterranean forest vegetation (Quercus pubescens and Quercus trojana) along stone artifacts in the Apulia region of Italy (photograph by Raffaele Lafortezza).

2.1.2 Canada Before European settlement, the land that is now southern Ontario was occupied by indigenous people who cleared small areas in the vast forests to grow agricultural crops. These disturbances were small and widely-dispersed. When the population in southern Ontario increased rapidly in the late 1700s due to immigration there was an immediate need for the land to be surveyed. Most of the surveying was conducted by relatively unskilled labourers (Hart, 1998) and as a consequence southern Ontario ended up with 5 major land division systems and 166 variations, resulting in a

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unique, oddly-patterned landscape, especially at the boundaries where different survey systems meet (Hart, 1998). In contrast to much of the mid- and western parts of North America where the land was divided in 1-square-mile2 grids (640 acres or 259ha) aligned with cardinal compass directions (Johnson, 1976), southern Ontario was divided into grid blocks and farms that varied in size, dimension, and compass direction from township to township (Hart, 1998). Whereas mid-western farms and fields were principally square (the norm for early settlement was 1/2 mile by 1/2 mile in dimension, with fields that were commonly square divisions within the farm), farms in southern Ontario were long, narrow rectangles (for example, in the 1 000 acre [404ha] blocks farms could be 80 by 200 rods3, with farm buildings at the frontcentre and fields that were commonly half the width of the farm). Hence the distance among field boundaries and the shape of fencerow vegetation networks differs among land division systems. As villages, townships, roads, farms, and fields in Ontario were laid out along the poorly-surveyed lines of the various systems, a number of odd patterns resulted: “townships had to respect the boundaries of those that already existed, which necessitated some triangles, parallelograms, and other weird angles, and the complexity was compounded when concessions [rows] of narrow farms were laid out at right angles to some of the major colonization roads that sliced diagonally across the countryside” (Hart, 1998, p.162-3). Southern Ontario land division patterns created acute corners in fields, farms, roadsides, and townships (Figure 3). Acute corners are often not easily managed, and small patches of biodiversity are often associated with the intersecting boundaries of land division or management. Early settlers in Ontario built roads in front of their farms (Hart, 1998) using timber cleared from the fronts of farm lots. Farmsteads were often established close to the roads, clustering houses, barns, and human activity along front property lines. The clearing of forests to make arable land began at the road’s edge and continued toward the back property line of the farm. Since woodlots are a source of fuel, construction timber, hunting, trapping, and maple syrup, almost every farm retained a woodlot along back property lines. Cumulatively a row of woodlot corridors forms across neighboring farms, blocks, and townships in a pattern that begins to identify settlement systems (Figure 4). These corridors and patches offer an opportunity for enhancing landscape ecological integrity. It is important that as the landscape changes and develops over time that these critical components are recognized and conserved.

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Imperial measurement units are cited as the traditional land division unit basis for these farms. Metric quantities are not part of the cultural tradition of these landscapes.

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A rod is a system of measure equalling sixteen and one-half feet, or approximately 5 metres. It is the cultural measurement standard for southern Ontario farms.

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Figure 3. Aerial photograph of a portion of rural southern Ontario showing the confluence of four different land survey systems. Note acute angles where survey boundaries meet (© County of Oxford, Ontario, 2003: with permission).

Figure 4. Oblique aerial photograph of a portion of rural southern Ontario showing pattern of cropping and remnant woodland patches (photograph by Robert C. Corry).

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2.2 Applied science and technology Applied science and technology are influential agents for driving the modification of rural landscapes. From clearing timber with axes and saws, to pulling stumps, to draining, leveling, fencing, cultivating, and building, science and technology have facilitated the removal and re-shaping of ecosystems. Machines have substantially eased the physical labor of land conversion, and allowed fewer people to convert larger areas in shorter times. Chemically supported agriculture has homogenized crop production and protection techniques, and in conjunction with land drainage and cultivation, have caused extensive ecosystem change.

2.2.1 Italy In the past few decades, the mosaic landscape pattern of Apulia has become increasingly homogenous due to the intensification of agricultural practices including the use of science and technology, and the development of global trade and economic pressures. Larger, wider machines, more chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and crop variety improvements together with advances in drainage and irrigation greatly impacted on the spatial organization of cultural patterns, in terms of the average size and shape of fields, and land use. In a recent study, Lafortezza and Sanesi (2003) provided evidence that intensification of olive production has been changing the pattern of the agricultural landscape. Traditionally, olive trees were planted far enough apart

Figure 5. Ancient olive grove with trees spaced far apart (photograph by Diane B. Leal).

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to allow for harvesting by hand (Figure 5). While the olives used in making the finest grade olive oil are still picked by hand, this is a rare practice and most of Apulia’s olives are now harvested by machine. This requires a regular arrangement and increased production pressure encourages farmers to plant trees closer together. These recent practices are substantially changing the pattern of olive production lands (Figure 6).

Figure 6. Contempory olive grove. Note the close and regular spacing between trees. This regular arrangement intensifies production while accomodating mechanized harvesting (photograph by Diane B. Leal).

Traditional extra-moenia (i.e. the landscape located outside the city walls) landscapes are also being altered because of land use change. These traditional small garden plots typically have relatively regular edges and are located behind ditches, stonewalls or fences (Figure 7). Due to a growing tourist industry and other development pressures, these small gardens are now being converted to roads and parking lots. The change in land use is having severe impacts on the water drainage patterns in this area. During heavy rainfall, water that was previously infiltrated or slowed down by the presence of the extra-moenia perimeter gardens now runs off at greater speed and in greater quantity over the new impervious infrastructure causing erosion, instability and washouts (Figure 8).

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Figure 7. Some small garden plots, such as those in this photograph, still remain in the lower part of Ostuni, Italy, but many have been removed to make way for roads and parking lots (photograph by Raffaele Lafortezza).

Figure 8. The boundary wall of the city of Ostuni, Italy has been damaged by erosion (repair is seen as white). As historical terraced gardens are converted into paved parking lots, the speed and volume of water flow after heavy rains has increased (photograph by Diane B. Leal).

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2.2.2 Canada In southern Ontario, local, provincial, and federal governments have supported drainage projects to convert wetlands into usable agricultural land and promote settlement. Subsurface farm drainage (using clay tile or plastic tubing) has effectively destroyed and fragmented wetland ecosystems and efficiently concentrated the flow of nutrients and pollutants to streams and rivers (Spaling, 1995). Farm machinery has become increasingly large, powerful, and capable of managing larger fields and farms with fewer operators. For example, corn planting equipment has increased from relatively narrow 4-row planters to widths up to 24 rows wide (Corry and Nassauer, 2002). While large machines increase the area of corn that can be planted in a day, a wider planter cannot readily access small fields or field corners. As with farms in the mid-western USA, larger equipment often has a longer turning radius and cannot easily access rectangular or acute corners or the odd patterns of southern Ontario settlement. Odd patterns can be difficult to manage with mechanized farm equipment. In a landscape that is intensively managed for livestock or crop production, odd patterns lead to areas that are not easily sprayed, fertilized, cultivated, mown, or fenced. It is in these areas that some of the most diverse ecosystems may be found, and disturbance may be reduced by inaccessibility to modern technologies. Odd patterns and acute angles can be difficult or costly to construct fences upon (especially if fences are made of posts and stretched wire). Early settlers created fences from locally-available material such as stumps, logs, stones, and vegetation (both spontaneous and planted). As steel wire – especially barbed wire – became available and machines could assist fence construction, corridors of woody fencerow vegetation were replaced with wire fences that were usually accompanied by strip of herbaceous vegetation. With the advent of electrified fencing for livestock control, multi-wire fences were again replaced by single or multiple electrified wires, and herbaceous vegetation strips could be mechanically mown or chemically-sprayed. As livestock became more concentrated in housed and fenced yards, the electric fences were removed and the former fencerow converted to cultivation. Farm tractors and equipment have increased in mass, with related threats of soil compaction (especially on wet or undrained soils). Large machines may avoid areas where drainage remains poor despite substantial effort to remediate soil wetness. Wet patches may remain as perennial vegetation, and are likely to concentrate relatively high diversity in small areas. These areas may connect to similar ecosystems along land division and settlement lines: roadsides, field boundaries, railways. 2.2.3 Agriculture and Microclimate In addition to the relationship between cultural and ecological patterns, there is an inextricable and reciprocal relationship between many of the cultural patterns in the landscape and microclimate. A recent study (Leal, 2005) identified a wide range of landscape elements that modify the microclimate to provide more

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productive, energy- and water-efficient, and thermally-comfortable environments. Cultural patterns in the rural landscape were found to have, at their root, a functional role in modifying the microclimate. For example, individual Quercus ilex or Quercus trojana trees are often found in the middles of pastures and fields (Figure 9). These trees provide shelter from the hot, intense midday and afternoon sun for both livestock and fieldworkers. With appropriate planning and management these individual trees could become stepping stones in the landscape.

Figure 9. Shade trees are often found in agricultural fields in Apulia. This Quercus provides shade for workers in a field near Martina Franca, Italy (photograph by Diane B. Leal).

It is also a common practice in the olive growing regions of Apulia to pile white rocks around the base of individual olive trees (Figure 10). The stones shade the soil from solar radiation and their light colour reflects a large amount of incident solar radiation. The energy input into the soil is consequently reduced, minimizing water loss through evaporation from soil near the root zone (Oke, 1979; Miller 1980). The stones also serve as insulating devices, moderating the soil temperatures so that they remain close to the year round average (Oke, 1979; Miller, 1980).

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Figure 10. White rocks piled around the base of individual olive trees provide an effective mulch that increase water efficiency (drawing by Diane B. Leal).

Another example of the relationship between cultural patterns and microclimate is illustrated in the orientation and pattern of vineyards (Figure 11). For example, while the tidy rows of grape vines ripple throughout the landscapes of Apulia, their orientation is neither random nor irrelevant. It is important that the rows not shade one another and that leaves receive the maximum amount of sunlight necessary for maximum and high quality yields. In fact, temperature and solar exposure are the two primary concerns in the layout of a vineyard (Winkler et al., 1974). This is because light quality is a very important determinant of vine growth and grape quality (Gladstones, 1992). Well exposed leaves generally produce grapes with better colour and flavour so long as they are protected from sun burn4. In contrast, shaded leaves produce lower yields (Winkler et al., 1974). The optimal orientation for the rows is NNE to SSW. This means that both faces of each row will receive sunlight. The greatest potential for sunburn damage to grapes occurs in the afternoon when the air temperature is at its maximum. This orientation minimizes burning the 4

When sunlight falls incident upon the upper most leaves, they absorb most of the visible light necessary for plant growth and seed production. The remaining light that is not absorbed is mostly solar infra-red. This is poorly absorbed by the leaves (which is why the upper unshaded leaves did not absorb them in the first place) (Gladstones, 1992).

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grapes because in the mid-afternoon, the sun strikes the tops of vine leaves from the south west but the grapes remain shaded by the exposed overhead leaves and shadowed by the preceding row (Winkler et al., 1974).

Figure 11. Vineyards in Apulia are oriented so as to capture the maximum solar radiation which yields the highest quantity and quality of fruit (photograph by Diane B. Leal).

Microclimate has a pervasive effect on ecological functions, being an essential component of everything from movement and persistence of species, to the flow of matter and nutrients. Cultural patterns strongly influence microclimate and vice versa, while microclimate strongly influences ecological functioning within a landscape. 2.3 Stewardship and landscape aesthetic values Stewardship and landscape aesthetic values are unique in that they are not rationalized as necessarily economic choices, but rather include individual and community values (Corry and Nassauer, 2002). The management of the farm landscape is sometimes also a way of demonstrably communicating a farmer’s values and participation in the rural community (Leopold, 1949). Because the farmer’s values are not purely economic, they are an opportunity to protect or enhance ecological patterns and functions which may not contribute to profitability but which convey the farmer’s interests in stewardship and aesthetics. Farmers tend

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to value productive cropping practices that also demonstrate that soil and water are being cared for. Soil erosion and weed growth are seen as signs of poor care, whereas crop residues and buffer strips appear as good care. Some of these management practices directly imply diverse ecosystems or caring for ecological quality. In contrast to stewardship values are the common values for good landscape care and aesthetics. Mown roadsides and fencerows are likely to give the impression of a tidy farm. Crop fields may be managed for weed elimination, far beyond economic necessity. Left-over and un-cropped patches are expected, by societal pressures, to be either removed or put into order by straightening edges and eliminating weeds. While stewardship values tend to increase biodiversity and care for ecological systems, aesthetic values, especially those that appreciate tidiness, decrease habitat diversity (Corry and Nassauer, 2002). 2.3.1 Italy Across Apulia, traditional structures such as terraces and stone walls (Figure 12) were constructed primarily to protect the sloping soils against erosion thus facilitating agricultural production on hillsides. These cultural artifacts communicate the fundamental role of farmers in controlling and preserving landscape resources, thereby establishing the cultural pattern of these landscapes. Stone walls bordering fields not only create a sense of separation and ownership from the neighbouring landowners (as mentioned previously), but also visually convey the image of good stewardship. A close look at patches of olive grove, vineyard, and cherry orchard gives evidence of the landowners caring for the land (Figure 13). Weeds are mowed or the ground is cultivated at regular intervals to avoid competition for the limited resources, especially soil moisture. Trees are constantly pruned, shaped and managed following traditional cultural techniques to facilitate production and fruit quality over the long-term. Cultural artifacts, cropping patterns, and remnants of vegetation contribute to the aesthetic beauty of landscapes in this region. Landscape aesthetic values emphasize cultural patterns of fields and stone walls which preserve vernacular identity and ecological diversity of Mediterranean rural-cultural landscapes. However, the desire for neatness in the landscape limits the potential for biodiversity and ecological richness. There is an opportunity for cultural values to be nudged in a direction that allows the beauty to remain, but includes habitat for native plants and animals.

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Figure 12. Terraces and stone walls in the landscape allow agriculture production on steep slopes without causing erosion (photograph by Robert D. Brown).

Figure 13. A cherry orchard in Apulia that is cared for in a manner that demonstrates neatness (photograph by Robert C. Corry)

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2.3.2 Canada In southern Ontario buffer strips and fencing along stream banks are seen as contributing to good management of soil, water, and livestock. Grassed waterways and reduced tillage practices in crop fields are valued for conserving soil, moisture, and energy. Many of these stewardship practices are not extensive in Ontario, where a relatively cold climate and a short agricultural history have not invited full exploration of the application of appropriate stewardship practices. For example, contour cropping is a striking visual image that communicates good stewardship and is common in the mid-western and Pacific north-western USA where steep slopes have been cultivated (Steiner, 1990). Ontario’s steeper slopes have not been extensively cultivated and contour cropping is not part of the stewardship norm. Landscape aesthetic values in Ontario emphasize tidiness (Figure 14). Roadsides in southern Ontario are mown both by private landowners and by municipalities, not only for aesthetic reasons but also the practical reason of providing a location to pile snow removed from roads during winter. Orchards and vineyards are mown and ordered to facilitate production, but also to appear well cared-for.

Figure 14. Roadsides in southern Ontario are often carefully mown by adjacent landowners or by the local government (photograph by Robert D. Brown)

Farmers in some parts of southern Ontario continue to remove the remaining farm woodlots to demonstrate their agricultural knowledge. Wet or unproductive areas of farms are improved through drainage. Where limitations remain, field edges

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are re-shaped to eliminate irregularity, and herbaceous patches are mown to show care (see Figure 15).

Figure 15. Photograph of grass buffer strip along a stream in cultivated agriculture. Note that grass has been mown. Source: Natural Resources Conservation Service (Photograph by Lynn Betts).

The closely mown roadsides and buffer strips offer little in the way of microclimatic diversity. In contrast, the remnant habitat patches, particularly when they are of a fairly large size, can offer interior habitat with microclimates that support a diversity of species (see Figure 16). These habitat patches, although modest in size by Canadian standards, are enormous in comparison to those in Apulia and provide a significant opportunity to improve ecological function in the landscape. The structure and function of the southern Ontario landscape is remarkably different from that of Apulia, and offers a different range of opportunities. Large remnant habitat patches are available for conservation or preservation. Remnant habitat corridors along waterways and topographic features offer opportunities to enhance connectivity. Furthermore, there are many examples of highly functioning ecological areas integrated within the cultural patterns in the southern Ontario landscape. This combination provides an opportunity for increased landscape ecological integrity through careful planning and design. However, the need for neatness is limiting the potential for landscape ecological integrity. As in Apulia, the biodiversity of the landscape could be enhanced through an aesthetic that preserved the beauty but included habitat for a wider range of native plants and animals.

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Figure 16. Remnant habitat patches persist throughout the southern Ontario landscape. When adjacent landowners keep woodlots at the backs of their properties the cumulative effect can be to provide a fairly large, contiguous patch that are connected through a series of corridors (Photograph by Robert C. Corry).

3. ENHANCING ECOLOGICAL ATTRIBUTES THROUGH PLANNING AND DESIGN Cultural patterns are critical to the form and function of ecological patches in rural landscapes. Depending on the geographical region and the farming tradition, these patterns are the consequence of humans’ adaptation of primeval ecosystems that have been shaped and spatially arranged to maximize productivity. In rural landscapes, cultural patterns can be described through consideration of the prevalent land-use of the agricultural region and the organization of settlements and infrastructures. These patterns are also inclusive of a wide range of artifacts in the form of small patches of remnant or diverse vegetation which contribute to the biodiversity and ecological functionality of these landscapes (e.g. habitat for wildlife species and opportunities for species dispersal in the rural landscape). Cultural values and traditions underlie the human activities that affect the structural and spatial attributes of landscape elements (Corry and Nassauer, 2002). Among these attributes, patch size, shape, core area, and spatial arrangement may

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convey evidence of the cultural ‘manipulation’ of the landscape. Such attributes are common descriptors of landscape configuration (McGarigal and Marks, 1995) as they influence the interaction of the patch with the surrounding matrix and functional elements (Lafortezza and Brown, 2004). Fragments of habitat patches within rural landscapes may play different functional roles depending on their extent, boundary complexity, relative amount of interior-to-edge habitat, and spatial location and connectivity. As an example, remnants of vegetation of relatively large size and regular shape will support more diverse species with interior habitat requirements than would persist in smaller and narrower patches. In addition, the higher the level of spatial distribution and connectivity among remnants the higher the probability that species can successfully disperse among the patches (Lafortezza et al. 2004). The influence of structural and spatial attributes on ecological functions becomes relevant in the case of highly fragmented landscapes where even a single forest tree can provide nesting sites or favourable microclimate conditions.

CULTURAL PATTERNS IN RURAL LANDSCAPES Cultural values & traditions

Structural & spatial attribues

Ecological functions

Land division & settlement

Size

Microclimate modification

Shape Species dispersal and diversity

Applied Science & technology Core area Stewardship & landscape aesthetic

Spatial arrangement

Water and nutrients flows

Integrative planning and design (e.g., FDNP)

Figure17. Conceptual model for analyzing cultural patterns in rural landscapes.

The close interdependency among cultural values and traditions, structuralspatial attributes, and ecological functions is illustrated in Figure 17. Cultural patterns in rural landscapes are the outcome of these complex and mutual interactions. A key question for landscape architects and planners is how to enhance the ecological functionality of rural landscapes while keeping crop production sustainable and economically viable. In their recent paper Lafortezza and Brown (2004), provided a tool (namely FDNP - Framework for the Design of New Patches)

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for incorporating structural and spatial attributes in the landscape planning and design process, with a specific focus on the design of new patches in the rural landscape. The FDNP considers ecological context in recommending size, shape, location, and composition of new habitat patches that have the potential to support ecological function in rural landscapes (Lafortezza and Brown, 2004). The novelty of this approach lies in its ability to analyze cultural patterns in both structural and functional terms: new patches are planned and designed considering the pattern of the neighbouring fragments of vegetation (expressed in terms of number of patches, average size, shape, and core area) and their spatial arrangement in relation to the behavioural aspects of a guild of species (i.e. functional connectivity). Landscape architects and planners can use this approach when designing new elements in relation to the cultural patterns expressed by rural landscapes. 4. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION In this chapter we have demonstrated how some key cultural factors have changed natural patterns of rural landscapes into pervasive and persistent cultural landscape patterns. These factors include human tendencies for owning, occupying, and controlling land, producing an economic return and improving land, and using the landscape to communicate aesthetic and stewardship values that connect people to their communities. The examples of Italian and Canadian rural landscapes share common cultural factors, yet the results are place-specific. Where Italian landscapes have smaller management units and long associations with hand-made artifacts like stone walls, Canadian landscapes have larger management units and artifacts that are machine-derived (like grass buffer strips). Though the resulting patterns differ, the driving cultural factors are categorically the same. The primeval rural landscapes in Italy and Canada had diverse habitats which accommodated large populations of now-threatened or rare species of plants and animals. The ways in which rural landscapes have been divided, settled, and managed for agricultural production have fragmented ecosystems and increased habitat loss. The remaining natural patterns, associated with small patches and linear features, have dramatically limited inter-patch movements of once-common species. However, understanding the driving factors and their resilience may lead to opportunities for establishing more heterogeneous landscapes made by closely intertwined patterns of both cultural and natural elements. Any intervention intended to have a positive ecological effect should include consideration of land division and settlement, applied science and technology, and stewardship and landscape aesthetic values. Landscape ecology may provide the theory for integrating factors affecting landscape patterns in a unique and holistic framework. We conclude that cultural factors yield long-lasting landscape patterns that must be considered in subsequent planning and design decisions.

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REFERENCES Corry, R.C. and Nassauer, J.I. (2002). Managing for Small Patch Patterns in Human-dominated Landscapes: Cultural Factors and Corn Belt Agriculture. In J. Liu and W. Taylor (Eds.), Integrating Landscape Ecology into Natural Resource Management (pp. 92-113). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Forman, R.T.T. (1995). Land Mosaics –Ecology of Landscapes and Regions. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Forman, R.T.T. and Godron, M. (1981). Patches and structural components for a landscape ecology. BioScience, 31, 733–740. Hart, J. F. (1998). The Rural Landscape. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland. Johnson, H.B. (1976). Order upon the Land: The U.S. Rectangular Land Survey and the Upper Mississippi Country. Oxford University Press, New York. Lafortezza, R. and Sanesi, G. (2003). The spatial pattern of the Mediterranean landscape: towards a new definition. Proceedings of the 18th Annual Symposium of US-IALE, Banff, Canada. Lafortezza, R., Sanesi, G., Pace, B., Corry, R.C and Brown R.D. (2004). Planning for the rehabilitation of brownfield sites: a landscape ecological perspective. In A. Donati A., C. Rossi and C.A. Brebbia (Eds.), Brownfield Sites II. Assessment, Rehabilitation and Development (pp. 21-30). WIT Press, Southampton, UK. Lafortezza, R. and Brown, R.D. (2004). A framework for landscape ecological design of new patches in the rural landscape. Environmental Management, 34(4), 461-473. Leal, D.B. (2004). Exploring the Relationship Between Climate and Culture in Apulia, Italy. Master of Landscape Architecture Thesis. University of Guelph. Leopold, A. (1949). A Sand County Almanac, and Sketches Here and There. Oxford Univ. Press, New York. Makhzoumi, J. and Pungetti, G. (1999). Ecological Landscape Design and Planning: The Mediterranean Context. E and FN Spon, London. Naveh, Z. (1995). Interactions of landscapes and cultures. Landscape and Urban Planning, 32, 43-54. Spaling, H. (1995). Analyzing cumulative environmental effects of agricultural land drainage in southern Ontario, Canada. Agriculture Ecosystems and Environment, 53(3), 279-292. Steiner, F. R. (1990). Soil Conservation in the United States: Policy and Planning. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, Maryland. Tress, B. and Tress, G. (2002). Scenario visualisation for participatory landscape planning - a study from Denmark. Landscape and Urban Planning, 982, 1-18. Turner, M.G. (1989). Landscape ecology: the effect of pattern on process. Ann Rev Ecol Syst, 20, 17–197.

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