Cultural Crossroads and Other Complexities: Examining Creolization at Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta, St. Augustine, Florida

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Repartimiento replaced encomienda as the labor system in the Americas by the mid-1600s. The encomienda system granted Spanish men a number of natives. Within the system, Spanish individuals offered protection and education to natives in exchange for labor. Abusive practices and unethical behavior on behalf of the Spanish eventually led to the decline of encomienda and the implementation of repartimiento (Lockhart 1969; Keith 1971).
Repartimiento, in part, encountered success due to similarities to an existing model of labor within native societies. Milanich (2006:3) cites tribute labor as a recognized duty or tradition among Southeastern natives, which enabled the Spanish to transfer the practice within a modified model.
A doctrina indicates a mission site with a resident friar who taught the Christian doctrine. Generally, one doctrina existed within every chiefdom. This differs from a visita, which denotes mission outstations with churches in which friars visited rather than resided.
The Guale Rebellion of 1597, for example.
The idea of the "Golden Age" stems from Maynard Geiger's 1937 work. His research, compiled through considerable attention to primary documentation, indicated the swell of Christianized mission natives between 1632 and 1674. Charles Spellman (1965) spends much of his discussion discouraging the notion of the idealized "Golden Age." Jerald Milanich (2006) loosely incorporates the mission successes into his discussion of the mission system.
The rebellion happened primarily due to the Spanish, rather than the Franciscan, presence. Though the revolt involved the Spanish, it also pitted Christianized and non-Christianized chiefs against one another.
The French presence also impacted the western area of La Florida; however, their actions affected the entirety of the mission system minimally.
The Spanish called this group the Chichimeco while the British referred to them as the Westo.
This approximately 15 year war, fueled by political disagreement among various European powers regarding succession of the Spanish throne, is also referred to as Queen Anne's War in North America.
Near the end of the 16th century, approximately 20,000-25,000 Timucuans lived in mission provinces. By the mid-17th century, between 1,000 and 2,000 individuals remained.
The Salchiches, an ambiguous group related to the Guale, likely Tulafina, an important Guale town, as the groups' administrative center (Worth 2004a). Though elusive in details, it's probable that there was a relationship between the Salchiches and the town of Tulafina. Worth proposes the possibility that that towns along Guale's northernmost frontier not yet assimilated into Franciscan missions might have been designated as the undefined "Salchiches."
As Milanich notes (2006:171), in 1675 more Yamasee (350 non-Christians) lived in Guale and Mocama compared to 326 Christianized Guale and Timucua Indians.
For example, Crane (2004:144) describes the emergence of a regulative system of trade as a result of trade abuses. In order to avoid Indian allies (e.g. the Yamasee) from terminating alliances with the English in favor of the French or Spanish, the government more closely investigated English traders and implemented new means of trade enforcement.
Some Yamasee retreated to Pensacola following the 1740 English siege on St. Augustine.
Governor Montiano's report, dated June 4 (Hann 1996a:316) corresponds exactly to Friar Juan Callejas' Certification, sworn on May 29th of the same year.
White (2002:41) notes an exception in James Covington's 1970 publication. He mentions La Punta in addition to three other mission communities in 1942; however, he provides no source.
In 1747, Governor Montiano reported that a group of Yamasee fled to Pensacola as a response to the 1740 English siege of St. Augustine. Documentary evidence (Worth 2008, 2012) demonstrates the Yamasee's presence as a small community in 1761. The community departed for Veracruz with the Spanish in 1763.
Linguists debate whether children, adults, or both groups are responsible for creolization of language. Agency is, however, more frequently attributed to children.
Community activism and a push for policies designed to preserve the City's archaeological heritage provided a sound basis for the 1987 Ordinance.
These zones include both private and public property.
The portion of the cultural midden not impacted by recent intrusive activities was between 10 and 15 cm thick. This resulted in a temporally mixed assemblage.
Stripping Area 3 only contained evidence of the Second Spanish Period Powder House and is not included on the maps as it is located elsewhere on the property.
Test Unit 1 and 8 each contained three levels due to the relatively deep midden deposits within these units.
Feature 7 is associated with an irregularly shaped depression; therefore, it is tenuously labeled a posthole.
As stated earlier, time constraints limited further excavations at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street. Determining the extent of architectural features, as well as the structure's shapes, would have been a focus of continued investigations.
Feature 9a may be situated within or outside of the secondary structure. Excavated areas did not provide sufficient evidence to establish the second structure's perimeter.
Artifacts that may associate with La Punta, but may also post-date the mission, will be included in the analysis. Ambiguity will be noted.
No evidence suggests that another native population contemporaneous to the Yamasee occupied the site.
Volunteers from the Florida Anthropological Society chapter, the St. Augustine Archaeological Association, in cooperation with the City of St. Augustine's archaeology program, completed the analysis. Their process for determining ceramic types aligns with those presented in Otto and Lewis' 1975 publication.
The unidentified porcelain sherd count is included as part of the Oriental Tablewares sub-group in Table 17.
Nombre de Dios may outnumber La Punta in material culture quantity; however, this mission community spans an period greater than the 18th century.
Aeolian sand is essentially sediment eroded, transported, and deposited by the wind.
The proximity of Feature 29 and 30 suggests a post replacement to repair the structure.
These features appeared in Stripping Area 1 Unit 17.
Excavations yielded no evidence to suggest that another native population contemporaneous to the Yamasee occupied the site.
Reitz and Cumbaa (1983:152; 160) cite horse, dog, and cat consumption as "delicacies" within St. Augustine. The Florida governor, who made this claim, however, could have intended to elicit increased support from the Spanish Crown.
Saunders' identification of structures and the interpretation that associates the Yamasee with the church and mission site are no longer in favor (Worth, pers. comm. 2015). Although a few intrusive Yamasee burials are present at the site, the church and convento relate to the preceding Mocama mission site, not to the Yamasee. The Mocama abandoned the site in 1665.
If included, utilitarian wares move the mean ceramic date to 1705. This is due to the broad periods of production of use among European tablewares. Adjusting the formula by removing utilitarian ceramics moves the structure's date to 1718.
Though ethnohistorical research suggests that Apalachee also occupied La Punta, the faunal discussion draws parallels to Yamasee dietary practices as the Yamasee comprised the missions community's primary ethnic group.
MNI counts reorder the fish species as follows: hardhead catfish (n=9), gaafftopsail catfish (n=6), black drum (n=5), Atlantic croaker (n=2), sea trout (n=1), red drum (n=1), and sheepshead (n=1).
Perhaps the seemingly rectangular structure relates to a convento. This scenario is plausible, though no historical maps that include the site of La Punta allude to a friary. Few of these maps, however, displayed great details regarding the location and types of structures at the mission. Determining whether La Punta functioned as a doctrina or as a visita would determine whether a convento would be likely to exist. La Punta's proximity to the monastery, which now functions as the Florida National Guard Headquarters, may have minimized the need for a friar's full-time residency at the mission. Additional ehtnohistorical and/or archaeological investigations should determine the nature of the proposed rectangular structure.
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CULTURAL CROSSROADS AND OTHER COMPLEXITIES: EXAMINING CREOLIZATION AT NUESTRA SEÑORA DEL ROSARIO DE LA PUNTA,
ST. AUGUSTINE, FLORIDA














by

Sarah Michelle Bennett

B.A., Flagler College, 2010














A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology
College of Arts and Sciences
The University of West Florida
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
2015
© 2015 Sarah Michelle Bennett
The thesis of Sarah Michelle Bennett is approved:


____________________________________________ ________________________
Ramie Gougeon, Ph.D., Committee Member Date


____________________________________________ ________________________
Carl Halbirt, M.A., Committee Member Date


____________________________________________ ________________________
Jay Clune, Ph.D., Committee Member Date


____________________________________________ ________________________
John Worth, Ph.D., Committee Chair Date








Accepted for the Department/Division:


____________________________________________ ________________________
John Bratten, Ph.D., Chair Date



Accepted for the University:


____________________________________________ ________________________
Richard S. Podemski, Ph.D., Dean, Graduate School Date
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In the midst of my course completion, financial struggles, thesis writing, and innumerable, though universal, graduate school obstacles, one person remained by my side. I owe tremendous gratitude to my mom, Lianne, who offered encouragement and support, who endured my long-winded, contemplative musings, who performed years of (free!) proofreading, who enabled me to reach this stage through her kind actions. I offer equal thanks to my brother, John, who helped me appreciate life beyond archaeology.
Additionally, I send the greatest thanks to Sarah Miller and Amber Grafft-Weiss, the heart of the Florida Public Archaeology Network Northeast Regional Center's staff. From you, I learned abundantly about archaeology, teaching, learning, listening, and laughing. I found my earliest archaeological inspiration with you. I offer additional gratitude to Robbie Boggs, Emily Jane Murray, and Ryan Harke, all of who offered assistance upon request. I commend Carl Halbirt, St. Augustine's City Archaeologist, for serving as my mentor. He offered guidance throughout my undergraduate career and during my time at UWF. Without Carl, I would lack so much—experience, education, insight, ability.
I also extend thanks to Eric Poplin, Dot Moore, Roger Grange, Nick McAuliffe, Chris Newman, Janet Jordan, and the many people who comprise the kind, thriving, supportive archaeological community in St. Augustine and throughout Florida. Special recognition goes to Dr. Michael Butler and Dr. Vincent Puma, whose teachings both enlightened and inspired me, as well as My Captain, Dr. Carl "Merlin" Horner, whose essence encouraged me to read, to interpret, to analyze, and, more than anything else, to create myself. Finally, I thank public, university, and private libraries for providing working environments and the literature I needed. To La Quinta Hinesville Room 303—interminable gratitude for serving as my productivity hub!
TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ……………………………………………….……………………... iv

LIST OF TABLES …………..………………………………………………………………..... vii

LIST OF FIGURES …………………………………………………………………………….. ix

ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………….. xi

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………. 1
Creolization at La Punta……………...……...…………………………… 2
Assessing Creolization at La Punta………..…………...………………… 3

CHAPTER II. HISTORIC CONTEXT……...…………….…………….…………………... 5
Missions in the Spanish Empire……...……...…………………………… 5
The Spanish Mission System of La Florida.…………...………………… 6
The Yamasee Confederation….……...……...………………………..… 18
The Yamasee and La Florida (ca. 1662-1683)….……...…………..…… 23
The Yamasee in Carolina (1684-1715)……...……………………..…… 27
The Yamasee War (1715-1717)….………..…………...…………..…… 29
The Yamasee Return to La Florida……...……..……………………..… 30
Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta………..…………...………...… 33

CHAPTER III. CREOLIZATION...…………………...…………….……………………… 42
A. Introduction………..………….……...………………………………... 42
B. Acculturation and Assimilation……….……………………...…..……. 43
C. Hybridity………………….......….........….……...…….…………….… 44
D. Creolization……………………..…….……...………………………… 46

CHAPTER IV. PROJECT AREA…...…………………...….……...……………….……… 50
A. City of St. Augustine Archaeological Preservation Ordinance……....… 50
B. Urban Archaeology…………………………………………………...... 54
C. The Archaeology of 18th Century Spanish Missions in La Florida…..... 55
D. Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta: Topography and Environs…... 57

CHAPTER V. METHODS……..………..….……..……….…...………………………….. 61
A. 133 Marine Street………………….…………………….……..………. 61
B. 161 Marine Street………………….…..……………….………………. 62
C. Laboratory Methods………………...…………………….……………. 65

CHAPTER VI. RESULTS………………………...………...……………………………… 67
Mission Era Features at 133 Marine Street……...……………………... 67
B. Categorizing the Assemblages for Analysis…...……………….………. 76
C. Material Culture at 133 Marine Street…………….……..…….…….…. 77
D. Mission Era Features at 161 Marine Street…….…..….….………...….. 98
E. Material Culture at 161 Marine Street……..………….……….……... 108

CHAPTER VII. INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION………..…………………….. 126
A. Assessing Creolization at La Punta………..…….…………………… 126
B. Ceramics…………………………..…………….……………………. 126
C. Architecture………..…………………………….…………………… 130
D. Foodways……....………………………….…………………….…… 137
E. Discussion…………………...…………….…….……………………. 146
F. Future Directions…………………...……...…….………………........ 152

REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………...… 154

APPENDIXES………………………………………………………………………………… 165
City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program Artifact Codes………… 166
B. La Punta Artifact Database, 133 Marine Street………………….….... 178
C. La Punta Artifact Database, 161 Marine Street……………..….…….. 246
















LIST OF TABLES
1. Yamasee Settlement Populations, 1675…………………………………………………….. 25
2. Eighteenth Century Mission Populations…………………………………………………… 33
3. Population Estimates at La Punta…………………………………………….……………... 38
4. Soil Characteristics of Postholes and Postmolds Associated with the Structure…………… 72
5. Posthole Characteristics…………………………………………………………………….. 72
6. Artifact Groups and Total Counts, 133 Marine Street……………………………………… 78
7. Artifact Groups and Adjusted Total Counts, 133 Marine Street…………………………… 78

8. Activities Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street……………………………………………… 79
9. Architecture Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street…………………………………………... 80
Architectural Materials Weight Comparisons, 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street.... 80
Adjusted Architecture Groups and Counts, 133 Marine Street…………………………….. 81
Arms Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street………………………………………………….. 82
Clothing Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street………………………………………………. 83
Furniture Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street……………………………………………… 84
Kitchen Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street………………………...……………………... 85
Aboriginal Ceramics by Sub-Group, 133 Marine Street…………………………………… 86
Aboriginal Ceramic Counts and Types, 133 Marine Street…………………...…………… 86
European Tableware Types and Counts, 133 Marine Street………....………...…………... 90
European Utilitarian Ware Types and Counts, 133 Marine Street…………………………. 91
Glass Color, Count, and Form, 133 Marine Street…………………………………………. 92
Flora and Fauna Group Artifacts, 133 Marine Street………………………………………. 95
Artifact Groups and Total Counts, 161 Marine Street……………………….……………. 109
Activities Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street…………………………...………………. 110
Architecture Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street………………………………………… 111
Arms Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street………………………...……………………… 112
Clothing Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street…………………………………………….. 112
Kitchen Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street…………………………...………………… 113
Aboriginal Ceramics by Sub-Group, 161 Marine Street…………………………………. 115
Aboriginal Ceramic Counts and Types, 161 Marine Street………………...………….… 115
European Tableware Types and Counts, 161 Marine Street………………...…………… 119
European Utilitarian Ware Types and Counts, 161 Marine Street…….…...…………….. 120
Personal Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street………………………….…..……………... 122
Faunal Group Artifacts, 161 Marine Street…………………………….…..…………….. 123
Prevalence of European Ceramic Sub-Groups, La Punta Sites…………………………... 129
Prevalence of Native and European Ceramic Sub-Groups, La Punta Sites……...……….. 130

36. Intact and Possibly Disturbed Feature Deposits with Faunal Remains, 133 Marine
Street…………..……………………………………...…………………………………... 139

Counts and Weights by Species, 133 Marine Street……………...………………………. 140

Species Counts Recovered from La Punta Sites…………………………...……………... 141
Faunal Categories MNI Percentages, La Punta and Old Field I………………………….. 145

LIST OF FIGURES
1. Yamasee migration toward Carolina between 1684 and 1705…...………………………. 16

2. La Florida in relation to the probable predecessors of the Yamasee Confederacy………. 19

3. The fragmentation of La Tama and ensuing movement of the emerging Yamasee
population between 1665 and 1684…………………..…….……….…………………… 24

4. The location of Stuart's Town, Charles Town, and St. Augustine in 1684…….…...…..... 26

5. Map by Colonel John Palmer, 1730. La Punta is located within the square………...…… 35

6. Antonio de Arredondo Map, 1737………………………………...……………………… 36

7. Pablo Castelló map, 1763…………………………………...……………………………. 40

8. Three zones and seventeen subzones designated through the City's Archaeological
Ordinance…...……………………………………………………………………………. 51

9. Flowchart for evaluating subsurface disturbances, their degree of impact, and the need for
archaeological investigation………………...……………………………………………. 52

10. The six remaining 18th century mission sites beyond the colonial-walled city of St.
Augustine…………………………………………………………………………………. 53

11. Juan Joseph Eligio de la Puente's 1769 map of colonial St. Augustine with Number 24
marking the La Punta Mission …………………………………………..………………. 58

12. View of La Punta and environs………………………….……………………………….. 59

13. Completed City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program analysis sheet……….………… 66

14. 133 Marine Street site map with only the features related to La Punta included….……... 68

15. Feature types associated with La Punta at 133 Marine Street…………….……………… 70

16. Proposed mission era structures at 133 Marine Street…………….…………………….... 71

17. Feature types at 161 Marine Street……...………………………………………………. 100
18. 161 Marine Street site map………..…………………………………………………….. 101

19. North profile of walk-in well feature……………………….…………………………… 103

20. Proposed location and size of structures related to La Punta…………………………... 104

21. Proposed size and placement of the three structures at 161 Marine Street…………….. 135
22. Consolidated faunal counts and percentage of assemblage by group, La Punta.............. 143
23. Comparison of ceramic sub-groups at La Punta, de Hita, de la Cruz, and Ponce de
León sites…...………………………...………………………………………………... 148


ABSTRACT
CULTURAL CROSSROADS AND OTHER COMPLEXITIES: EXAMINING CREOLIZATION AT NUESTRA SEÑORA DEL ROSARIO DE LA PUNTA,
ST. AUGUSTINE, FLORIDA

Sarah Michelle Bennett
Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta (La Punta) represents one of six settlements occupied by native populations (most of whom were Christianized) surrounding St. Augustine during the second quarter of the 18th century. La Punta developed as an 18th century refugee mission community settled primarily by the Yamasee. The mission community provides an ideal point of reference for creolization studies due to the fluid, transient nature of the population. Rather than providing a narrative limited to cultural mixture, as with assimilation, acculturation, and hybridity models, a creolization framework enables the examination of a complex cultural phenomenon in which cultural interfaces may result in the restructuring of a population. Two archaeological sites that pertain to the mission—133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street—are considered in order to assess creolization at La Punta. In order to determine the extent of creolization within La Punta, three lines of archaeological evidence are discussed: ceramics, architecture, and foodways. The results, though preliminary, suggest manifestations of creolization, as determined by material culture, within the 18th century mission community of Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta.
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta (La Punta) represents one of six settlements immediately surrounding St. Augustine during the second quarter of the 18th century and occupied by indigenous Americans, most of whom were Christianized. Missions functioned as a fixture in St. Augustine's multiethnic population since the 16th century with the establishment of Nombre de Dios (Gordon 2002; Waters 2005; Deagan 2011). By the early 17th century, native populations that allied with the Spanish Crown contracted around St. Augustine and formed a network of fluid communities which moved within areas peripheral to the colonial city in order to provide protection as conditions warranted (Parker 1993). La Punta—along with other comparable mission communities (e.g. Nombre de Dios, Tolomato, and Pocotalaca)—comprised a portion of the city's comprehensive defensive system (Sastre 2002; Halbirt 2004), and served as an essential labor force necessary for the city's survival during the tumultuous 18th century.
La Punta developed as an 18th century refugee mission community located immediately south of the colonial city of St. Augustine, as defined by the Line of Circumvallation. The Rosario Line, a Spanish-constructed defensive earthen berm, separated the colonial town from its peripheral mission communities. Maria Sanchez Lake bounded La Punta to the west and Matanzas Bay constricted the site to the east. Those who settled in the mission area—primarily Yamasee Indians—possessed a heritage intertwined with the Spanish missions in the Guale and Mocama provinces (Green 1992; Worth 1995b; Milanich 2006) as well as the British in the Carolinas (Green 1992; Green and DePratter 2000; Oatis 2004). Historical documents suggest that the Yamassee comprised the primary population at La Punta (Boyer 2005; Halbirt 1996; White 2002), though government census records and Franciscan administrative documents occasionally list Apalachee residents.
Indian raids, led by the Chichimeco during the 1660s, impacted the Yamasee populations residing in Spanish mission provinces. Disheartened by continued English and native raids, the Chichimecos' slaving successes, and the Spanish military's inability to sufficiently protect the mission communities, the Yamasee relocated toward the north, where they formed an alliance with the Scots at Stuart's Town in 1685 (Worth 1995b:42-47) and later with the English in Carolina (Milanich 2006). Once allied, the Yamasee acted as slavers for the English, often raiding the Spanish missions of La Florida. Following the Yamasee War (1715-1717), the Yamasee fled the Carolinas and returned to Florida in order to seek an alliance with the Spanish. Continued epidemics and raids, as well as the arrival of natives from areas further into the southeastern United States' interior, enabled the Spanish to situate the native refugees as a defensive barrier around St. Augustine. The Yamasee who fled the Carolinas comprised the majority of La Punta's mission community. A viceregal order issued in mid-June of 1754 consolidated four of the six extant Native American mission communities on the outskirts of the city—Tolomato, Pocotalaca, Palica, and La Punta—into the two remaining mission communities (Gonzales 1754). By 1759, only two mission communities remained (TePaske 1964:224): Tolomato and Nombre de Dios.
Creolization and La Punta
La Punta provides an ideal point of reference for studies of creolization, the process of forging unique cultural identities which are "not simply the replacement of the indigenous culture by the colonizing culture, or some piecemeal blend of the two, but which instead manifested new cultural formations" (Worth 2012:1). Cultural identity and practices at La Punta suggest a people defined by their fluid nature and deteriorating population (White 2002). In addition to demographic fluidity and the mission's placement within an urban environment, transience peppered the community's existence as the natives relocated in response to encroachment and associated threats from the English and their native allies. As an 18th century mission community, La Punta reflects a unique historical and cultural complexity when compared to 16th and 17th century mission sites.
Rather than providing a narrative limited to cultural mixture, as with assimilation, acculturation, and hybridity models, creolization studies examine a complex cultural phenomenon in which two or more cultural traits interact, react, converge, and diverge in unique, creative, fluid manners. Examining the material culture and features associated with the Yamasee occupation at La Punta encourages the development and the implementation of a creolization framework. As a native population, the Yamasee encountered novel experiences, behaviors, and cultural practices upon encountering and/or interacting with natives of differing ethnic or cultural backgrounds, as well as experiences shared with the Spanish living within the city confines of St. Augustine and the Scottish and English settlers of South Carolina. Archaeological investigations enable researchers to determine how these interactions transferred, translated, intermixed, altered, or influenced Yamasee culture.
Assessing Creolization at La Punta
In contrast to the evolution of 17th century mission site excavations, interpretations, and studies, archaeological investigations pertaining to 18th century mission communities in La Florida have received minimal scholarly attention. Among the few mission sites that emerged during the 18th century and have been located archaeologically, only two, Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta (Halbirt 1996, 2005; White 2002) and San Joseph de Escambe (Worth et al. 2012), underwent intensive archaeological investigations. La Punta's population can serve as a study of a cultural spectrum that ranges from constant to changed, with considerable variation. Features and material culture recovered from two sites relating to the 18th century La Punta mission—133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street—provide a lens by which to examine the creative, unpredictable, fluid process of creolization. Though creolization manifests within numerous aspects of society and culture, the present study considers three lines of evidence: ceramics, architecture, and foodways. Discussions concerning each material culture category involve comparisons to Yamasee sites in South Carolina and criollo and mestizo households in 18th century St. Augustine, as well as intra-site comparisons.












CHAPTER II
HISTORIC CONTEXT
Missions in the Spanish Empire
Competition for trade routes, resources, and places to colonize between Spain and Portugal partially prompted Iberian exploration and invasion of the Americas. Portugal accessed the rich resources of Africa, particularly gold and slaves, before the Spanish. Columbus' first voyage served as Spain's attempt to rival Portugal's expanding resources. The Christian reconquest of Iberia significantly shaped the mentality and directed the methodologies utilized by the Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas (Chasteen 2006:31-34). Experiences elsewhere enabled Iberians to repeat procedures and create institutions that effectively diffused the challenges encountered. Urban centers, central to advancing territorial claims, became necessities. Utilizing a native person of prominence (e.g. warlord, cacique) as the entity responsible for Christianizing the native population and receiving tribute from the natives remained an integral tactic. Iberians sought and measured success according to societal ideals, which included "riches, the privilege of being served by others, and a claim to religious righteousness" (Chasteen 2006:25). As with Spanish Florida, religion proved central to the processes of exploration, invasion, and settlement. Though a crucial structural component of the Spanish Empire in the Americas, religion offered formal rationalization for the Iberians' "mundane mix of motivations" in which "the lure of worldly successes was constantly evident in their actions" and colonization efforts (Chasteen 2006:36).
Mission endeavors accompanied Spanish exploits in the Americas. Spain's presence, as well as missionary work, in the Caribbean, Mexico, Central America, and Peru precedes mission development in La Florida. Organized religion reached the New World with Columbus' second voyage. To various degrees, and at differing times, members of major religious orders (e.g. Franciscans, Dominicans, Jesuits, Augustinians, Mercedarians) spread throughout the Americas. Christianization in the Caribbean, Mexico, Central America, and Peru generally involved itinerant preaching, mass baptisms, and a focus on eradicating native religious practices, as well as establishing churches and schools. Franciscan efforts concentrated especially in Mexico, Ecuador, Bolivia, New Mexico, and La Florida. In contrast, Dominican missionization occurred in Peru, Colombia, and the Caribbean, while the Jesuits were strongest in Paraguay and Brazil, as well as in Asia beginning in the 16th century (Taylor 1992).
The Spanish Mission System of La Florida
The Jesuits
Success with converting native groups to Christianity commenced with the second post-1565 religious order to enter La Florida. Initially, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, adelentado of La Florida, petitioned King Philip II for missionaries to initiate an effort to convert the natives. Philip II looked to the Society of Jesus, an order still in its infancy, and, in 1565, requested Jesuits begin working in Spain's new domain (O'Brien 1942). Within the following year, three Jesuits—Father Pedro Martínez, Father Juan Rogel, and Brother Francisco Villareal—arrived in the fledgling colony. Obstacles beset the missionaries, beginning with a small group of Timucuans, who, upon encountering the Jesuit and a handful of sailors stranded ashore, clubbed Father Martínez to death. Over time, Father Rogel settled with the Calusa as Father Villareal stayed with the Tequesta. Both men briefly traveled to Havana in mid-1568 and later returned to La Florida in order to join the second wave of Jesuits—eleven in total—who ventured to the colony (Milanich 2006).
A variety of issues arose during the Jesuits' tenure. Milanich (2006) describes problems including the missionaries' aversion to military cruelty directed toward native populations, their difficulty with Menéndez' politics and degree of power, as well as their troubles concerning native hostilities, especially among the Tequesta and Calusa. Furthermore, the Jesuits possessed insufficient supplies and personnel to support a large missionary effort throughout the expansive geographic area of La Florida. Disease and infection among the Jesuits, paired with resistance and natives killing Jesuits in the Chesapeake Bay region (Hann 1996b), significantly reduced their abilities and impact upon the native population. As a result, the Jesuits withdrew from La Florida in 1572.
The Franciscans
Menéndez sought a new religious ministry for the Southeastern natives and requested that the Crown call upon the Order of the Friars Minor of the Regular Observance of St. Francis of Assisi, also known as Franciscans (Bushnell 1994:49). The religious community, which emerged in 1209, directed their efforts to preaching in medieval Europe's developing cities, to establishing missions among non-Christians, and to performing charitable work (Gannon 1965; Hann 1996b; Milanich 2006). In 1573, the Spanish Crown ordered 18 Franciscans to La Florida. The first group, composed of three individuals, focused their efforts upon the Timucua living near St. Augustine. Timucuan chiefs residing near the presidio, meaning defensive colony, first offered their loyalty to the Spanish (Bushnell 1996). As much of the Timucuan population around St. Augustine, as well as north and west along the St. Johns River, succumbed to disease toward the turn of the 17th century, the friars shifted attention to the Guale region, situated in present day coastal Georgia. For a time, the Franciscans experienced successes among the coastal Guale following the baptism and conversion of the chief and his wife (Lyon 1992).
Throughout the 1580s and into the 1590s, additional friars came to La Florida in small groups, though their abilities to Christianize the natives remained fragile. Father Juan de Silva led a new group of 12 friars into St. Augustine in 1595. His presence, paired with the burgeoning pool of missionaries, shifted the missionary campaign in the colony. Between 1595 and 1695, more than 270 Franciscan friars ventured to La Florida. An increase in available missionaries occurred simultaneously with an increase in native conversions, which, in turn, provided a much needed labor force and an ability to develop a defensive barrier for the presidio of St. Augustine.
Developing the Mission System
Within its original design, the mission system functioned as a cooperative product between the Spanish Crown, the Franciscan friars, and governmental figures in St. Augustine. The Spanish Crown, initially in response to Menéndez behest, solicited and financed missionaries, who, upon arrival, became responsible for the political and economic assimilation of chiefdoms into the developed fabric of St. Augustine. Expectations for both the converted natives and the Catholic missionaries retained continuity throughout the existence of the Spanish mission system in La Florida. Native populations offered the ideal source of labor and defensive reinforcement. The Franciscans developed a legal and moral responsibility for the conversion of natives in order to meet the needs of St. Augustine (Milanich 2006:104).
St. Augustine's status as a presidio predicated funding and maintenance as a result of its strategic purpose (Lyon 1974; Worth 2013) rather than its riches and resources, inadequate as they were. Therefore, settlers in St. Augustine confronted difficulties, including geographic isolation from the Spanish Empire, perennially inconsistent, irregular supply lines, poor agricultural conditions, an environment considered unattractive to most settlers, and truncated development of economic resources. In order to combat these recurring hindrances, the Spanish mission system matured (Worth 1998a) into a three phase process. First, the friars converted native populations. Following native acceptance of Christianity, the population was considered to be a subject of the Spanish Crown and received benefits, often in the form of material goods, from the Spanish. Finally, by the mid-17th century, the natives, as loyal subjects of the Crown, were expected to participate in repartimiento, a labor draft which the Spanish imposed upon native populations.
Within the system, each mission population contributed a predetermined, though variable depending on the year and settlement, quantity of young men who traveled to St. Augustine in order to complete various tasks, often related to agriculture or public architecture. In addition to expanding the pool of available labor, repartimiento required that each man carry his own rations (arrobas of corn) to St. Augustine. According to native complaints (Hann 1988; Pearson 1990; Milanich 2006), abuse (Spellman 1965; Worth 1998a:196-197) and misuse of the labor draft occurred frequently in the form of overwork, retention beyond contracted work periods, and the native's inability to sustain their populations as the men worked in St. Augustine for prolonged periods of time. The complaints issued by various native populations, resulted in occasional setbacks for the Spanish (see Rebellions and Raids below); however, the labor draft persisted throughout the existence of the Spanish mission system, linking the mission communities and St. Augustine economically.
Implementing the Mission System
The secular and the sacred realms of La Florida, though distinct, remained indisputably intertwined throughout the late 16th century and through the early 18th century. Corn production (Tasi 2013) and the repartimiento system benefitted St. Augustine economically, yet the success of these processes relied upon the Franciscan's abilities to convert natives. Christianized natives equated to a supplemental population expected to demonstrate loyalty to the Spanish Crown, primarily through economic endeavors. Missions that thrived were generally comprised of agriculturalists in close proximity to St. Augustine. Although mission endeavors concentrated predominantly along the Eastern seaboard, western mission settlements in La Florida proved integral to providing corn and labor (Milanich 2006:30-33).
In order to convert natives, the Franciscans, with the support of the Spanish government, employed standard strategies. Superficially, it appeared that the friars simply disseminated the Christian faith through the lived experience, catechesis, and sacramental administration; however, the missionaries' presence also minimized the presence and influence of the military. The friars considered missions their domain; yet proximity to St. Augustine offered assurance for rapid military response if necessary. Furthermore, the friars served as advocates for the Republic of Indians, facilitating cultural learning, implementing sociocultural change, and promoting tolerance, often in regards to traditional native practices. Beyond their role as cultural brokers, the Franciscans, with the Spanish government's oversight and encouragement, developed a mission system structure dependent upon a dynamic social system emphasizing reciprocity, interconnectedness, and integration (Milanich 2006).
According to Spanish practice, natives who converted to Christianity became allies to and subjects of the Spanish Crown. For the Spanish, native allegiance denoted obedience, which served as the catalyst for repartimiento. Acting as loyal Spanish subjects, native populations received benefits, specifically in the form of material goods afforded to the chief, who distributed the goods as he deemed appropriate. This process increased the chief's status and positively influenced the chief's opinion regarding the Spanish. Ultimately, the plan was designed to control the people by controlling the chief. Although the Spanish retained the ability to influence the chief, the Franciscans allowed the chiefs to oversee secular government. Perhaps more than the aforementioned reasons, the Franciscans approach yielded positive results because it entailed recognizing, acknowledging, and working within the existing sociopolitical structures, starting with the provincial chiefs. The friars did not threaten chiefly power and placed minimal pressure on the population to provide food for consumption or women for use—exploitative or otherwise.
Expanding the Mission System
Missionization occurred to varying degrees at different times in separate regions of La Florida. The presence of Franciscans frequently depended upon the number of friars available, the native reception to the missionaries, proximity to St. Augustine, as well as the Spanish and potentially Christianized native population's relations and interactions with native groups beyond the borderlands. The 1597 Guale Rebellion, paired with the ensuing six years of struggle, closed all missions in the province and nearly resulted in the annihilation of all friars present in Guale (Francis and Kole 2011). The beginning of the 17th century marked a moderate shift in Guale reception as some chiefs again allied themselves to Spain, rendering obedience and participating in retributive efforts against those who instigated the rebellion. By mid-century, the Franciscans administered seven operating missions in the Guale region. In addition to the Guale, the friars focused attention on the Timucuans and the Apalachee, a people with considerable population concentration and a people with whom the Franciscans encountered great success (Spellman 1965:355; Milanich 2006). Religious efforts in these regions occurred at separate times. Timucuan conversion and westward expansion commenced in 1597; however, alliances and warfare among the Apalachee to the west truncated missionary efforts at that time. By 1617, the Franciscans had moved deep into Timucuan territory.
Fluctuating quantities of friars and missionary endeavors that resulted in varying degrees of success began to stabilize by the 1630s. Though increasingly stable, the mission system could not, for multiple reasons, retain the population nor provide sufficient missionaries (Spellman 1965; Hann 1996a; Worth 1998a:50-56). Between 1605 and 1620, 70 friars arrived in St. Augustine and by 1630, 33 missions, served by approximately 27 friars, existed throughout La Florida. These sites were primarily concentrated in southeast coastal Georgia, the northern Florida coast, as well as interior Timucua chiefdoms east of the Aucilla River. After 1633, the friars founded nine missions in Apalachee territory while also encountering significant increases in the number of Christianized natives in La Florida. Díez de la Calle's 1655 report (Worth 1998a:75), which surveyed the mission provinces, noted 38 doctrinas and determined that, by 1655, the friars converted approximately 26,000 natives (Spellman 1965:355). The high rate of conversion in a progressively larger geographic area continued through 1674. A period (1630-1674) of apparent growth, however, also harbored relational issues and other strains among the natives, the Franciscans, and the Spanish in St. Augustine.
Rebellions and Raids
Rebellions and lesser conflicts transpired before the so-called "Golden Age" of the mission system, yet the Apalachee rebellions of 1638 and 1647 (Hann and McEwan 1998) offered early indications of problems that plagued native-Franciscan-Spanish relations until the mission system collapsed in the early 18th century. Originally, the Franciscans entered Apalachee territory only when requested, without military support, and without any form of obligatory tribute. As Spanish soldiers began to arrive in 1638, conditions altered. Two primary factors—repartimiento commencement and Spanish encroachment on native land—caused a violent reaction among the Apalachee. In response to the continued Spanish presence and implementations of repartimiento policies, the Apalachee revolted again in 1647, killing three friars and destroying seven of the eight mission compounds. Spanish soldiers, with the cooperation of Timucuan soldiers and Apalachee Christians, quelled the uprising; however, the revolt caused continued unrest in the province and complicated further expansion of the mission system in Apalachee.
In contrast to the aforementioned uprisings, the 1656 Timucuan Rebellion (Hann 1986; Worth 1992; Bushnell 1996:71-72; Worth 1998b) stemmed from secular grievances. The Timucuans directed no aggression toward the friars and, likewise, the Franciscans appeared content with the power structure at the time. A culmination of factors, including epidemics impacting the population, the oppressive nature of repartimiento, and the deteriorating political status of caciques generated an environment of tense, simmering conflict. Governor Don Diego de Rebolledo's utilization of goods intended for Timucuan leaders as illicit trade items with other native populations, however, served as the decisive offense among the Timucua. Though the Spanish suppressed the rebellion, the process caused movement and consolidation of the Christian natives to ensure the continued functionality of the camino real. Residual stressors also appeared as divisions between the friars and the Governor mounted and as disease and fugitism plagued the missions.
Unstable, discontented native populations in La Florida proved capable of weakening St. Augustine. Two additional stresses—the English and the slave-raiding Indians (Arnade 1996; Worth 2009a) encroaching onto missionized Spanish land and into St. Augustine—threatened Spanish security in the New World. During the night in 1668, Robert Searles, an English pirate, initiated an unexpected raid on St. Augustine, which resulted in extensive damage to the city, the death of 60 Spaniards, and looting in public buildings, the church, the governor's residence, and the monastery. Searles' raid caused the Spanish Crown to order Governor Manuel de Zendoya to construct a new defensive structure—the Castillo de San Marcos—which required an extensive labor force. In great numbers, the missionized natives, conscripted into labor, traveled to St. Augustine in order to quarry and transport the coquina used for the Castillo's construction.
English-influenced slaving Indians, enlisted by the English in Jamestown throughout the 1650s, began to raid Southeastern native populations, including the Spanish missions, during the 1660s. Westo raiders, who introduced the use of weapons in the Southeast, focused their first efforts in mission province of Guale in 1661. These raids produced instability and frequent movement among mission sites and natives. The Yamasee (see below), when allied with the Spanish, helped to strengthen the rapidly decreasing population within the missions. James Moore, Governor of Carolina, served as the final factor in the destruction of Spanish missions (Spellman 1965; Arnade 1996; Milanich 2006). Moore's forthcoming raids, an offshoot of the War of Spanish Succession, substantially impacted St. Augustine and further weakened the few existing mission communities. In the winter of 1702, following a series of devastating attacks along the coastal missions north of St. Augustine, Moore entered the city. St. Augustine residents and military sought refuge in the stone fort, where they remained until Spanish reinforcements arrived from Cuba in late December. Before departing, Moore burned the entire city. Two years later, Moore returned to La Florida with over 1,500 native allies. The raid in Apalachee caused further damage and dissuaded plans to rebuild the missions.
The Collapsing Mission System
Population loss, the British presence and their ensuing raids, in addition to endemic Indian slaving, which began around 1659 and continued through 1706, led to economic and ecclesiastical instability and, ultimately, abandonment of the mission system. As slave raiding and pirating activities commenced, the perseverance of many coastal mission communities north of St. Augustine relied upon the influx of natives who fled the Georgia and South Carolina interior in order to escape the Westo raids. Called the Yamasee (Green 1992; Worth 1995a), the group likely emerged as an amalgamated confederation of different ethnic groups from the Georgia and South Carolina area, propelled toward one another in response to depopulation and the Westo slaving raids (Figure 1). The new ethnic group, to be discussed in more detail below, resided principally in the Mocama region of the mission system. Although most Yamasee did not convert to Christianity, their refuge in Spanish territory provided protection and, in exchange, the Yamasee participated in the labor draft. The symbiotic relationship offered protection to a large native group capable of replenishing the dwindling mission populations. Initially, the Yamasee-Spanish alliance benefitted both groups; however, the Yamasee began to question the Spaniard's

FIGURE 1. Yamasee migration toward Carolina between 1684 and 1705. Source: Adapted from Green (1992:19) and White (2002:29).

ability to be the superior allies. The Yamasee departed from La Florida and settled near Scottish Stuart's Town in 1684. Then loyal to the British, the Yamasee commenced slave raiding in Spanish territory, which further deteriorated the condition of the Spanish mission system.
Strife among the missions, paired with external threats and conflict, proved to be significant factors in the gradual demise of the mission system. An assortment of other elements, often recurring or reemerging, also influenced the progress, direction, and undoing of missions in La Florida. The 1674 visitation of Gabriel Díaz Vara Calderón's, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, encapsulates the deprivation of colonial life as well as the religious richness of the missions. As Spellman (1965:366-371) notes, however, the natives' appreciation and continued practice of Christianity became as fragile as the Franciscans' dedication to their work as missionaries. Mission implementation and expansion encapsulated extreme poverty and hardship for natives and friars alike. Cultural voids, such as those between native and Spanish soldier or native tribute and repartimiento, were rarely overcome. Instead, hostility tended to escalate to conflict. Disputes and violence erupted, entangling natives, missionaries, and Spanish officials. Furthermore, epidemics, secondary infections, malnourishment, declining birthrate, and deaths incurred from the oftentimes harsh labor system reduced the native population and weakened the mission system (Milanich 2006). The convergence of rebellions, raids, depopulation, and discontent among the Spanish missions led to the abandonment of interior northern Florida, from the St. Johns River to Pensacola, by the end of 1706. Around 1705, five mission communities—Nombre de Díos, San Francisco de Potano and Salamatoto, Santa María, and Tolomato—remained, clustered near St. Augustine. Following the collapse of the mission system, refugee villages waxed and waned in response to epidemics, raids, and arrival of borderland natives who sought sanctuary with the Spanish.
The Yamasee Confederation
Archaeological and ethnohistorical investigations and analyses within the past two and a half decades (Green 1992; Worth 1993, 1994, 1995a, 1999; Green and DePratter 2000; Green et al. 2002; White 2002; Boyer 2005; Halbirt 2005) provided new evidence and expanded knowledge concerning this ethnic group. Those who have studied the population describe the Yamasee in a manner that indicates ethnic and cultural reconfiguration and cohesion following a period of fragmentation. Green (1992:ii) considers the Yamasee "a multi-ethnic confederation of Native Americans that came to live in the lower Coastal Plain of South Carolina from 1684—1715" as White (2002:23) portrays the group as a "conglomeration of multiple native groups disbanded" as a result of the presence of and interaction with Europeans. Worth (1995b:20; 2004:245) states that, originally, "the Yamasee seem to represent an aggregation of Indian towns of diverse origins, forced together by necessity," who later sought refuge "from early Indian slave raiding" near Carolina and Georgia and ultimately entered the Spanish mission system after 1715. Cultural cohesiveness and elasticity helped to stabilize the various groups who comprised the Yamasee Confederation. The emerging alliance proffered a means of developing continuity amidst "upheaval" (White 2002:23), crisis, and change.
Hernando de Soto's 1540 entrada into the Southeastern interior affords the first account of the population that would become ancestral to the Yamasee. Though debated, Tama and Ocute, which formed the Oconee province, "were probably located on the Oconee River within or near the Piedmont physiographical province of northern Georgia" during the 1540 entrada (Worth 1995b:108). These towns represent the constituent populations whose remnants would later form the Yamasee's rudiments (Figure 2). Nearing the end of the 16th century, the population of Tama and Ocute substantially increased. Worth (1993:41) suggests the Piedmont portions of the Oconee River possibly served as a "zone of aggregation" from surrounding areas experiencing depopulation following Spanish military expeditions. Additionally, European-native politics propelled the coastal Guale and Salchiches of the Coastal Plain toward La Tama and prompted the evolving Yamasee alliance.
Spanish missionaries' endeavors to return to La Tama following the establishment of Santa Elena and St. Augustine generally proved unsuccessful or unrecognized. Distance between the regions impeded travel, attempts to missionize the population, and development of a

FIGURE 2. La Florida in relation to the probable predecessors of the Yamasee Confederacy.
Source: Adapted from Green (1992:7) and White (2002:25).

defensive area in the interior intended for economic prospects and exploration. Ethnohistorical accounts enabled Green (1992) to tentatively determine La Tama's location and landscape as well as to preliminarily construct lifeways, primarily subsistence. Furthermore, the accounts suggest that, at the turn of the 17th century, leadership and power shifted to La Tama, though Ocute remained politically linked (Worth 1993:41, 44). By the 18th century, the Yamasee represent a coalesced group living in South Carolina. Altamaha clearly served as the dominant power among the Yamasee in South Carolina, which was also recognized by the Carolina government (Green 1992:13-14). Allying with English Carolinians, however, occurred after approximately three decades of entanglements with the Chichimeco-Westo, the aforementioned native slavers, as well as the Spanish and, later, the English.
Chichimeco slave raiders, armed with flintlock muskets and operating under the direction of the English in Virginia, probably appeared in late 1659 with their first raid directed against populations in Florida's western panhandle. Their attacks, however, were not limited to the panhandle region. By the early 1660s, Altamaha and Ocute, and possibly Ichisi, also endured Chichimeco slaving raids. As Worth (1999) discusses, the response to these raids would have been rapid and would result in abandonment of land and a large population of refugees seeking another area that possessed larger populations and entities able to provide protection. Those who fled east settled along the coastlines, probably desiring proximity to the Spanish missions and the protection they could afford while also maintaining sufficient distance from the missions to avoid complications with the Spaniards.
Chichimeco raids extended into Escamaçu, the region the refugees inhabited, by 1661 and continued throughout the 1690s. This prompted the refugees to flee into Spanish territory further south. Concurrently, the Spanish granted the population permission to occupy unsettled coastal lands of Georgia and Florida (Worth 1995b). By this time, Altamaha's collapse and probable abandonment, the effects of the Chichimeco slave raids, as well as the necessary resettlement of refugees along the Florida-Georgia coast prompted the once fragmented populations of Ichise, Ocute, and Altamaha, along with the Salchiches and coastal Guale, to form the conglomerated Yamasee confederacy. Furthermore, slave raids "diminished and eventually devastated" Spanish Florida's colonial system (Worth 2009a:296) and reconfigured Spanish Florida's social geography. Once primarily sedentary agriculturalists, slavers became increasingly mobile commercial hunters who relied upon agricultural activities minimally (Worth 2009a). Slaving activities yielded fundamental geographical and social reorganization throughout the Southeast.
Characterizing the Confederacy
Yamasee progenitors, first encountered by de Soto's expedition into the interior Southeast, lived during a period of self-contained, self-sufficient Late Mississippian chiefdoms. Hudson (1997:11-30) describes the natives of the Mississippian period (A.D. 800-1600) as societies and cultures comprised of complexity, variety, similarities, and differences. Though Altamaha appears to relate to the Late Mississippian phase, some aspects concerning social structure and culture retained continuity throughout the Mississippian phase. Agricultural production and dependency, specifically corn, denotes the beginning of the phase. In addition to corn, these populations continued to rely upon a combination of subsistence practices, including hunting, fishing, and gathering (Green 1992). Power, maintained through claims of descent from deities, and wealth, which came in the form of stored food, was concentrated within the chief. Individuals' garnered an ascribed status at birth and kinship in their small village societies (between 300 and 500 people) was likely matrilineal. The Middle Mississippian period witnessed construction of the largest, most elaborate mounds and implementation of more notable artwork and motifs. Issues such as soil depletion, declining agricultural production, paired with a cooler, drier climate, weakened the Middle Mississippian societies, prompting the people of the emerging Late Mississippian period to reconfigure society and politics.
Lamar culture, a classification that encompasses multiple phases and possesses distinguishable cultural and material traits, "incorporates over two dozen phases that span more than 400 years and an area covering most of Georgia and adjacent portions of Alabama, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Tennessee" (Hally 1994:144). Natives residing in the Piedmont province, including ancestral Yamasee, contributed to Lamar culture. Pottery, specifically decoration and vessel form, serves as the culture's primary material diagnostic. These diagnostic features include ceramic motifs of concentric circles, filfot crosses, as well as figure-8 and figure-9 shapes. Additionally, carinated bowls and jars with outflaring, thickened rims—often modified with cane punctations, punctated nodes, plain and notched rims—demarcate Lamar culture (Hally 1994:144-149). Geography shaped settlement and subsistence. Data recovered from Piedmont sites suggest a heavy reliance on white-tailed deer as well as box turtle and aquatic turtle. Evidence of black bear, raccoon, opossum, rabbit, turkey, squirrel, and fish consumption also appear. Other food sources included corn—with "ubiquity and frequency" (Hally 1994:153)—squash, beans, hickory nut, walnut, acorn, and seasonal fruits such as grape, plum, maypop and persimmon.
Although not universal, architectural components of most Lamar culture sites conform to a pattern that includes "rectangular floor plan measuring approximately 6-7 meters across, depressed floors, individual-post exterior wall construction, wall-trench entrance passage, four interior roof support posts, interior wattle-and-daub partition walls, and central hearth. Exterior walls may have been thatched or daubed. The majority of known structures have been dismantled and rebuilt at least one time" (Hally 1994:154). Structural variations include rectangular structures 5 meters or less in size, circular structures measuring 9 meters in diameter and possibly associated with habitation, in addition to square and rectangular posthole patterns necessary for lightly constructed buildings whose use depended upon the season. Large villages without mounds existed, though usually situated in or near river floodplains. The Piedmont, paired with the Valley and Ridge and Blue Ridge, physiographic provinces contain 37 multistage platform mounds ranging from 1 meter to 13 meters in height. Frequently their construction and use spanned several centuries and phases. Coastal mounds incorporate burials. Otherwise, Lamar culture populations tended to flex the deceased, with grave goods at times, before burial. Extended, urn, and cremation burials also occurred. Habitation areas are the best documented, and presumably most common, burial location.
The Yamasee and La Florida (ca.1662-1683)
By the mid-1660s, the Yamasee, the recently established cultural and ethnic amalgamated confederation that fled toward the east coast in order to avoid further Chichimeco slaving raids and to secure potential peripheral protection from Spanish St. Augustine, became a part of the multiethnic population of La Florida (Figure 3). Endemics, disease, and the Chichimeco raids impacted the mission provinces (Worth 1995b; 1999), reducing missionized populations and generating need for the labor Yamasee refugees could provide. By 1670, at least two Yamasee communities appeared in the previously abandoned areas of the Mocama province on Amelia and St. Simons Islands. Those who inhabited parts of the mission province paid tribute to Mocama chiefs (Worth 1995b) and participated in repartimiento, though most remained neither Christianized nor missionized. All labor draft orders issues between 1666 and 1669 "explicitly state that the majority of Indians drafted for repartimiento labor were pagans," likely Yamasees living in Guale and Mocama (Worth 1995b:20-21). Within the following decade, at least 12 Yamasee settlements appeared throughout La Florida, with approximately half established during 1675 or later. Though the Yamasee paid tribute and contributed significantly to the labor

FIGURE 3. The fragmentation of La Tama and ensuing movement of the emerging Yamasee population between 1665 and 1684. Source: Adapted from Green (1992:16) and White (2002:27).

draft, the population remained in separate communities, retaining an identity distinct from their Guale and Mocama missionized neighbors. As missionized populations continued to deteriorate, the Yamasee served as an utterly necessary, integral source of labor.
Yamasee movement into the Guale and Mocama provinces continued into the 1670s and through the early 1680s. Those who settled in the region largely remained unconverted and, due to depopulation among missionized natives, increasingly comprised the greater portion of the provincial populations. Pedro de Acros' 1675 mission list (Worth 1995b:28) demonstrates the integral nature of the refugee Yamasee, then occupying six separate areas of Guale and Mocama (Table 1). The list indicates 676 individuals living in Guale and Mocama.
TABLE 1
YAMASEE SETTLEMENT POPULATIONS, 1675

Settlement Population
Ocotonico 120
Tip of Amelia Island, one league north of Ocotoque 60
La Tama 50
Ocotoque 40
San Simón 40
Santa María 40
Total 350
Source: Worth (1995b:28).

Of the total population, the 350 non-Christianized Yamasee outnumbered the 326 missionized natives. Resurgence in raiding activities, now a combined effort among the Chichimeco, Uchise, and Chiluque, along the Georgia coast in the spring of 1680, paired with French and English pirate raids beginning in 1683, terminated 19 years of "relative calm" in the missions north of St. Augustine (Milanich 2006:171-172). The slave raiding prompted reorganization of the coastal mission population, as evidenced by some Yamasee converting to Christianity (Worth 1995b:34-35) in order to relocate to the missions, as well as the consolidation or closure of various mission sites (Milanich 2006). French pirate Grammont's spring 1683 assault on St. Augustine and the Mocama province initiated a period of Yamasee flight from Spanish territory (Green 1992; Crane 2004:25-25; Worth 2004b; Waters 2005). Under the leadership of chief Altamaha, the Yamasee, unwilling to relocate within missionized lands and uncertain of the Spanish ability to provide sufficient protection, migrated to the interior, settled among the Apalachicola-Coweta, or returned to the Escamaçu area. Following Scottish settlement at Stuart's Town in 1684, the Yamasee relocated to the coast, inundating Stuart's Town (Green et al. 2002:19; Gallay 2002) (Figure 4). In addition to Yamasee flight, the 1683 and 1684 pirate raids decimated the Guale population and induced Spanish abandonment of the Georgia coast.

FIGURE 4. The location of Stuart's Town, Charles Town, and St. Augustine in 1684.
The Yamasee in Carolina (1684-1715)
Migratory spurts occurred to the Carolina coast between 1683, following Grammont's attack, and 1685, when the majority of Yamasee abandoned Spanish territory. They most often settled near the Scottish at Stuart's Town where the Yamasee population divided into upper and lower towns. Those who occupied the upper town were likely emigrants from the Guale, Salchiches, and other groups, while residents of the lower town probably descended from the interior Georgia chiefdoms (Green 1992). Initially tenuous, the Scot-Yamasee interactions quickly transformed. Yamasees began slaving raids into Spanish mission territories and formed a trading alliance, primarily in the form of deerskin, with the Scots. The burgeoning partnership, however, proved to be fleeting. In response to English trade with the Lower Creek and as a result of the Yamasee's 1685 raid at Santa Catalina de Afuica, the Spanish decimated the Scots and the Yamasee Carolina settlements (Worth 1995a:42-50). The Yamasee remained in Carolina, eventually settling about 80 miles from the English at Charles Town (Green et al. 2002). Their allegiance to the English persisted through the first decade of the 18th century and is particularly evidenced by their service as a defensive buffer between the English and the Spanish. Moreover, their assistance in Governor James Moore's 1702 Siege of St. Augustine (Green et al. 2002), itself an offshoot of the War of Spanish Succession, signified a total shift in allegiance.
Allying with the English provided goods, including firearms, alcohol, and trade items such as kaolin pipes, glass and metal beads, nails, European ceramics (Green et al. 2002), which were not as abundantly available within the Spanish mission system. By 1707, English encroachment into Yamasee lands and trader's recurring tendency to abuse their allies began to strain the alliance and forced the English government to offer compensation in exchange for the continued abuses. Nevertheless, the Yamasee continued to support the English, acting as trading partners and slave raiders, which, in turn, further facilitated Carolinian expansion.
As the English accrued Indian allies, the Spanish and the French implemented different colonial tactics to secure resources, specifically in the form of trade goods as well as labor and/or population. The confluence of colonial powers often prompted reactionary responses by the opposing powers and, simultaneously, impacted the structure of alliances and interactions among native groups in the Southeast (Gallay 2002). Conflicts amid the three European powers in the New World broiled throughout the early 18th century. Approaches to colonialism—Spain's intent to convert natives to Christianity, augment labor and economic resources, and multiethnic population tolerance (Deagan 2003), Britain's imperialism and interest in securing land, and France's design to create trade networks and accept natives as French citizens, paired with territorial encroachment and fluctuating native allegiances, thrust Spanish, English, and French colonists into seemingly perpetual rivalries and discord (Crane 2004).
Though the English desired to maintain a positive, productive relationship with the Yamasee, the competitive nature of European colonization, England's interest in possessing land, and continued trade abuses (Crane 2004) significantly deteriorated the English-Yamasee alliance by 1710. Traders utilized new sources for skins and slaves: the Creeks and the Chickasaw. Expanding trade networks benefitted the English while also minimizing a primary reliance on the Yamasee. These changes caused traders to consider the Yamasee expendable; however, the Carolina government "recognized their importance as a first line of defense and appreciated their knowledge of Spanish Florida," (Gallay 2002:134) and aimed to retain the alliance rather than to encourage the Yamasee to seek out the Spanish or the French. By 1715, the government's attempts to appease the Yamasee failed. The Yamasee and Creek slaughtered the Board of Commissioners, the delegation designed to regulate trade, upon their arrival in Pocotaligo. The slaughter initiated a war that also incorporated native groups such as the Creek and Cherokee. At its conclusion, the Yamasee would leave Carolina and seek refuge with the Spanish in Florida.
The Yamasee War (1715-1717)
Recent historical and cultural reassessments concerning the Yamasee War (Gallay 2002; Ramsey 2008) offer a complex, varying explanation for the origins of the conflict. Perhaps the failure to convert natives to Christianity or their fear of enslavement affected relations. Other points of investigation include the mounting native debts, in addition to diminished slaving populations and depleted hunting resources, which likely contrasted with the increasingly evident English wealth (Gallay 2002:329). Traditional possibilities, including trader's oppression and a premeditated action designed to shift power and alliances toward the Spanish or French (Crane 2004), also retain credibility. Worth (2009a:305-306) suggests South Florida's depopulation, the result of Yamasee and Creek raids (1704-1711), and surviving South Florida natives fleeing to St. Augustine or to the Keys, removed a significant supply of natives available for enslavement. Without a population to slave raid, the Yamasee succumbed to debt and endured overt pressure, which, combined with provocation by the English, sparked a widespread rebellion in 1715. Though its origins remain nuanced and, perhaps, unclear, the Yamasee War unquestionably altered the state, structure, and character of colonial America and challenged the dominance of the English, and the European, presence.
To varying degrees, the conflict persisted over two years. Native retaliation occurred with greatest intensity and cohesion during the early months of 1715. The native confederation killed hundreds of colonists, initially targeting many of the Carolina traders. In 1716, the Cherokee allied with the recently created, though successful, English army, and denoted a gradual move toward peace in Carolina. Although certain native groups refused to declare peace, most tribes agreed to cease conflict by 1717. The war caused substantial population loss among the Yamasee and, in the aftermath, the natives fractured their population (Oatis 2004; Ramsey 2008). Some elected to remain near the Creek, though most decided to seek protection from the Spanish in St. Augustine. Four Yamasee chiefs, collectively representing 161 villages, journeyed to St. Augustine to request protection under Governor Francisco de Corcoles y Martínez. Granted approval, the Yamasee returned to Florida.
The Yamasee Return to La Florida
Life in colonial St. Augustine transformed dramatically following Moore's 1702 siege. Cultural diversity, population expansion and changing demography, an end to isolation from other New World groups, intercolonial conflict, paired with "moral decline" (Deagan 1983:39) linked to inadequate religious facilities and teachings, reshaped the extent of St. Augustine and its people. The Yamasee who returned to St. Augustine fulfilled an essential role in establishing a defensive buffer between the Spanish and the English while also supporting the smaller, redefined mission system that existed along the city's periphery.
By the 18th century, the Spanish colonial community remained a presidio. Military considerations, rather than economic interests, retained their primacy as the situado continued to provide the primary means of support. Although hardly transformed in terms of purpose, St. Augustine's population and sociocultural structure altered. Mestizaje, marriage between a Spanish man and a native woman, and other types of ethnic mixing became an increasingly common occurrence. The Spanish casta system, which separated the peninsulares, those born in Spain who relocated to the New World, criollos, those of Spanish descent, but born in the New World, mestizos, and mulattos ensured social hierarchy while also permitting fluidity (Deagan 1983). Intermarriage among the Spanish, various native populations, and blacks begot cultural diversity and the multiethnic population that historians and archaeologists recognize.
Struggling to survive with an insufficient or irregular situado (Bushnell 1994), St. Augustine began to illicitly trade with the French and the English. In addition to needing these items, British goods "were both cheaper and of better quality than the Spanish goods bought through the situado" (Deagan 1983:35). When granted legal permission to contract colonial English goods for St. Augustine after 1740, the Royal Havana Company alleviated the presidio's economic stressors. Imported goods also arrived from Mexico, Cuba, and the French colonies. Additionally, natives provided some items on a limited scale; however, native pottery served as the primary cooking ware in nearly all Spanish colonial households.
Upon entering St. Augustine, the Yamasee refugees became enmeshed in a multicultural society in which defensive strategy was of utmost importance. The Church bound the diverse population together, serving not only as the point for worship, but also as a place for recreational and social opportunities. While the Church remained intact, the Franciscan's place in St. Augustine society disintegrated, partially as a result of disagreements among the various types of Franciscans (e.g. peninsulares, criollos, colonial-trained) (Gannon 1965:81). Focus instead shifted toward secular clergy. Threats to native populations (Green et al. 2002), including the Yamasee, in the form of frequent epidemics, British attacks, and the encroachment by hostile native groups decreased the native population and prompted repeated consolidation of mission communities. Natives who settled in St. Augustine by 1717 swelled the city's population; by 1718, Yamasee refugees "comprised approximately half of the refugee missions and mission populations" (Deagan 1993:93). Initially concentrated in three main settlements—Nuestra Señora de Candelaria de la Tamaja, Pocotalaca, and Pocosapa—the Yamasee population relocated within the city's periphery in response to defensive needs and consolidation efforts. A portion of those who relocated to Spanish territory settled in La Florida's interior, near San Marcos de Apalachee. A number of Yamasee and Apalachee moved to Pensacola following the 1740 English siege of St. Augustine (Worth 2008:7-9).
Franciscan influence upon the refugee missions of the 18th century, while a reality, proved to be limited. Mission communities became a mixture of Christians and non-Christians whom might speak different languages and be of a different ethnicity (Milanich 2006:190). Intermarriage and reduced tribal divisions, possibly related to continuous population fluctuation as native groups joined St. Augustine, likely facilitated cooperation, perhaps cohesion, within the mission community. The Yamasee, once key contributors to the decline of the Spanish mission system, reemerged during the mission system's final years. Reaching a population zenith of 1,011 natives dispersed among 11 peripheral refugee mission communities in 1726, census data reveals that only 436 individuals resided in eight mission communities in 1727 (Hann 1996a: 315) and, by 1738, the mission population dwindled to 350 natives (Milanich 2006:191). One hundred and fifty-five individuals remained in five mission villages—Nombre de Dios, Pocotalaca, La Punta, La Costa, and Palica—by 1752 (Hann 1996a:322-324; Milanich 2006: 193). Seven years later, only 95 natives resided at the two surviving mission sites: Nombre de Dios and Tolomato (Milanich 2006:194) (Table 2).
TABLE 2
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY MISSION POPULATIONS

Census Year
Population
1726
1,011
1727
436
1738
350
1752
155
1759
95
Source: Hann (1996a:315, 322-324); Milanich (2006:191-194).

Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta
Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta represents one of six settlements occupied by Native Americans (some of whom were Christianized) that surrounded St. Augustine during the second quarter of the 18th century. La Punta—along with other comparable mission communities, including Nombre de Dios, Tolomato, and Pocotalaca—comprised a component of St. Augustine's comprehensive defensive system (Sastre 2002; Halbirt 2004), as well as an essential labor force necessary for the city's survival during the tumultuous 18th century. Based on historical documents, the Yamasee were primary residents of La Punta (White 2002; Boyer 2005; Halbirt 2005), although Apalachee are also listed on government census records and Franciscan administrative documents. At the time of La Punta's establishment, St. Augustine's native population was in decline due to disease and warfare; consolidation and movement became a component of life in mission communities. Susan Parker described the process of reactionary movement in response to defensive needs or threats, as well as frequent relocation, as a "concertina" (1999:47). Reconstitution, prompted by Captain John Palmer's 1728 raid at Nombre de Dios Chiquito and the ensuing fragmentation of its population, probably led to the formation of La Punta (White 2002:36; Halbirt 2005:8). Antonio Juta, who first appeared as the chief of Nombre de Dios Chiquito in 1736, was listed as La Punta's cacique in 1752 (Hann 1996a:323). Discrepancies in the mission church location between the 1737 Arredondo map and the 1763 Castelló map also reinforce the possibility of a settlement that shifted toward the city for protection when necessary and toward fertile fields when not needed (Arredondo 1737; Castelló 1763; Halbirt 2005:14).
Miguel de Ayala's census, completed on November 27, 1736, denotes the first known documentation that references La Punta, in addition to seven other mission communities situated along St. Augustine's periphery. The "List of Indians capable of bearing arms divided according to their towns who are at the service of the Presidio of San Agustín de la Florida," includes the cacique, 16 additional men—one of whom was listed as Apalachee—and their ages, which ranged from 12 to 80 (Swanton 1922:104-105). John Palmer's 1730 map (Figure 5), created based upon his recollections of the 1728 raid, predates the 1736 document; however, the "indian town" noted on the map cannot conclusively be called La Punta (Palmer 1730). Based on its location south of the colonial walled city and La Punta's similar proximity on later maps, the "indian town" likely correlates to the mission community and lends credence to La Punta's existence in the late 1720s. Late 1720s occupation is further substantiated by settlement during Governor Antonio de Benavides term, which occurred from 1717 to 1734 (White 2002:37).
During 1737, Antonio de Arredondo produced a map designed to illustrate his vision of the city's defenses (Figure 6). The document also includes a detailed depiction of St. Augustine and its periphery, including six mission communities. La Punta's landscape included a church, listed as 21, and 20 farmsteads dispersed across approximately 30 acres of land. Furthermore, the

FIGURE 5. Map by Colonel John Palmer, 1730. La Punta is located within the square. Source: St. Augustine Historical Society.

FIGURE 6. Antonio de Arredondo Map, 1737. Source: St. Augustine Historical Society.
map delineates two clusters of farmsteads: 16 appear close to the mission church as the remaining 4 sit further south. Seventeen men and a combined count of 17 women and children resided in the community in 1737.
Additional population accounts stem from four sources (Table 3). In 1738, Antonio de Benavides generated a population count based on his tenure as Governor (1717-1734). He proposed 41 natives inhabited La Punta. This number closely corresponds to Governor Manuel de Montiano's report of 43 individuals during the same year. Güemes y Horcasitas 1739 report includes 14 families with a population totaling 51. These families potentially relate to the 16 structures that surrounded the mission church in 1737 (Halbirt 2005:10). It is possible that the four structures south of the main cluster might relate to another ethnic or different native group, though the 1739 report considers them collectively (Halbirt 2005:11-12). La Punta essentially disappears from the documentary record during the 1740s and reappears in the Gelabert census (Gelabert 1752). La Punta was, at that time, the largest of the six remaining mission communities and boasted a population of 25 men, 34 women, and 3 possible infants. La Punta is last referenced in Pablo Castelló's 1763 map (Figure 7), which describes the Yglesia arruinada que la fué del Pueblo de Indios de la Punta ("Ruined church that was the Indian town of La Punta").
Ethnohistorical analysis, largely due to insufficient accounts, provides little insight into daily life at La Punta. Don Pedro Sánchez Griñán resided in St. Augustine between 1731 and
TABLE 3
POPULATION ESTIMATES AT LA PUNTA

Source Year Men Women Children Total Families Reference
Ayala 1736 17 - - - - Swanton (1922:105)
Arredondo 1737 17 17* - 34* - Chatelain (1941:Map 13)
Benavides 1738 15 26* - 41* - Hann (1996a:316)
Montiano 1738 10 13 20 43 - Hann (1996a:316)
Horcasitas 1739 - - - 51 14 Hann (1996a:317)
Gelabert 1752 25 34 3 62 - Hann (1996a:323)
*Combines Women and Children into one sum.
Source: Halbirt 2005:12.

1742. Complying with a request from Spain's Secretary of State, Griñán issued a report based
upon his recollections of Florida in 1756. Inherently faulted due to cultural biases and inaccuracies introduced from the time lapse, the report nonetheless offers relatively impartial information regarding La Punta in a broader context (Halbirt 2005). Griñán wrote
In the environs of Florida (but outside the Circumvallation line and under the cannon of the fortresses), there are five small villages of Christian Indians from the Yamasee Nation that are inhabited by up to one hundred families. Their
dwellings are small palm houses, much distant from one another, and they plant corn and legumes on their respective plots. But because of their limited efforts at farming, for they do not put much effort into this work, they produce only a very small harvest. They use most of their time to hunt, for which they have more inclination, and also to wage war. They are brave, but greatly inclined to inebriety, consuming in this vice whatever they earn from their hunting and even from the fruits of their sowing. (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979:11)

Alcoholism and drunkenness pervade colonial narratives concerning the natives in St. Augustine (Hann 1996a:320-321). In 1738, friars reported to Governor Montiano that
all of the adults were badly addicted to alcohol and that from their drunkenness resulted a great looseness of customs, lack of obedience to the chiefs, and loss of their fear of God. Drunkenness in some cases led men to abuse their wives and even kill them. . . The friars blamed much of the problem with alcohol on their settlements' proximity to St. Augustine, where it was available.

Friars' concern for the amount of alcohol consumed likely relates to the erosion of already declining cultural traditions (Halbirt 2005:15) and, possibly, as a means to explain their inability to convert the natives (White 2002:44). Father Alaña, who lived among the Calusa of South Florida acknowledged their "incredible passion" for rum in 1743 as English trader Edmond Atkins stated that "all the indians whatever are so passionately fond of Rum, as to be able to withstand it" (White 2002:44). While the validity and accuracy of European portrayals of Yamasee actions may be evaluated with skepticism, alcohol within the mission communities proved a point of interest and a point of contention.
First inhabited in the late 1720s, La Punta's population underwent displacement in 1754 as a result of mission consolidation. Spanish decree relocated the mission population to the two remaining mission communities—Tolomato and Nombre de Dios. The remaining inhabitants probably assimilated into the St. Augustine community through kinship, corporate, or commercial connections (Parker 1993), which classified them as vecinos (legally full members of Spanish society) rather than members of the mission. Mission communities continued to collapse into the 1750s as a result of conflict among the Franciscans in response to social status, possibly due to language difficulties between friars and the Yamasee, alcoholism, insufficient friars and inadequate instruction among the missionized (White 2002:45-46). Abandonment also stemmed from administrative decisions made by the Spanish government, which now had control of Florida's remaining mission populations (Kapitzke 2001:162), as well as an economic decision made by the diminishing mission community that faced working infertile land (Hoffman 2002:201). Spain ceded Florida to the British in exchange for Havana at the conclusion of the Seven Years War. Eighty-six natives, many probably of Yamasee heritage, departed with the

FIGURE 7. Pablo Castelló map, 1763. Source: St. Augustine Historical Society.

Spanish from St. Augustine in 1763. Yamasee and Apalachee who previously relocated to Pensacola also departed La Florida with the Spanish during 1763. One hundred and eight Yamasee and Apalachee natives evacuated from Pensacola and traveled to Veracruz.



















CHAPTER III
CREOLIZATION
Introduction
Conceptions of cultural mixture within anthropological studies encompass a finite number of umbrella terms. These expressions, in turn, become dynamic, nuanced, and operationalized within the specific context of a study. Generally, operationalizing the concept enables the development of a framework; however, frameworks frequently apply to a limited number (often one) of circumstances or a specific archaeological assemblage recovered from a particular site. Discussing cultural mixture frameworks and perspectives—including acculturation, assimilation, and hybridity—within anthropological contexts demonstrates, in part, what creolization is and how the term functions in this study. Terms and theoretical perspectives such as syncretism (Stewart 1999), ethnogenesis (Fradkin et al. 2012; Hill 2013), mestizaje, transculturation, bricolage, entanglement, and miscegenation (Liebmann 2013; van Pelt 2013) also provide a theoretical structure in which creolization can be examined. Focusing on three cultural mixture frameworks—acculturation, assimilation, and hybridity—and comparing these perspectives to creolization can assist with determining the presence and manifestations of cultural creolization at Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta. Though situated within the discourse of cultural mixture and anthropological theory, the following operationalization of creolization correlates specifically to the material culture recovered from La Punta. Additional multi-site comparative interpretations or cross-cultural analyses would permit the current operationalization to move toward an increasingly justified theoretical model.

Acculturation and Assimilation
Acculturation and assimilation rest among early cultural mixture models utilized within anthropology. Scholars concede to (plausibly) appropriate analytical circumstances for the use of these terms, yet also cite numerous critiques and theoretical deficiencies regarding both frameworks (Teske and Nelson 1974; Stewart 1999; Russell 2005; Hitchcock and Maeir 2013); however, historical archaeologists, in specific circumstances, examine the archaeological past within these contexts (Worth 1998a; Ewen 2000). Concern regarding both theoretical lenses stems from questions of directionality as well as complexity. Intended to encompass cultural mixture as a dynamic process, acculturation and assimilation offered anthropologists a preliminary means of demonstrating and assessing the breadth and degree of cultural mixture (Teske and Nelson 1974:365).
Acculturation—loosely characterized—requires direct contact between two cultures that may not necessitate a shift in values, behaviors, or practices. Assimilation incorporates the process of acculturation and commonly denotes cultural interaction in which one culture subsumes the other (Liebmann 2013). Scholars consider these interpretive models inadequate due to the assumption of unidirectional cultural influence. Rather than recognizing the co-existence of cultural continuity, change, and (re)negotiation, acculturation "treat[s] change as an aberration" (Gundaker 2000:130). Assimilation presumes cultural change(s) in which a "simple, passive, subordinate" colonized culture becomes ingrained within the colonizers' "complex, active, dominant" culture (Liebmann 2013:27). The frameworks tend to arbitrarily assign static cultural roles and rely upon accommodation and/or incorporation as the explanation for cultural interaction, influence, and/or change. Both perspectives preclude multicultural components present in cultural mixture (Stewart 1999:54). Cultural mixture rarely, if ever, involves simple movement from the "before" cultural composition to the "after" product. Instead, all cultures are impacted and influenced through individual and group agency.
Hybridity
Scientific notions of hybridity originated in race theory and genetics (Stewart 2011:50). Anthropology, alongside other social sciences, expanded the metaphor to address cultural mixture. As with other theoretical perspectives and models, hybridity studies appear within an organizational and operationalized spectrum. Scholars consider cultural mixture through the lens of hybridity; the structure, evidence, and interpretations of such studies, however, are as often dissimilar as they are similar. These inconsistencies contribute to the debate regarding the (most) appropriate process(es), description(s), definition(s), and circumstance(s) for cultural mixture and theory among anthropological interpretations.
Criticism regarding hybridity abounds within anthropological theory. Theoretical applications simultaneously serve as "vernacular definition[s] of hybridity" (VanValkenburgh 2013:305) while also providing a term and perspective that "remains more open and may enclose multiple influences or 'inputs' to form non-uniform outcomes" (Bader 2013:262). Hybridity permits flexibility in application and interpretation; however, the variable, inconsistent use of the term within anthropology also encourages tension and conflict when attempting to develop theoretical frameworks. Furthermore, critical scholars cite an inherent assumption of cultural purity within hybridity (Hutnyk 2010:61; Pappa 2013:35; Stockhammer 2013:12). Hybridity studies now acknowledge a pure culture would only be possible through an artificial, arbitrary cultural construction that a researcher would generate. Culture is nuanced and is in a constant state of flux. Hybridity attempts to analyze cultural mixture by recognizing and studying "what falls between the analytical categories defined by us . . . [the] in-between . . . [the] unclassified" (Stockhammer 2013:12). The potential for ambiguity is essential for hybridity (Card 2013:4).
In its infancy, hybridity connoted genetic intermixture through the modified biological process of cross-breeding two different plant or animal species. When transferred to anthropological thought, hybridity became synonymous with racial intermixture through intermarriage and physical reproduction. As its functions expanded, scholars implemented the term as a means to express "fluidity and negotiation of identities through time" (Beaudoin 2013:48). Biological mixing remains a component of hybridization; however, the concept now encompasses cultural processes, including "incorporation, blending, adoption, or other form of mixing of discrete elements" (Card 2013:4).
Homi J. Bhabha, a critical theorist of post-colonial literature, significantly shaped the early development and use of hybridity within anthropology. His model emphasizes the cultural-political aspects of cultural mixture and utilizes a perspective of the "in-between" and "third space" (Hutnyk 2010:60). For Bhabha, hybridity is politicized, often subversive, and symbolizes the strategies developed in (post)colonial contexts and implemented by subalterns and migrants (Pappa 2013:33; VanValkenburgh 2013:303). Employing Bhabha's characterization of hybridity produces controversy. Frequently the politicized operationalization of the term is misused, provoking a theoretical chasm between the scholar's epistemology and that of Bhabha's. Deprived of its cultural-political meaning, the terms' context and substance diminish (Pappa 2013). Alternative perspectives of hybridity, which emerged after Bhabha's operationalization, demonstrate VanValkenburgh's vernacular hybridity.
In the simplest term, hybridity signifies a state of mixture. Beyond this, studies recognize that culture is mixture, pure cultures cannot exist, and that theoretical perspectives must be multidirectional and diachronic. Egyptian archaeologists utilize the perspective to describe "the blending of previously (relatively) isolated cultures that settled in each other's proximity" (Bader 2013:261). Other archaeological interpretations incorporate hybridity to explore reworked—not combined—cultural elements in addition to instances of "resistance, mockery, and ambivalence" (Liebmann 2013:41). Hutnyk, in contrast, discusses "all sorts of things to do with mixing and combining [emphasis added] in the moment of cultural exchange" (2010:60). Hybridity serves a variety of cultural explanations, ranging from identity formation to language innovations and creative expression, the latter primarily through technology and production. Regardless of the nuanced perspective developed by archaeologists, hybridity universally denotes a manner by which to view culture and agency. Furthermore, hybridity is a process rather than a fixed cultural descriptor. Simultaneously, the term proffers a means to explain cultural mixture and change that is useful and often disputed. Interpreting culture through hybridity permits variability, yet these inconsistencies also threaten to undermine the perspective's effectiveness.
Creolization
Linguistic creolization models are often considered analogous to or essential to cultural creolization (Rath 2000:99). Although this study does not interpret creolization at La Punta within a linguistics framework, the two perspectives possess various parallels. Creolization in linguistics occurs within a spectrum containing three broad categories: "(a) so-called stable transmission, (b) language change, (c) creolization" (DeGraff 2001:2). Movement among these categories depends on exposure to new languages. The linguistic creolization continuum involves questions of agency, primarily in relationship to classifying pidgin and creole speakers/languages, as well as investigating the presence and role of the superstrate and substrate (Ferguson 2000; Bickerton 2001; DeGraff 2001). Understanding the function of lexicon and grammar in linguistics provides an analogous—or "integral" (Rath 2000:99)—framework of "ambiguity, discontinuity, traces, and remembering," (Glissant 2008:87) which permits the assessment of peoples' "often discordant interaction" (Ferguson 2000:6).
Langauge acquisition marks the beginning of a peoples' linguistic movement toward pidginization. In the continuum of linguistic creolization, pidgin speakers represent the elements of parent languages, generally two, in a reduced form. The language is "elementary . . . [in] simplified systems, without native speakers, and used in functionally restricted contexts of interethnic communication" (DeGraff 2001:3). As acquisition crystallizes, the changing language becomes creolized, which creates an increasingly complex, highly developed speech community that is functionally unrestricted and distinct from all languages previously and currently in contact (Degraff 2001:3-4; Lumsden 2001:129-130). Impacts of colonialism within linguistic creolization reflect prevalent binaries (e.g. colonizer/colonized) among cultural creolization frameworks. Structural linguistic analyses utilize the superstrate and substrate to evaluate culturally specific "deep structures," which enclose "underlying [linguistic or cultural] values and beliefs" with "unconscious grammatical principles" (Rath 2000:102-103). The superstrate dominates the lexicon and influences the grammar and structure of the language while the substrate contributes minimally to the construction of the creolized language. Language exists innately; linguistic transformations render structures into expression.
Originating primarily in archaeological investigations of slavery, colonialism, and plantation society, the use of cultural creolization expanded to encapsulate "a variety of identities" (Bolland 2006; Bader 2013:259). Nevertheless, as a theoretical perspective, creolization harbors the attributes of ambiguity, epistemological discrepancies, and metadiscourse, which are also present in similar processes, including acculturation, assimilation, and hybridity. Unlike acculturation and assimilation, creolization acknowledges the presence of conflict resulting from power relations, but also disregards presuppositions concerning the dynamics of interaction, as well as the potential cultural product, of the cultural mixture. Creolization is not analogous to assimilation, or its predecessor, acculturation. The former embraces human agency and avoids sociocultural binaries (e.g. colonizer/colonized, dominant/subordinate, core/periphery) (Gundaker 2000; Worth 2012:143).
Neither is hybridity analogous. Innovation and creativity, open-endedness, multi-directionality, and culture(s) in conversation with themselves comprise creolization frameworks. Hybridity, though fluid, suggests a cultural spectrum that becomes finite and fixed upon reaching (an admittedly variable) point of cultural cohesion. In contrast, creolization can incorporate acculturated/assimilated cultures, overlaps with hybridity, and, if ethnogenesis occurs, persists, though redefined, within a new culture. Creolization requires ongoing dialogue between and among the elements of all cultures involved in cultural creation (Bolland 2006).
Creolization studies examine a complex cultural phenomenon in which cultural interfaces result in the "restructuring" of a people (Stewart 2010:18). Neither the original nor the introduced culture(s) possesses a dominant or subordinate role and the restructuring processes include, though are not limited to, intermixture, simplification, or reorganization (Stewart 2010). Within the context of this study, creolization denotes a creative, fluid confluence of cultural traits and processes that emerges from two or more distinctive cultures, neither of which possesses primacy in relation to the new culture. Creolization dictates the convergence, divergence, and stability of multiple components of society and culture in varied, complex, and non-predictable manners. The juncture of cultural mixture commences a process of shared creation leading to a spectrum of cultural continuity, change, incorporation, and/or modification.


















CHAPTER IV
PROJECT AREA
City of St. Augustine Archaeological Preservation Ordinance
In 1987, the City of St. Augustine implemented the St. Augustine Archaeological Preservation Ordinance, which mandates archaeological excavations in specific areas of the city prior to any type of ground-penetrating activity (City of St. Augustine 1987). In recognition of St. Augustine's unique (pre)historical and archaeological resources, as well as their significance at local, state, and national levels, the City Commission determined that the City of St. Augustine needed to define areas of importance and establish means by which these resources could be evaluated, studied, and preserved. To regulate and restrict subsurface disturbances, the Ordinance discusses three zones (Zone I, Zone II, and Zone III) and seventeen subzones generally defined according to temporal and/or functional criteria (Figure 8). Construction projects occurring within one of the three zones, which also meet or exceed the specifications for a major or a minor disturbance, must be reviewed by the City Archaeologist, Carl Halbirt, and an archaeological investigation must ensue (Figure 9). Examining historical documents and the ensuing excavations enable Halbirt and the City of St. Augustine to accomplish three objectives: "1) understand the nature of the archaeological remains that are buried on the property, 2) determine how those remains will be impacted by construction, and 3) integrate the data into research goals that are intended to address St. Augustine's growth and development, ethnic affiliations and interactions, cultural history, and past lifeways" (Halbirt 1999:60-61).

FIGURE 8. Three zones and seventeen subzones designated through the City's Archaeological Ordinance. La Punta is in Archaeological Zone IC. Source: Halbirt and Johns (2014).

FIGURE 9. Flowchart for evaluating subsurface disturbances, their degree of impact, and the need for archaeological investigation. Source: Adapted from Halbirt and Johns (2014).

Within the past 27 years, the City's archaeological ordinance resulted in over 650 archaeological investigations. Approximately 200 of these projects relate to mission areas as defined through historical maps or through archaeological surveys. Mission components
comprise less than 40% of the aforementioned investigations. Furthermore, these sites frequently consist of "shallow ditches and/or furrows and a light scattering of artifacts and shell debris," which likely indicate agricultural activities (Halbirt and Johns 2014:7). These investigations occur primarily within three of the six remaining mission sites: La Punta, Nombre de Dios, and Pocotalaca (Figure 10). Evidence of 18th century missions relates information regarding mission layout, types of structures present, as well as their affiliated features (e.g. smudge pits, trash pits), special purpose structures or features (e.g. a well and well house at 161 Marine Street),

FIGURE 10. The six remaining 18th century mission sites beyond the colonial-walled city of St. Augustine. Source: Antonio de Arrendondo, 1737.
farmstead features, as well as possible communal areas (e.g. the church and council house at La Punta) (Halbirt and Johns 2014).
Urban Archaeology
Four years ago, the Society for Historical Archaeology released a thematic Historical Archaeology journal issue that focused on urban archaeology in the 19th and 20th centuries. Scholars consider urbanity and archaeology in two contexts: as "archaeology of cities" or as
"archaeology in cities" (Staski 2008:5). Regardless of which framework the contributing authors employed to interpret urban archaeology, the authors "examined questions that included consumer behavior, ethnicity, and spatial and demographic patterns" (Mullins and Warner 2008:1). Archaeology in St. Augustine, however, differs from these studies. Four hundred and fifty years of intensive occupation and land (re)use, paired with fluctuating, multicultural populations, uniquely complicate archaeological integrity and context. Investigations within colonial St. Augustine may yield assemblages with minimal disturbances; however, the possibility of mixed contexts must also be considered.
As Deagan explains, intermixture of archaeological evidence results from "architectural traditions, trash-disposal practices, natural and cultural catastrophes, and the very nature of intensive occupation on restricted lot areas for 300-500 years" (1983:57-61). At the site of La Punta, 18th and 19th century occupations occurred. Determining the associated time period from artifacts recovered may, at times, become difficult or impossible. Material culture, such as ceramics or identifiable metal objects, generally provides temporal information. On the other hand, ecofacts and faunal remains (e.g. bone, shell, seeds) possess no method for visual dating and, therefore, their context can be more difficult to ascertain with high probability or reliability.
The Archaeology of 18th Century Spanish Missions in La Florida
Mission studies—historical, anthropological, and archaeological in nature—frequently examine the 17th century component without acknowledging the 46 years of Franciscan missions and missionary work in La Florida during the early to mid-18th century. Research completed by Kathleen Deagan and Gifford Waters at Nombre de Dios serves as the exception. Their endeavors aim to understand multiethnic interactions; however, Nombre de Dios possesses a lengthy occupation, which spans from the late 1500s to the mid-1700s. Increased collaboration and synergy between historical and archaeological research should develop the foundation necessary to enhance breadth and depth of 18th century mission studies (Halbirt and Johns 2014). Although situated within cannon range of the Castillo de San Marcos, 18th century mission communities existed outside the colonial walled city of St. Augustine. Each community, a peripheral component, provided the city with military and/or economic resources (Parker 1999). As a result, mission communities consistently resettled, depending on Spanish needs.
Halbirt and Johns (2014:3-6) identified three major, at times interrelated, reasons that limit scholarly or municipal interest in 18th century mission sites. First, mission sites during the early to mid-18th century are dispersed across the St. Augustine "frontier." Settlements consisted of small farmsteads and a mission church distributed over an area ranging between 5 to more than 30 acres. Determining building type and number, in addition to related archaeological deposits, at the various mission sites proved difficult; however, information, though limited, regarding mission churches is available. In contrast, architectural documentation and dense archaeological deposits—many documented and/or recovered archaeologically—related to daily life in colonial St. Augustine facilitate thorough examination of the archaeological record for specific time periods. Secondly, the transitory nature of mission life during the 18th century leads to a "shifting pattern of occupation [that] has a direct bearing on artifact density, which can influence site recognition" (Halbirt and Johns 2014:5). Finally, the impact of urbanization throughout the past two centuries restricts accessibility to mission sites. Formerly open spaces often associated with agricultural endeavors of mission communities now contain platted, privately owned lots. Despite these constraints Halbirt and Johns (2014) provide a descriptive overview of archaeological deposits partially comprising the 18th century mission landscape.
Excavations completed within the three identified mission communities (La Punta, Nombre de Dios, and Pocotalaca) offer evidence concerning village layout. The 250 survey postholes excavated at 161 Marine Street, currently the Bayview Nursing and Assisted Living Facility, in 1996 relates a linear concentration of cultural materials. Combining the artifactual patterns with culturally sterile sand measurements indicates that the community likely constructed residential buildings on the low-lying ridge. Agricultural activities and features possibly occurred on the "bottom land" where "run-off and productivity could have been higher" (Halbirt and Johns 2014:9). Structures present at mission sites include at least two building styles: traditional and Spanish influenced. Halbirt documented three circular/ovoid features, probably associated with traditional native architectural practices, at 161 Marine Street and a structure with Spanish components, including shallow interior wall posts suggesting a simple palm thatch design, at 76 Duero Street. Additionally, a two room structure at 133 Marine Street, paired with affiliated structural features, such as the well at 1 San Salvador, reinforce the influence of Spanish architectural methods.
Core areas (Halbirt and Johns 2014:9), which encompass places of residence, community, and agriculture, likely appeared at Nombre de Dios and Pocotalaca. Archaeological evidence from both sites suggests that a barrier entrenchment defined the perimeter of these, and potentially other, 18th century mission communities. Excavations at Nombre de Dios documented three portions of the entrenchment, which reaches a distance of 750 linear feet. Pocotalaca contains an entrenchment similar to that of Nombre de Dios; the former site possesses 250 documented feet of the entrenchment. Communal areas, one element of mission site cores, represent loci for community congregation. These gatherings frequently transpired in the community's church and/or council house. In 2004, Halbirt recorded La Punta's church in the approximate center of the community, along the low-lying dune ridge containing a high concentration of the cultural materials recovered from the site. Four times the size of a farmstead home, the mission church measured 47 feet (east-west) by 26 feet (north-south). Though Halbirt and his team excavated a small portion of the total church area (1,200 square feet), he identified several burials within the structure and one burial located four meters northeast of the structure.
Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta: Topography and Environs
Two and a half decades prompted changes in land use and alterations, often man-made, to the topography and landscape of the approximately thirty acres identified as La Punta. Historic maps placed the mission community south of colonial walled St. Augustine, along a low, sandy peninsula (Figures 11 and 12). Archaeological survey data aligns with these documentary illustrations. A posthole survey at 161 Marine Street, completed in August 1996, and the corresponding stratigraphic data delineated the dune ridge. Modern development modified the existing topography; therefore, calculating the vertical distance between the culturally sterile

FIGURE 11. Juan Joseph Eligio de la Puente's 1769 map of colonial St. Augustine with Number 24 marking the La Punta Mission. Source: St. Augustine Historical Society.

FIGURE 12. View of La Punta and environs. Source: Google Earth Maps, November 2014.


subsoil from a known elevation—the mean sea level—established the ridge's extent. The north-south profiles suggested the ridge's crest followed an undulating pattern reminiscent of beach dune ridges. On the east side, the ridge rises roughly 2.5 feet while the west side reaches approximately 1.5 feet, becoming flatter before dropping into Maria Sanchez Creek (Halbirt 1996, 2005). Archaeological survey and excavation determined the ridge to be the community's core area. Plentiful, varied subsistence resources surrounded the mission community (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). Forests offered wild game, such as deer, hogs, and turkey, as well as rabbit, opossum, and raccoon. Rich estuarine environments, including the inner bay, saltmarshes, tidal creeks, and mud flats, afforded abundant fish and shellfish. Beyond the brackish Maria Sanchez Creek and San Sebastian River, pine flatwood, occasional swamps, and freshwater streams comprised the area's relatively flat interior.











CHAPTER V
METHODS
133 Marine Street
Project Background
Between January 2007 and July 2008, three construction projects, each requiring a separate archaeological investigation, occurred at 133 Marine Street. During November 2007, the property owners installed a block masonry wall toward the back of the property (BDAC 07-300). Monitoring the wall foundation trench primarily revealed fill used on the property beginning in the mid-20th century. Later, the owners constructed a swimming pool toward the rear of the lot (BDAC 07-0875). The project required between 6 and 12 inches of fill dirt to be added to the backyard. Pool excavation and construction did not impact 19th century archaeological deposits and bottles recovered during monitoring dated to the early and mid-20th century. Rubble appeared throughout various soil zones, which indicated that 133 Marine Street's backyard, like that of the adjacent property, 135 Marine Street (BDAC 07-0730), contained fill along the bank of the Matanzas River. The initial construction project (BDAC 07-1044) on this property, which required installing new house foundation, yielded the only evidence pertaining to the mission community of La Punta.
Field Methods
To determine the extent of intact subsurface deposits, Halbirt conducted a shovel test survey in undeveloped areas of the property. Most of the 13 shovel tests contained material culture, though the highest density of artifacts, also considered to be associated with La Punta, appeared in ST 12 and ST 13, which were adjacent to the garage. Construction activities halted additional archaeological investigation until May 2008. Eighteen 1 m by 1 m units were placed on the property. Halbirt decided to place Test Unit 1 in an area revealed to contain abundant 18th century ceramics during the posthole survey. Each unit consisted of two basic levels. Level 1 corresponded to recent fill and modern gardening activities. Its contents were tossed. Level 2 consisted of a shallow cultural midden dating to the 18th and 19th century. The brown sandy loam soil was removed until reaching culturally sterile soil and its contents were dry screened through 1/4" mesh. Features were clearly defined, outlined, mapped, and excavated at the top of the sterile soil (Level 3). These features related to 18th, 19th, and 20th century occupation and use of the site.
Generally, the midden encompassed two levels with various features appearing within the units. Level 2 in Test Unit 2, however, included a relatively square pit that contained a grayish brown sandy loam with numerous shells and debris in the eastern third of the unit. In contrast, brown sand comprised the western third of Test Unit 2, Level 2. Despite soil differentiation, the shallow midden and mixed material culture persisted. Similarly, Test Unit 6, Level 2 showed signs of disturbance in the east half, while the cultural midden remained intact in the west half. Mission era features were primarily postholes that likely formed the eastern and southern walls of a structure. Unit placement aimed to better define the proposed 18th century structure, which was situated on the dune ridge overlooking Matanzas Bay. Excavation also entailed determining the variation of artifact types and densities within and outside of the proposed structure.
161 Marine Street
Project Background
On August 20, 1996, the City of St. Augustine received an archaeological permit application (BDAC 95-0633) from the St. Johns County Welfare Federation for 161 Marine Street. The proposed development, the Bayview Nursing and Assisted-Living Facility (BNAF), would replace the Samantha R. Wilson Nursing Home at 169 Marine Street as well as the Therapeutic Learning Center at 161 Marine Street. Zone IC, which encompasses the BNAF project area, likely contained archaeological deposits associated with the 18th century mission site of La Punta and the Second Spanish period powder house/guard house (1784-1821). Site specific goals for 161 Marine Street related to "1) historic topography and the corresponding land-use patterns in the BNAF area; 2) the nature of the native American occupation of the BNAF area; 3) the effects of a Spanish urban environment on native American culture; 4) the extent of the powder house debris field within the BNAF area—both the powder house and associated guard tower are west of the project area; and 5) aspects of military life at the powder house" (Halbirt 1996:4).
Field Methods
Due to the high probability of archaeological remains in the proposed project area, Halbirt and volunteers from the St. Augustine Archaeological Association conducted a posthole survey. Testing for intact archaeological deposits at 161 Marine Street occurred from August 26 through September 27, 1996. Of the 300 postholes excavated, 174 (58%) contained artifacts. Ceramics comprised the dominant artifact category with native ceramics representing 76.5% of the materials recovered. The posthole survey yielded 14.6% European ceramics and most artifacts appeared to associate with La Punta's occupation. Posthole survey results indicated high potential for intact subsurface deposits and features, which helped to prioritize areas of investigation during data recovery (Halbirt 1996).
Time constraints, the size of the project area, and the presence of a paved parking lot over much of the site prompted the use of a backhoe to remove 22 cm of modern overburden. Soil stratigraphy established during the posthole survey suggests that 7 cm of an asphalt parking lot, 10 cm of fill used during the construction of the Samantha R. Wilson Nursing Home, and 15 cm of a dark gray sandy loam mixed cultural midden deposit (Level 1) comprised the overburden. Level 1 contained late 19th and 20th century cultural material. Level 2, a fine rich brown sand ranging from 10 to 25 cm in thickness, predominantly represents the cultural deposit associated with the La Punta community.
Phase II data recovery utilized stripping areas in lieu of test units, which were considered too time intensive and might not yield features related to the mission. Stripping areas totaled five (SA 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5) and ranged in size from 16 to 54 square meters. In total, volunteers excavated 150 square meters. Each stripping area was then gridded into 2 m by 2 m or 1 m by 1 m test units, numbered sequentially within each Stripping Area, to maintain horizontal control. Following the overburden removal, each unit was excavated to approximately 50 cm below an established datum point. Level 2, the cultural midden related to La Punta, was removed in 10 cm levels according to individual test units within each stripping area for proveniencing purposes. Volunteers water screened the soil through 1/4" mesh.
Identifying features at the top of and within Level 2 proved difficult; therefore, excavators removed Level 2 by shovel until they reached culturally sterile sand. Features could then be clearly defined, outlined, and mapped on a general site map. Each feature received a unique number, assigned sequentially across the site, and was then bisected, profiled, then removed entirely following the feature's stratigraphy. Features were also water screened through 1/4" or 1/16" mesh. Deposits containing organic material required a float sample. Each distinct soil deposit received a field specimen number (FS #) that indicated its provenience. Artifacts were rough sorted in the field based on artifact type (e.g. native ceramics, European ceramics, bone, metal, glass, or construction material). Generally shell, primarily oyster, was weighed and discarded in the field.
Laboratory Methods
Cleaning, proveniencing, and processing the artifacts occurred in the City's archaeology lab. Trained volunteers analyzed the artifacts, identified attributes that included artifact type, count, and weight, as well as composition, color, fragment or form, decoration, shape, and modifiers or comments (Figure 13). Volunteers forwent counts for charcoal, daub, shell, coquina, tabby, mortar, plaster, brick, rocks/pebbles, rust/iron fragments, and wood, though volunteers recorded these materials' weights. Type collections were available for identifying prehistoric and historic ceramics and faunal material. Ceramics smaller than two cm in size and associated with native populations were considered aboriginal discards. Though the nomenclature varies, aboriginal discards refer to sherdlets; therefore, the term sherdlet will be used in place of the terminology utilized in St. Augustine. Determining vessel count was a priority. Sherds attributed to the same vessel, or cross-mended, counted as one. Low firing, size, and type of ceramic created difficulties in assessing the vessel count. Sherd count, therefore, likely differs from the vessel count; however, the fragmentary nature of the recovered ceramics made this analysis impractical. Upon completing artifactual analysis, the data was entered into the Florida Museum of Natural History's Historical Archaeology Database using Microsoft Access. The City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program curates the recovered assemblages.

FIGURE 13. Completed City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program analysis sheet.
CHAPTER VI
RESULTS
Mission Era Features at 133 Marine Street
Investigations at 133 Marine Street occurred during three different phases, beginning in January 2007 and terminating on July 1, 2008. Only materials recovered from the third stage of archaeological investigation are included in the present study. The third project related to pool construction at the rear of the property. Carl Halbirt, St. Augustine's City Archaeologist, monitored the site during the construction period and, upon building completion, subsequently returned to the property in order to resume investigation of the area containing a high quantity of colonial era materials. In total, the project required 18 test units, all 1 m by 1 m in size, yielded 33 features—25 of which pertain to La Punta's occupation—and produced over 1,700 artifacts (Figure 14). Excavation yielded the remains of a post-in-ground structure with one definite room with a potential ephemeral attachment or second room. Additionally, probable 19th century features—postholes associated property lines or animal enclosures, features related agricultural activities (e.g. planting or removing vegetation), and a ditch potentially paralleling one of the property lines—contained considerable amounts of trash.
In general, two basic levels comprised the units. Level 1, a compacted organic humus with wood shavings, corresponded to recent fill and was tossed. Level 2 contained a shallow historic midden with intermixed materials that dated to the 18th and 19th centuries. Brownish gray to brown sandy loam with shell, ranging from 9 to 17 cm in thickness, comprised the cultural midden (Level 2). Of the 25 features associated with La Punta's occupation, 17
FIGURE 14. 133 Marine Street site map with only the features related to La Punta included.
(Feature 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 11a, 11b, 14, 14a, 17, 24a, and 25) are postholes; 5 (Feature 5, 8, 10, 14, and 25) of the postholes contained discernible postmolds. Feature 25 represents the sole postmold that does not pertain to the structure. Location and materials recovered within the miscellaneous features (9a, 12, 12 North Half, 20a, and 20b) suggest a relationship to the mission community of La Punta (Figure 15) and offer an opportunity to consider creolization at La Punta.
Rectangular Structure
Archaeological investigations of Yamasee sites in South Carolina indicate that circular structures represent the standard residential shape (Sweeney 2005; 2009); however, twelve features (3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 11a, 11b, 14, and 14a) bound a possible rectangular, two-room, structure at least 6 m long (north-south) and 2.5 m wide (east-west). The northern structure, defined by the eastern wall running approximately 4 m (north-south) and the southern wall spanning 2.5 m (east-west), includes two series of postholes comprising an entryway (Figure 16). Feature 11, 11a, and 11b—all postholes—represent the southern portion of the entrance's architectural support; Feature 14 and 14a serve as the northern end of the entry's foundation. Gray sandy loam comprised the posthole in Feature 7, 9, and 11b with a dark gray sandy loam present in Feature 11, 11a, and 14a. Feature 3 consisted of a grayish brown sandy loam while Feature 4 contained a dark brownish gray sandy loam.
Postholes with postmolds related to the structure also possessed varied soil characteristics (Table 4). Based upon the features discovered, no distinguishable pattern of post placement can be determined, nor is it possible to predict where additional post features might occur by using measured distances between known features. Similarly, posthole diameters differed, ranging
FIGURE 15. Feature types associated with La Punta at 133 Marine Street.
FIGURE 16. Proposed mission era structures at 133 Marine Street.
TABLE 4
SOIL CHARACTERISTICS OF POSTHOLES AND POSTMOLDS ASSOCIATED WITH THE STRUCTURE


Soil Characteristics

Feature Number
Post Hole
Post Mold
Comments
5
Dark brown to brown sand with some shell
Beige sand with little shell


8

Mottled sand with some shell

Dark gray sand with shell


10

Beige to light gray sand

Dark gray sandy loam

Intrusive mole burrow along the west edge

14

Brown-yellow mottled sand

Dark brown sand with heavy charcoal concentrations and some bone


from 20 to 30 cm, and extended between 5 and 30 cm in depth (Table 5). Evidence of post erection falls into four categories: shallow deposit remains with additional materials likely included in the general midden above (Feature 3 and 4); post slid into pit with tapered walls (Feature 5 and 8); vertical post with straight walls and no evidence of sliding in the pit (Feature 9); and posts with sloping walls and tapered bases that were probably slid into their respective pits (Feature 10, 11, 11a, 11b, 14, 14a).
TABLE 5
POSTHOLE CHARACTERISTICS




Shape

Feature Number
Diameter (cm)
Depth (cm)
Plan View
Profile
Comments
3
24 x 20
5
Ovoid
Saucer

4
24 x 22
5
Ovoid
Saucer

7
28
18

V-shaped

9
24
19
Circular
U-shaped

11
12
19
Circular
U-shaped

11a
15
16
Circular
U-shaped

11b
18
30
Circular
U-shaped

14a

30
Circular

Shovel test intrusion
Feature 5, 8, and 9, all definite postholes, confirmed a corner of the structure. From Feature 9, Feature 3 and 4 extend to the south and could represent an additional ephemeral structure adjacent to the primary structure. Ceramic evidence suggests that the structure dates to the early 1700s and may associate with one of the La Punta farmsteads. Minimal English pottery (e.g. Slipware and Delft) common to the La Punta mission community was recovered from this area of the property; however, Native American pottery is abundant and other European ceramics are also common within the recovered assemblage. Presumably within the interior of the structure, Test Unit 16 possessed less shell and cultural material than test units straddling postholes. The high quantities of shell present in test units with postholes could represent tabby walls supported by in-ground posts while the interior, comparatively devoid of artifacts, could demonstrate activities occurring along the walls of the structure. Test Unit 9 was placed east of the proposed wall alignment for both structures, while Test Unit 10, 11, and 12 were placed within the primary structure's interior (west of the proposed wall alignment). While Test Unit 10 produced one potential posthole, the other features appeared to be trash pits (Test Unit 6 and 12, and possibly Test Unit 7) or miscellaneous pits (Test Unit 10). These non-posthole features occurred within the interior part of the secondary structure.
Other Post Holes
Three additional post-related features appeared in Level 3 of Test Unit 13 and Test Unit 18 (Figure 15). Two of the features—17 and 24a—are postholes while Feature 24 is a later pit that intrudes into Feature 24a. Measuring 24 cm by 27 cm in diameter, Feature 17 contained a gray sandy loam with charcoal specks. The posthole began at 33 cmbd and continued for 47 cm in three distinct deposits. Mottled brown-yellow sand occurred beneath approximately 12 cm of redeposited sterile soil, which appeared below mottled brown-yellow sand. In profile, the posthole walls appear slightly tapered with a flat base. Feature 17 abuts a trench that relates to later activities, is similar in depth and cross-section to Feature 15 (a modern posthole), and occurs within the interior of the proposed primary structure; therefore, it is likely that the posthole also postdates the mission era structure. Gray brown sandy loam extending from 33 to 47 cmbd comprised Feature 24, the intrusive pit. The intrusive pit truncated approximately the eastern two thirds of the first 13 cm in Feature 24a. Feature 24a contained mottled brown-gray sandy loam and reached from 33 to 62 cmbd. Though the upper eastern portion of the posthole profile is missing, Feature 24a has a sloping western wall and a curved base. Excavators decided to combine the artifacts, but noted that the majority of the material culture derived from Feature 24—the intrusive pit—rather than the posthole. Consistent with other areas of the site, the features contained materials from the 18th and the 19th century.
Disturbances within the midden probably reduced visible evidence of two additional postholes—Feature 2 and 6. Both postholes appeared similar to other shallow postholes (i.e. Feature 3 and 4) excavated throughout the site. Intensive root disturbances, paired with its proximity to an existing concrete slab, made defining Feature 2 difficult. The circular feature, a brown mottled sand with numerous roots, was noted more readily in plan view than in profile. Feature 2 measured 24 cm in diameter, and due to the feature's upper deposits' probable presence in the general midden, measured 6 cm in depth. Comparably, Feature 6 deposits likely started higher in the midden. Circular in plan view and saucer-shaped in profile, the feature spanned 14 cm in diameter and reached from 33 to 40 cmbd. Materials recovered were minimal, disturbed, and temporally mixed.
Finally, the depth and diameter of Feature 20a and 20b indicate that they may be postholes. Feature 20a extends 36 cmbd (33-69 cmbd) and measured 32 cm in diameter. The possible posthole contained a grayish brown sandy loam and intruded into the southern portion of Feature 20b (6 cm at the top of both features). Comprised of brown sandy loam, Feature 20b emerged 34 cmbd and remained until 55 cmbd. Though the material culture present within both features was mixed, the assemblage contained greater amounts of later artifacts, such as glass and nails. Both features also included bone.
Miscellaneous Pits
Of the five miscellaneous pit features (Figure 15) potentially associated with La Punta's mission community, three (Feature 9a, 12, and 12 North Half) occur in spaces that likely pertain to either the primary and/or secondary structure. Adjacent to Feature 7 and 9, Feature 9a was an oblong stain that spanned 50 by 30 cm with depths varying between 42 cmbd in the northern portion and 55 cmbd within the southern area. Feature 9a appeared along the southern wall of the primary structure and contained a dark gray to brownish gray sandy loam with some shell. Feature 14, a postmold with two postholes, separated Feature 12 and 12 North Half, which formed a rectangular trash pit adjacent to the entryway of the primary structure. A gray to dark gray sandy loam with abundant charcoal—a soil type similar to Feature 12—comprised the North Half of Feature 12. A small, intrusive pit—probably from a 1979 auger hole survey—disturbed the northern portion of Feature 12 North Half. The pit measured 1 m by 52 cm, was saucer-shaped in profile, and lacked the depth of Feature 12. The North Half spanned from 32 to 45 cmbd and intruded into Feature 14. Evidence of intrusion may suggest abandonment activity associated with the structure. Soil characteristics of Feature 12 correspond to the North Half, though the southern portion contained more shell debris. Feature 12 measured 75 cm long by 50 cm wide and reached 26 cm in depth (21-47 cmbd). Sloping sides and an uneven base defined its profile. As with the North Half, Feature 12 occurred above a small portion of Feature 14, which may offer evidence of post abandonment activities.
The purpose of Feature 16 remains more ambiguous. Originally considered a posthole, Feature 16 measured 37 cm in diameter and first appeared 35 cmbd. Comprised of gray sandy loam with very little charcoal, the feature terminated at 53 cmbd and contained between 1.5 and 4 cm of disturbed soil at its base. Immediately north, Feature 16a impacted Feature 16. Concrete intrusions from underneath the rear of the garage appeared 35 cmbd and continued until 63 cmbd. Feature 16a extended 12 cm east of the concrete pad and, in plan view, disturbed the northern 7 cm of Feature 16.
Categorizing the Assemblages for Analysis
Following the precedent of White (2002) and Boyer (2005), the assemblages recovered from 133 and 161 Marine Street are arranged into categories as follows: Activities, Architecture, Arms, Clothing, Furniture, Personal, and Tobacco. The Kitchen category includes four sub-groupings: Aboriginal Ceramics, European Tablewares, European Utilitarian Wares, and Non-Ceramics. These classifications stem from Stanley South's (1977) functional groups which Kathleen Deagan (1983) later modified. Criticisms regarding South's pattern methodology (Orser 1989), however accurate, are irrelevant in the current context. An object's function is dynamic. Its use and role can change through time and vary by individual. The various patterns and artifactual indicators proposed by South may limit analysis to a functional, synchronic framework; however, utilizing the aforementioned set of categories serves as the means to discuss the assemblages rather than to establish a Yamasee-specific pattern.
Information input into the artifact database is included in Appendix B (133 Marine Street) and Appendix C (161 Marine Street). Appendix A includes artifact codes as listed in the database as well as the codes' corresponding artifact description. The codes are listed alphabetically within their corresponding category. Ceramics appear within the Kitchen classification, but are then separated according to the four sub-groups. Faunal remains are included as a distinct group and will be the final analysis component. Forthcoming discussions regarding the material culture of both sites includes only the data related to the La Punta mission community.
Material Culture at 133 Marine Street
Level 2, as well as Level 3 in Test Unit 1 and 8, contained the greatest concentration of materials associated with La Punta. Although present in the same cultural midden, 18th and 19th century artifacts are not relevant to this analysis. Intrusive materials, however, complicate portions of the discussion. Determining whether faunal remains and architectural materials relate to the mission community or to a later occupation becomes more difficult. Additionally, artifacts used throughout the 18th century (e.g. furniture tacks) may relate to the mission or to a later period. Generally, these objects are included within the mission assemblage. Possibly dating discrepancies are noted. Moreover, artifacts within features fail to further elucidate feature function or provide possible temporal clarification of the material culture. Nevertheless, based on depth, materials, and relationships to one another, the features mentioned above appear to associate with La Punta. As with 161 Marine Street, the artifactual assemblage of 133 Marine Street that pertains to the mission contains multi-ethnic materials made, traded for, or purchased by the natives and Europeans, specifically, the English, Spanish, and French. Two thousand five hundred and forty-nine artifacts, separated into the eight groups modeled after South (1977), are present within the recovered assemblage from 133 Marine Street (Table 6 and Table 7).
Activities

Modified whelk shells (n=7) comprise the largest Activities category (Table 8). Excavation produced four columella, two tools, and two possible tools. These objects, paired with the four—possibly five—lead weights, one chert nodule, three utilized flakes, and two chert fragments indicate that the mission population met their dietary needs partially through traditionally native methods. Whelks served as bowls, hammers, or axes while lithic materials enabled mission occupants to produce projectile point/knives and lead weights facilitated net
TABLE 6
ARTIFACT GROUPS AND TOTAL COUNTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Group
Count
Percent of Total Assemblage
Activity
20
0.78%
Architecture*
1096
43.01%
Arms
52
2.04%
Clothing
17
0.67%
Furniture
19
0.75%
Kitchen
1311
51.45%
Personal
2
0.00%
Tobacco
28
1.10%
Total
2548
99.80%
*When adjusted (see Table 7) to exclude unidentified construction materials, metal objects, metal fragments, and nails, the Architecture group contains 125 objects.

TABLE 7
ARTIFACT GROUPS AND ADJUSTED TOTAL COUNTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Group
Count
Percent of Total Assemblage
Activity
20
1.27%
Architecture
125
7.93%
Arms
52
3.30%
Clothing
17
1.08%
Furniture
19
1.20%
Kitchen
1311
83.13%
Personal
2
0.13%
Tobacco
28
1.78%
Total
1577
99.82%



TABLE 8
ACTIVITIES GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 M ARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Activities Group
Shell tools
8
36.84%
Chert
6
31.58%
Lead weights
4
21.05%
Possible lead weight
1
5.26%
Slag
1
5.26%
Total
20
99.99%

fishing in the estuaries surrounding the site. One slag fragment tentatively implies metallurgical activity within the site, though not immediately within the area investigated. Forty-nine coal fragments (240.8 g) and thirty-eight proveniences containing 68.4 g of charcoal may suggest activities related to fire, such as cooking; however, the evidence is sparse. These materials were not concentrated in a feature (e.g. fire pit) and there is no direct evidence that the coal or the charcoal associates with the mission. The materials could occur as the result of a natural process (e.g. fire), a cultural phenomenon (e.g. fire), or may relate to later uses of the land.
Architecture
Differentiating between construction resources utilized by those residing at La Punta and refuse associated with the 19th and 20th centuries proves difficult. Comparing the largest quantities of architectural materials recovered from 161 Marine Street—coquina, daub, brick, tabby, mortar, and plaster—133 Marine Street demonstrates significantly smaller quantities of each material (Table 9). It is possible, however, that a Second Spanish Period powder magazine inflates the Architecture counts for 161 Marine Street. According to weight, coquina, daub, and tabby occurred most frequently at 161 Marine Street and, therefore, are more likely to be related to La Punta occupation (Table 10). Areas investigated at 133 Marine Street yielded no mortar or plaster, though 29 unidentified construction materials were present. Forty-two bricks, 3
TABLE 9
ARCHITECTURE GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Architecture Group
UID Nail
629
57.34%
Metal objects
147
13.40%
UID Metal
74
6.75%
Iron fragments
71
6.47%
Brick
45
4.10%
UID Construction materials
29
2.64%
Daub
20
1.82%
UID Iron
22
2.01%
Wrought nail
22
2.01%
Coquina
11
1.00%
Tabby
11
1.00%
Clinched nail
8
0.73%
Slate
3
0.27%
Bolt
2
0.18%
Spike
1
0.00%
Tassel holder
1
0.00%
Lead object
1
0.00%
Total
1096
99.72%

TABLE 10
ARCHITECTURAL MATERIALS WEIGHT COMPARISONS, 133 MARINE STREET AND 161 MARINE STREET

133 Marine Street
161 Marine Street
Artifact Description
Weight (g)
Artifact Description
Weight (g)
Coquina
113.8
Coquina
2569.8
Daub
37.7
Daub
> 2500.0
Brick
239.5
Brick
236.1
Tabby
69.6
Tabby
58.5
Mortar
—
Mortar
22.9
Plaster
—
Plaster
12.2
Total
460.6
Total
> 5399.5

burnished bricks, 13 daub, 9 burnt daub, 11 tabby, and 11 coquina fragments represent building materials. The 45 bricks may relate to divergent architectural methods for the structure, which appears to be rectangular rather than circular, within this area of the mission (see Interpretation and Discussion). Similarly, the bricks could represent intrusive elements related to later land use.
Additional architectural elements provide minimal insight into temporal or spatial associations at 133 Marine Street. Soil acidity often produced highly oxidized metal objects and
nails. Although 1,097 originally comprised the Architecture group, Table 11 illustrates adjusted counts and percentages of identifiable architectural materials. Six hundred and twenty nine unidentified nails, 148 metal objects, 74 unidentified metal, 71 iron fragments, and 22 unidentified iron were removed from data analysis. The total number of nails (n=659) at 133 Marine Street, like 166 Marine Street, may suggest their use in mission architecture. Remaining metal objects do not necessarily pertain to the mission settlement; however, the broad dates of some materials include the period of mission occupation. One spike, one tassel holder, two bolts, and three slate fragments formed part of the assemblage, though no conclusive evidence suggests relationship to the mission. Wrought nails date to the 17th century and throughout most of the 18th century. Twenty-two wrought nails, one with a rose head, nails represent the identifiable nails produced during the mission era. Eight clinched nails may also correspond with the mission, though cut nails (ca. 1790-1900) were also clinched in order to secure the bond between architectural materials.
TABLE 11
ADJUSTED ARCHITECTURE GROUPS AND COUNTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Architecture Group
Brick
45
36.29%
Wrought nail
22
17.74%
Daub
20
16.13%
Coquina
11
8.87%
Tabby
11
8.87%
Clinched nail
8
6.45%
Slate
3
2.42%
Bolt
2
1.61%
Tassel Holder
1
0.81%
Spike
1
0.81%
Total
124
100.00%

Arms
With guns, the Yamasee and Apalachee residing at La Punta could, if necessary, better defend colonial St. Augustine and hunt small and large game with expediency. Table 12 displays recovered materials culture that relates to guns—1 lead sprue, 3 gunflints, 8 musket balls, 40 lead shot. These objects suggests the people of La Punta utilized these technologies, though whether the Yamasee brought weapons acquired in South Carolina with them or whether Spanish St.
TABLE 12
ARMS GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Arms Group
Lead shot
48
88.89%
Gunflint
3
5.56%
Sabre tip
1
1.85%
Knife handle
1
1.85%
Lead sprue
1
1.85%
Total
54
100.00%

Augustine supplied arms to the mission community is unclear. One cross hatched bone knife handle and one sabre tip indicate other probable forms of personal armament among the mission natives. Cutlery could account for the bone handle. Hume (1969:178), however, describes the popularity of curved blade knives throughout the 18th century and of late 18th century knives frequently made with bone handles. Furthermore, the blade handle could be of native manufacture or modification (e.g. decoration on a plain handle).
Clothing
Objects comprising the Clothing group are sparse, are not indicative of a particular time period, and reveal minimal information concerning cultural preferences and practices (Table 13). The poor preservation of clothing materials manufactured and worn by natives and Europeans compounds this problem. One brass thimble may suggest that clothing manufacture and/or repair occurred at the mission, though these objects appeared often as modified "tinklers," which adorned clothing. "No appreciable difference" exists between thimbles produced during the 18th and 19th centuries (Hume 1969:255), though Deagan (1987b:204) describes broad, yet distinctive phases of manufacture. Paired with its provenance—the general cultural midden of Test Unit 17—the available evidence cannot confirm whether the mission inhabitants used the thimble. If associated with La Punta, two brass garment hooks served as means to hang clothes.
TABLE 13
CLOTHING GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Clothing Group
Button
6
35.29%
Cufflinks
4
23.53%
Buckle
4
23.53%
Garment hook
2
11.76%
Hook and eye
1
5.88%
Thimble
1
5.88%
Total
17
105.87%

One metal hook and eye, used to fasten clothing, was recovered. Excavation yielded two brass buckle fragments, one iron buckle fragment, and a fourth metal buckle fragment. Buckles, however, "fall into two broad categories, dress and harness, and neither is closely dateable" (Hume 1969:84).
Two of the cufflinks, also called sleeve buttons, form a set; the other two fastener objects are brass shanks. According to Deagan (1987b:173), "after the middle of the eighteenth century, metal sleeve links become more common." Six buttons comprise the largest percentage of the Clothing group. Button types include: one two hole wood, one five hole wood, one bone, one four hole shell, one brass shank, and one brass face with no shank. By the 18th century, few button types were exclusively Spanish; instead, varieties extended to British and French sites as well. Wooden buttons of the 18th century tended to be flat, plain, one hole disks and were imported and manufactured locally (Deagan 1987b:165). Similarly, individuals frequently produced utilitarian wood buttons at home throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. The drilled holes permitted attaching the bone buttons to various garment types (Marcel 1994:2). Mother-of-Pearl buttons occurred between approximately 1750 until the end of the colonial period (Deagan 1987b:172). "Hollow-cast" brass buttons, often with embossing, reached their popularity during the first half of the 18th century as "flat copper-alloy disks predominated in the second" (Hume 1969:89-90).
Furniture
Of the 19 artifacts comprising the Furniture group, brass tacks represent the greatest quantity (Table 14). Used as a technique for anchoring, brass tacks appeared on the back of chairs during the mid-17th century and secured the exterior leather of coaches and sedans during the 18th century (Hume 1969:227-228). Two escutcheon fragments could relate to guns, locks plates, drawer handle plates, clocks, or other types of furniture ornamentation. One drawer pull and a cog/gear are also included in the assemblage, though no specific time periods or conclusive associations can be noted.
TABLE 14
FURNITURE GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Furniture Group
Tack
15
78.95%
Escutcheon
2
10.53%
Drawer Pull
1
5.26%
Cog/Gear
1
5.26%
Total
19
100.0%


Kitchen
Kitchen artifacts recovered from 133 Marine Street adhere to the expected composition of an 18th century archaeological site: the Kitchen group comprises the largest percentage (51.47%) of the assemblage. Within the four Kitchen sub-groups (Aboriginal Ceramics, European Tablewares, European Utilitarian Wares, and Non-Ceramics), aboriginal pottery represents the most abundant ceramic categorization (23.64%). Glassware and Bottles comprise the largest sub-group, though the number may be inflated. There is insufficient diagnostic information (e.g. mold seams, makers' mark, lip application) to determine chronology among most of the glass shards and bottles. Table 15 demonstrates the distribution of artifacts within the Kitchen group and further splits the four sub-groups into seven groupings: Aboriginal Ceramics, Hispanic Tablewares, Non-Hispanic Tablewares, Hispanic Utilitarian Wares, Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares, Glassware and Bottles, Metal Cooking Vessels.
TABLE 15
KITCHEN GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Sub-Group
Count
Percent of Kitchen Group
Aboriginal Ceramics
310
23.64%
Hispanic Tablewares
93
7.09%
Non-Hispanic Tablewares
41
3.13%
Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
25
1.91%
Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares*
19
1.45%
Glassware and Bottles
823
62.78%
Total
1311
100.0%
*Indeterminate coarse earthenwares (n=65) are not included in the Hispanic or the non-Hispanic sub-group count.

ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
Probably produced for personal use or as goods to sell in colonial St. Augustine, aboriginal ceramics comprise the largest Kitchen sub-group. During analysis, aboriginal sherds smaller than 2 cm qualified as sherdlets. Sherdlets (n=1,740) comprised the largest portion of the Aboriginal Ceramics group; however, they are excluded from this discussion. Surface treatment descriptions adhered to traditional classifications: plain, incised, punctated, impressed, stamped (check, simple, complicated, rectilinear, curvilinear), burnished, and red film. Eroded ceramics demonstrate poorly executed stamping. Red filmed sherds appear commonly within Yamasee and mission sites in Florida (Sweeney and Poplin [2015]) and were recorded as Mission Red Film regardless of their temper.
Of the 23 aboriginal ceramic types present at 133 Marine Street (Table 16), San Marcos, sherds, including Plain, Stamped, Punctated and Indeterminate, represent the largest group (Table 17). Coarse sand, limestone, and/or shell tempering distinguish San Marcos from other
TABLE 16
ABORIGINAL CERAMICS BY SUB-GROUP, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Aboriginal Ceramics Group
San Marcos
223
71.94%
Non-local aboriginal
18
5.81%
Sand Tempered
17
5.48%
St. Johns
25
8.06%
Sand Tempered Plain
15
4.84%
Colonoware
5
1.61%
UID Aboriginal
2
0.65%
Miller Plain
1
0.32%
San Pedro
1
0.32%
Grog Tempered
1
0.32%
Mission Red Filmed
2
0.65%
Total
310
100.0%

TABLE 17
ABORIGINAL CERAMIC COUNTS AND TYPES, 133 MARINE STREET

Aboriginal Ceramic Type
Count
San Marcos
204
San Marcos Decorated
192
Rectilinear Stamped
86
Check Stamped
47
Complicated Stamped
27
Simple Stamped
14
Curvilinear Stamped
10
Punctated
1
San Marcos Indeterminate
185
San Marcos Plain
26

St. Johns
25
TABLE 17 (continued)
ABORIGINAL CERAMIC COUNTS AND TYPES, 133 MARINE STREET

Aboriginal Ceramic Type
Count

Plain
17
UID
6
Check Stamped
1
Incised
1


Sand Tempered
17
Sand Tempered Plain
15
Sand Tempered Eroded
2


Non-local Aboriginal
18
Colonoware
5
Mission Red Filmed Plain
2
UID Aboriginal
2
San Pedro Plain
1
Miller Plain
1
Grog Tempered Plain
1
Total
310

ceramic types (Otto and Lewis 1975), though the classification varies by region. Other identifications include Altamaha, Sutherland Bluff, and King George (White 2002:73-75). Whether differences between these types exist is debatable (Sweeney 2009). Saunders (2000) considers these types to relate to—and presumably to be produced by—the Yamasee and Guale. Worth (1997:15-17; 2009b:192-207) argues that all coastal groups north of colonial St. Augustine including the Mocama, produced San Marcos by the late 17th and early 18th century.
Rectilinear stamped (n=86) is the most abundant surface treatment on San Marcos ceramics. The assemblage includes three rounded rims and two shell tempered beveled rims. One sherd included shell tempering, one included grog and shell tempering, and four sherds exhibited grog tempering. Other San Marcos Decorated design applications include 47 check stamped, with 1 shell and grit tempered rounded rim, 1 grog tempered, 2 shell tempered, and 5 sand and grit tempered; 27 complicated stamped with 3 rims—1 rolled, 1 straight, and 1 unspecified—and one shell tempered sherd; 10 curvilinear, 2 of which are flat rims; 14 simple stamped with 1 flared and 1 inverted rolled rim; and 1 punctated. One hundred and eighty five surface treatments were indeterminate, though the category included four rounded rims—one of which contained shell, one beveled, one rounded rim with a trace of Mission Red Filmed, and one flat rim. Temper variants include nine grog, six shell, and two grit. San Marcos Plain contains four sand and shell tempered, three grog tempered, and one shell tempered.
St. Johns sherds comprise the second most abundant ceramic type recovered from 133 Marine Street. Surface treatment types and sherd quantities include 17 plain, 6 unidentified, 1 medium check stamped rim, and 1 cob impressed. St. Johns Plain includes one sand tempered check stamped and one rounded rim. San Marcos increasingly replaced St. Johns popularity during the 17th century. By the 18th century, San Marcos represented the only locally produced utilitarian pottery type (Merritt 1983:134). It is unlikely that the St. Johns pottery relates to the mission community; instead, these materials suggest an earlier, limited use of the area. One grog and sand tempered San Pedro Plain sherd also represents probable use of the site before the La Punta developed.
With 17 sherds, Sand Tempered Plain represents the third largest aboriginal ceramic category. Vessel forms and surface treatments include two unidentified rims, one rounded rim, one medium check stamped rim, one medium check stamped, and two eroded. 133 Marine Street contained five Colonoware (Deagan 1987a:103-104) sherds, which is a pottery description assigned to vessels created locally, with characteristics common to European wares, and found in both Spanish and native households. Archaeologists investigating sites in South Carolina tended to associate this ceramic type with African slaves (Ferguson 1992), whereas colonoware recovered from sites in La Florida appears to relate to native production for Spanish purchase (Melcher 2011). Colonoware vessels helped supplement the often irregular delivery of supplies to St. Augustine and served as an alternative to other European, primarily the English, ceramic goods. Temper, surface treatment, and vessel form noted for the Colonoware fragments include one sand and grog tempered check stamped, one check stamped, one unidentified stamped, one curved rim, and one base. Two Mission Red Filmed, two unidentifiable aboriginal, one Grog Tempered Plain, one Miller Plain, and eighteen non-local aboriginal sherds complete the group. Non-local pottery included 11 sand tempered plain, 2 of which are rims, 4 sand tempered simple stamped, 1 sand tempered check stamped, and one unidentified type. The non-local ceramic category primarily refers to pottery types that do not fit recognizable criteria (i.e. temper, surface treatment, or shape) that distinguish common Native American pottery types found in the St. Augustine area (e.g. St. Johns, San Marcos, Altamaha, and San Pedro). Nonlocal types are generally associated with pottery types that originate in the western or southern portions of the Florida peninsula.
EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
Tableware types recovered from 133 Marine Street include Spanish majolica, English delftware, porcelain, Astbury, slipware, stoneware, as well as Oriental porcelain (Table 18). Spanish tablewares (n=93) occur most frequently. Twenty-nine San Luis Polychrome, which contains 3 beveled, 1 straight, and 6 unidentified rims, 14 Puebla Blue on White, including 2 beveled rims, 1 excurvate, and 2 unidentified rim types, 6 Puebla Polychrome, 1 Mexican Red Painted, and 43 unidentified majolica, which contained 2 straight rims, 4 unidentified rims, and 1 handle, comprise the sub-group. Puebla Blue on White pottery represents the "most abundant, widespread, and frequently encountered of the eighteenth-century Puebla majolicas" (Deagan 1987a:83). Its production spans roughly between 1700 and 1850. Significant quantities of Puebla Polychrome appear in St. Augustine from approximately 1650 to 1725. The date range for San Luis Polychrome ranges from 1650 to 1750.
English ceramic types and quantities include Slipware (n=3), Delft (n=15), English Porcelain, including two rims, (n=6), Astbury (n=2), and Elers-type stoneware (n=1). The Slipware category includes one handle frag and two American Slipware crimped rims. Form was also determined for the Elers sherd, which is a molded bowl shoulder. Five Chinese Porcelain
TABLE 18
EUROPEAN TABLEWARE TYPES AND COUNTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of European Tableware Group
Spanish Tablewares
UID Majolica
43
32.09%

San Luis Polychrome
29
21.64%

Puebla Blue on White
14
10.45%

Puebla Polychrome
6
4.48%

Mexican Red Painted
1
0.75%




English Tablewares
Delftware
15
11.19%

English Porcelain
6
4.48%

Astbury
2
1.49%

American Red Slipware
2
1.49%

Elers-type Stoneware
1
0.75%

Slipware
1
0.75%




Oriental Tablewares
UID Porcelain
9
6.71%

Over-glazed Porcelain
2
1.49%

Chinese Porcelain
2
1.49%

Powder Blue Porcelain
1
0.75%
Total

134
100.0%


and nine unidentified Porcelain sherds were also present. One beveled rim and one unidentified rim type comprise the generic Chinese Porcelain classification. Two overglazed porcelain sherds and one Powder Blue sherd were also recovered. The assemblage also contains nine unidentified porcelain sherds, including one rim, one footring, and one with a molded decoration.
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARES
Vessels utilized for storage, transportation, cooking, and washing comprise the Utilitarian Wares sub-group (Table 19). Spanish types recovered from 133 Marine Street include 11 Unglazed Olive Jar, 2 Glazed Olive Jar, 7 black lead glazed coarse earthenware, 1 blue lead glazed coarse, 3 interior glazed, 5 unidentified glazed and 10 unglazed coarse earthenware, 1 striped, 1 with a burnished exterior, 1 reworked, and 44 unidentified coarse earthenware, as well as four El Morro fragments. Spanish utilitarian wares (n=25) are the most abundant sub-group.
TABLE 19
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARE TYPES AND COUNTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of European Utilitarian Wares Group
Spanish Utilitarian Wares
Oliver Jar
11
10.09%

Black Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware
7
6.42%

El Morro
4
3.67%

Glazed Olive Jar
2
1.83%

Blue Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware
1
0.91%




Other European Utilitarian Wares
Stoneware
English Redware
9
1
8.26%
0.91%




Unidentified Utilitarian
UID Coarse Earthenware
60
55.05%

Redware
6
5.50%
Unidentified Utilitarian
UID Glazed Coarse Earthenware
5
4.59%

Glazed Redware
3
2.75%
Total

109
99.98%


English ceramic types present at 133 Marine Street include nine Stoneware and one English Redware sherd. Stoneware vessel decorations and forms include one rolled Mocha rim, one Royal rim, one lid, one fragment with floral décor, and one sherd with blue and yellow flowers. 10 Redware sherds, 3 of which are glazed and 1 of which is a glazed straight rim, complete the Utilitarian Ware sub-group.
NON-CERAMIC
The assemblage contains a variety of glass vessels utilized for storage and as a means to serve beverages, food, and medicine. With 823 shards, glass represents the largest Kitchen group. Five hundred and fifty eight (67.8%) of the glass recovered offered no information other than color. Glass colors provide no diagnostic information, though with an identifiable form (e.g. bottle, tumbler) the color may refine dating. Furthermore, determining glass colors varies based upon who completes the analysis, thereby potentially conflating quantities. Table 20 exhibits the
TABLE 20
GLASS COLOR, COUNT, AND FORM, 133 MARINE STREET

Glass Color
Count
Form
Percent of Glass Sub-Group
Window
206
Window
25.03%
UID
183
18 bottle glass
3 kick-ups
4 lips
22.24%
Clear
174
1 melted
2 bottle necks
2 bases
2 rims
6 bottle glass
21.14%
Green
111
11 possible window
2 bottle glass
2 lips
13.49%
Light green
68

8.26%
Olive green
27

3.28%
Amber
24

2.92%
White
9
2 bottle glass
1.09%
Black
5
1 flat
1 kick-up
0.61%
Dark olive green
4

0.49%
Yellow
3

0.36%

TABLE 20 (continued)
GLASS COLOR, COUNT, AND FORM, 133 MARINE STREET

Glass Color
Count
Form
Percent of Glass Sub-Group

Brown
3
1 bottle lip and neck
0.36%
Cobalt blue
3

0.36%
Blue
3
1 medicine bottle
0.36%
Yellow-green
2

0.24%
Light amber
1

0.12%
Dark amber
1

0.12%
Light olive green
1

0.12%
Green-blue
1

0.12%
Total
823

100.71%

variety of glass colors at 133 Marine Street and notes vessel forms when applicable. The glass assemblage recovered from 161 Marine Street also demonstrates color and form variety. Colors and quantities present at 133 Marine Street include 206 window glass, 183 unidentified—generally heavily patinated—174 clear, 111 green, 68 light green, 27 olive green, 24 amber, 9 white, 5 black, 4 dark olive green, 3 yellow, 3 brown, 3 cobalt blue, 3 blue, 2 yellow-green, 1 light amber, 1 dark amber, 1 light olive green, and 1 green-blue.
Including the 206, and the 11 possible, window glass fragments, identifiable glass forms account for 33.41% of the glass group. When excluding window glass, identifiable glass forms represent 7.05% of the total glass assemblage (Table 20). Glass colors attributed to bottles include 25 heavily patinated, which likely corresponds with olive green glass, 12 clear, 4 green, 2 white, 1 black, 1 brown, and 1 blue. Forms associated with these colors, listed respectively, include: 18 bottle fragments, 3 kick-ups, and 4 lips; 2 bottle necks, 2 bases, 2 rims, and 6 bottle fragments; 2 bottle fragments and 2 lips; 2 bottle fragments; 1 kick-up; 1 bottle lip and neck; and 1 medicine bottle fragment.

Personal
One brass ring and one barrel bead comprise the Personal group (Table 20). Brass rings, such as the one discovered at 133 Marine Street, prove common to archaeological sites; however, no thorough chronology exists. Examples of "posy rings," betrothal, mourning, and Jesuit rings occur frequently within colonial contexts (Hume 1969:265-266). The ring recovered from 133 Marine Street exhibits a rose bud décor and likely represents the most frequent type of ring worn during the 18th century: decorative. The dark blue glass faceted barrel bead likely entered the mission through trading or gifting activities between the native population and Europeans.
Tobacco
Compared to 161 Marine Street, 133 Marine Street yielded significantly fewer kaolin pipe stems and pipe bowls (difference n=74). English influence, paired with availability and affordability, made kaolin pipes a popular good among native populations. Durable in nature, the pipes served their purpose for a few years. Their popularity is evidenced by recurrent evidence of their disposal across colonial archaeological sites. Excavation produced 7 pipe bowl fragments, one of which was molded, and 21 pipe stem fragments, one of which was molded. Decorated pipe bowl production began as early as 1730. Pipe stem decorations coincided with the manufacture of tobacco pipes containing makers' marks and commenced in the 16th century and continuing early 19th century (Hume 1969:303-304).
Flora and Fauna
Faunal remains recovered from 133 Marine Street suggest the Yamasee preserved traditional dietary practices, incorporated estuarine food sources, and consumed domesticated mammals available in colonial St. Augustine (Table 21). Volunteers proficient in faunal analysis identified remains to the lowest taxonomic level. Count and weight were recorded for the faunal assemblages recovered at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street. Unlike the analysis of 161 Marine Street, the faunal data from 133 Marine Street does not consider the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) present. The depth of faunal analysis completed at each site will be discussed more thoroughly in the following chapter.
TABLE 21
FLORA AND FAUNA GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Taxon
Count
Weight (g)
Percent of Faunal Group
UID Mammal
176
256.8
32.77%
UID Large mammal
4
243.7
0.74%
UID Medium mammal
1
6.0
0.19%
UID Small mammal
1
0.4
0.19%
Bos taurus (domesticated cow)
14
288.2
2.61%
Sus scrofa (domesticated pig)
4
3.0
0.74%
Odocoileus virginianus (white-tailed deer)
2
11.6
0.37%
UID Artiodactyl (even-toed hoofed mammals)
1
1.2
0.19%
Subtotal
203
810.9
37.80%




UID Bird
10
4.1
1.86%
Gallus gallus (domesticated chicken)
9
11.9
1.68%
Sandpiper
1
0.1
0.19%
Subtotal
20
16.1
3.73%




UID Turtle
12
6.3
2.23%
Mud turtle
6
2.6
1.11%
Subtotal
18
8.9
3.34%




UID Fish
231
116.4
43.02%
Catfish
37
17.2
6.89%
Squaliformes (shark family)
8
4.4
1.49%
Mullet
8
0.4
1.49%
Sciaenidae (drum fish family)
3
10.5
0.56%
Subtotal
287
148.9
53.45%

Shell



Crab claws
2
0.7
0.37%
Conch
1
11.3
0.19%
Greedy Dove Snail
1
0.5
0.19%
Busycon
1
9.4
0.19%
Knobbed Whelk
1
5.2
0.19%
TABLE 21 (continued)
FLORA AND FAUNA GROUP ARTIFACTS, 133 MARINE STREET

Taxon
Count
Weight (g)
Percent of Faunal Group

Clam and oyster
—
284.7
—
Subtotal
7
311.8
1.13%




Coprolite
3
1.8
0.56%




Nut Hull
1
0.1
0.19%
Total
537
1298.5
100.20%

Four hundred and twenty two unidentifiable fauna, which weighed 592 g, are not a component of this discussion. Nineteen additional indeterminate faunal remains, however, exhibited notable attributes. 17 of these bones were burnt, 1 was articular, and 1 was butchered. Other types of faunal and floral remains, and their quantities, present at 133 Marine Street include 287 fish, 203 mammal, 20 bird, 18 turtle, 7 shells, and 1 nut hull. Though all floral and faunal remains produced during excavation are discussed, it is probable that a portion of these remains relate to later uses of the site. The Foodways section in the following chapter discusses the fauna present at 133 Marine Street; furthermore, the analysis offers refined faunal data.
Fish remains comprise the largest portion of the Fauna group with catfish (n=37) serving as the most abundant type. Identifiable catfish bones included 26 skull fragments, 4 pectoral spines, 1 dorsal spine, 1 hyomaudefalar, and 2 skull and spine attachments. The assemblage also contains eight shark vertebrae and eight mullet fragments, including four opercula, two hyomaudefalar, and one epihyal. One otolith, one maxilla, and one unidentified bone comprised the black drum sub-group. Of the 231 unidentified fish remains, 99 bones were identified: 71 vertebrae, 11 spine, 8 hemal spine, 2 large fish vertebrae, 2 medium fish vertebrae, 2 fin, 1 quadrabe, 1 dorsal spine, and 1 fish scale.
Two species of domesticated mammals contributed to the mission population's diet: cow and pig. Fourteen cow remains, including five teeth, two astraguli, one ulna, one phalange, one tarpal bone, one scaploid, and one butchered bone, were present. One cervical vertebra and one rib illuminate the presence and probable consumption of pigs within this area of La Punta. Faunal remains also include two white-tailed deer, four large mammal, one medium mammal, one small mammal, one calcanium and one phalange related to either pig or deer, and two mammal teeth likely associated to cow. Unidentified mammal species (n=176) possessed a variety of identifiable attributes, including eight teeth, five ribs, four tooth fragments, three ear bones, three burnt bones, two long bones, one centrum, one phalange, one tooth root, one vertebra, and one butchered bone.
Bird remains (n=20) located at the mission include three unidentified vertebrae, one large carpometacarpal, and seven additional unidentified bone, as well as nine domesticated chicken remains and one sandpiper humerus. Chicken bone types and attributes include two synsacrum, two scapula, one burnt ulna, one left proximal ulna, one left distal radius, one right tibiotarsus, and one right femur. Six mud turtle carapace fragments, five indeterminate turtle carapace fragments, and six turtle shell fragments were also recovered. During excavation, clam and oyster shell from two proveniences (4.03 and 5.03) was weighed and discarded. Other types of shell present at133 Marine Street include two crab claws, one knobbed whelk, one conch, one greedy dove snail, and one busycon.
Weight comparisons demonstrate that the identifiable wild (n=308) and identifiable domesticates (n=27) proportions may indicate preference for domesticates. According to bone weight, wild mammals, including fish, account for 35.87% of the total identifiable faunal assemblage. Domesticates comprise 64.13% of the assemblage. Bone weight, however, fails to serve as an accurate indicator of caloric intake or of the quantity of meat various species provide. Cow and pigs bones, for example, generally weigh more than the remains of other taxa. The numbers presented, therefore, may not accurately reflect the amount of meat contributed by a specific species (e.g. cow) within the mission diet. Nevertheless, the presence of cow (Bos taurus), pig (Sus scrofa), and chicken (Gallus gallus) demonstrate that European foodways formed a component of the diet among mission occupants, though resources available in the nearby estuaries appear to be preferred.
Mission Era Features at 161 Marine Street
The 1997 field season led to the investigation of 42 features within 150 square meters of property (BDAC 95-0633) and yielded over 16,000 artifacts, the largest collection related to 18th century mission communities in La Florida. As White (2002) suggests in her analysis of 133 Marine Street, analyzing and interpreting the collected data provides an opportunity to better understand Yamasee lifeways and evaluate creolization within the fluid and dynamic, multicultural environments of St. Augustine and the faltering, though mildly tenacious, Spanish mission system during the mid-18th century.
Documented features related to the mission community include a well with a supporting superstructure, at least 1, and possibly 3, structures, 5 daub processing pits—which were later converted to trash pits—as well as 18 miscellaneous pits and 2 parallel agricultural ditches (Figure 17). Stratigraphy and feature placement suggest two periods of mission occupation. A cultural sheet midden, meaning a layer of refuse that extended over portions of the site, is present as a by-product of site occupation. Fine brown sand, ranging from 10 cm to 15 cm thick comprised the sheet midden. Midden concentrations appeared in nine test units around the well: Unit 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 in Stripping Area 1, as well as Stripping Area 5 Unit 4 (Figure 18).
Walk-In Well and Superstructure
Investigating the well (Feature 6), which extended into the water table, necessitated a system of well points attached to a pump. Lowering the water table permitted excavation. The feature was bisected, and the south half excavated in its entirety in order to understand the construction, use, and abandonment of the well. First Spanish Period wells (Deagan 1983) typically utilized barrels that rested in a U-shaped pit that ranged from one to three meters in diameter and reached the water table. The Spanish placed a barrel without a top or bottom into the U-shaped pit, intending to embed the barrel into the water table. Sediment remaining inside the barrel was removed and stacking additional barrels formed a shaft. Backfilling around the barrel shaft reinforced the well.
In contrast, the well constructed at 161 Marine Street demonstrates a different construction technique implemented over an indeterminate period of time, likely ranging from several days to several weeks as indicated by soil deposit turbation and construction pit walls undercut by erosion. The initial construction phase opened a circular pit, approximately 2 meters in diameter (Figure 19). Following the period of exposure, the mission community utilized more traditional Spanish barrel well techniques. A barrel, comprised of staves, over one meter in height, and 90 cm at its widest point, was placed into the water table with hoops enclosing wooden and secured through backfilling. The barrel's bottom remained intact and the mission population created no shaft; instead, a shallow U-shaped, saucer-like depression surrounded the barrel, enabling people to walk into the well and gather water at the barrel's edge. A footpath leading to the barrel appeared along the southern edge of the feature.

FIGURE 17. Feature types at 161 Marine Street. Source: Adapted from White (2002:51).
FIGURE 18. 161 Marine Street site map. Only features related to La Punta appear. Source: Adapted from White (2002:51).
Stratigraphy noted in the well shaft suggests two distinct episodes of well use. Fine sand, accumulated during the initial period of use, covered the wells' bottom (B in Figure 19). Aeolian sand (C in Figure 19), which contained the remains of a bird (Passeriformes) and a rat (Cricitidae), demonstrate a period of abandonment at La Punta. Upon returning to the site, the mission community again utilized the well by placing greenish gray clay from the neighboring marsh and coquina stones above the original Aeolian deposit (D in Figure 19). While in use for the second period, the well collected additional Aeolian sands (E in Figure 19). Following the abandonment of La Punta, and therefore the well, the barrel decayed, resulting in the presence of deteriorated wood (23.9 g) within the level. Aeolian and fluvial sands entered the well shaft while also aggregating within the saucer-shaped depression surrounding the well (F in Figure 19). The two meter well depression gradually filled with soil deposits related to later colonial activity as well as natural formation processes (G-L in Figure 19).
Four circular postholes (Feature 5, 8, 9a, and 11) (Figure 20) suggest that a superstructure extended over the walk-in well. Feature 5 is the least defined posthole with a profile, a lens of mottled sterile and gray sands, which may attest to the post's removal. Feature 8, 9a, and 11 share two characteristics: all have a defined gray charcoal stained postmold within a larger posthole, are straight sided and taper to a base extending between 74 and 92 cmbd. Their size ranged from 16 to 25 cm in diameter. Materials associated with these features, however, offered no significant date range concerning the superstructure's period of construction.
Circular Structure(s)
Six postholes with postmolds (Feature 29 and 30, 46, 63a, 76, 77, and 92) and Feature 50, the center support post, form the circular perimeter of Structure 1, which spanned approximately

FIGURE 19. North profile of walk-in well feature. Source: Adapted from White (2002:53).

6 meters in diameter (Figure 20). Gray sand represented the postmolds as mottled sterile sands, comprising the postholes, surrounded the postmolds. Postholes lie approximately 3 meters apart and their sizes varied; however, postmolds ranged from 13 to 20 cm in diameter and reached between 73 and 102 cmbd. Feature 29 and 30 abut one another and, paired with Feature 46, 63a, and 92, had straight walls and rounded bases. Feature 76 and 77 incorporate a different method of post erection: sloping walls with tapered bases. The proximity of these two features and the divergent post style could indicate a threshold oriented toward the northeast—benefitting from the river breezes that provided cooler air and a form of insect repellant during the summer.
FIGURE 20. Proposed location and size of structures related to La Punta; excavated features associated with the mission community also included. Source: Adapted from White (2002:57).
Postholes appearing in a circular pattern define two possible additional structures. Feature 110, 112, and 115 represent Structure 2. Feature 110, a 22 cm wide ovoid pit with sloping walls and a tapered base, contained no postmold. Mottled gray brown sands with charcoal inclusions and surrounded by mottled light brown deposits characterized the Feature 112 and 115; the strata showed evidence of postmolds that rotted in situ. Furthermore, Feature 112, 9 cm in width, and Feature 115, 20 cm in width, possessed straight walls and tapered bases. All the post features extended between 68 and 79 cmbd.
Stripping Area 4 contained two probable postholes related to a third circular structure (White 2002:58). The contractor's desire to move forward with construction condensed the field season. These time constraints permitted partial excavation of these two postholes. Exposing a section of both features yielded no artifacts, though the diameter of the postholes appeared comparable to those of Structure 1 and Structure 2.
Daub Pits
Five daub processing pits (Feature 1, 3, 14, 21, and 114) are associated with construction or repair of Structure 1 and Structure 2 (Figure 17). The features contained daub residue on the bottom and sides of circular, shallow U-shaped pits, ranging from 67 cm to 1 meter in diameter, and extending between 24 and 40 cmbd. Wattle and daub construction (Gordon 2002) requires erecting a web of vertical poles and horizontal wattle laced together and affixed, probably by nails or cordage. Daub, a mixture of clay, water, and occasionally, fiber, is then plastered over the wattle on each side, smoothed, and hardens while drying. Thatched roofs and earthen floors generally accompanied this building style. Following their use for construction, the daub pits were cleaned. Feature 3, 21, and 114 contain minimal refuse and, perhaps, were filled after use. Unlike the other daub features, or any other feature excavated at 161 Marine Street, Feature 1 and 14 yielded a significant amount of intentionally placed trash; their function apparently shifted from construction to refuse disposal. Spanish trash disposal patterns tend to heavily utilize pits and wells placed toward the rear of residential structures (White 2002:67-68). The mission community either determined to dispose of refuse in the marsh or in an area not excavated during the investigation at 161 Marine Street.
Miscellaneous Pits
Eighteen pits, primarily concentrated near areas of increased activity—specifically Structure 1—yielded few artifacts and their function could not be determined (Figure 17). Three features (2, 4, and 106) are located near structures. All three pits are U-shaped with mottled gray brown sand and minimal material culture present. Their depth varied between 75 and 91 cmbd. Feature 2 contained 1250 g of shell and spanned 95 cm in diameter. The base of Feature 2 undulated, probably as a result of root disturbance. Both shallower in depth and smaller in diameter, reaching 88 cm, Feature 4 yielded scant artifacts and shell. Both Feature 2 and 4 experienced 19th century fence posthole intrusions. Approximately 94 cm in diameter, Feature 106 possessed five artifacts and no shell. Although the function of these pits is unclear, the proximity of Feature 2 and 4 to Structure 1 and daub pit 1 and 3, as well as the nearness of Feature 106 to Structure 2 and daub pit 114, may indicate the mission community's utilization of barrow pits during construction.
Within Structure 1, investigators documented four features—57, 62, 70, and 74. These shallow, saucer-shaped pits appeared 58-32 cmbd and contained mottled brown and sterile sand. One glass fragment and 100 g of shell was recovered in Feature 62. These shallow depressions were possibly created by repeated use or performance, such as placing baskets in the area or kneeling/sitting. Four additional miscellaneous pits within the structure provided little material culture. Mottled gray sands comprised Feature 49, basin-shaped and 50 cm wide, and Feature 51, also basin-shaped and approximately 40 cm wide. Feature 71 and 72 contained mottled brown sterile sands, though the former was an irregular basin shape approximately 50 cm wide while the latter was basin-shaped and 30 cm in diameter. All interior features demonstrate a discrete activity area within Structure 1. Activities appear concentrated on the structure's east side, near the possible entrance; in contrast, the west side possesses no features.
Outside and to the east of Structure 1 investigators unearthed five additional pits containing mottled gray brown sand. Like Feature 57, 62, 70, and 74, Feature 91 and 116 profiles revealed a shallow, saucer-shape depressions likely attributed to repeated use. Feature 80, 88, and 90 were basin-shaped, irregularly-shaped, and saucer-shaped, respectively. Time constraints prohibited complete excavation of Feature 90, which complicates determining its function. Feature 12, a U-shaped pit 77 cm in depth, contained a 5-10 cm carbonaceous layer. The layer may indicate burned debris or disposal of hearth remains; however, only 8.4 g of charcoal were recovered. Artifacts present in the pit include three sand tempered sherds, two amber glass shards, and less than 25 g of shell.
Agricultural Ditches
Two ditches, approximately 11 m apart and running parallel to one another, extended across the southernmost portion of Stripping Area 1 and 5 as well as the northernmost portion of Stripping Area 1 (Figure 17). Labeled Feature 36 and 104, respectively, the former measured at least 7 m and the latter reached more than 19 m, though was not excavated in its entirety due to time constraints. Feature 115, a posthole, intrudes into Feature 104. Probably utilized for agricultural purposes, the data recovered cannot help to determine whether their function related to cultivation or irrigation. The ditches' proximity to two of the proposed circular structures may indicate agricultural use that predates or postdates the structures and/or the mission.
Feature 36 reaches 96 cmbd and measures between 80 and 90 cm in width. Feature 36c, the ditch's original surface, contained mottled sterile sands and displayed evidence of excavation marks by shovel and digging sticks. After falling into disuse, the ditch accumulated mottled gray brown Aeolian sand (Feature 36b). Both Feature 36b and 36c yielded minimal artifacts. Following La Punta's abandonment, the agricultural feature remained a visible depression. Individuals used the ditch as a disposal location for refuse and construction debris during the Second Spanish Period (1783-1821). Feature 36a consists of organic dark gray sand with charcoal, shell, and material culture related to the Second Spanish Period powder magazine. As the artifacts recovered from this level concern an occupation unrelated to La Punta, they are not included in the database.
Material Culture at 161 Marine Street
Materials recovered from 161 Marine Street primarily appeared in the sheet midden deposits. Features associated with La Punta also produced artifacts; however, the quantity of artifacts present within features was minimal and complicated determining feature function. General midden levels containing a high quantity of materials post-dating the mission are not presented in the forthcoming analysis. The sheet midden, which comprised the general midden, offered no definitive evidence of specific activity areas or designated spaces for refuse disposal. Material culture entered St. Augustine through the situado (Deagan 1983:35; Bushnell 1994). To supplement the irregular appearance of supplies from Spain, residents—native and Spanish—participated in trade—both illicit and legal—with the British, French, and native populations. In addition to availability, European and Euro-American goods were often priced lower than Spanish goods (White 2002:69). The La Punta assemblage reflects its multi-ethnic economic composition (Table 22).
TABLE 22
ARTIFACT GROUPS AND TOTAL COUNTS, 161 MARINE STREET
Artifact Group
Count
Percent of Total Assemblage
Activity
75
1.50%
Architecture
243
4.86%
Arms
14
0.28%
Clothing
19
0.38%
Furniture
2
0.00%
Kitchen
4534
90.68%
Personal
12
0.24%
Tobacco
102
2.04%
Total
5000
99.98%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:70).

Activities
Chert flakes (n=30) represents the most abundant category within the Activities group (Table 23). In addition to the chert, the investigation yielded one chert core and five imported flint fragments. These lithic materials suggest the possible production of projectile point/knives as well as the use of gunflints, and guns, and/or strike-a-lites. One recreational object—a gaming disk manufactured from a discarded coarse earthenware sherd—may indicate gaming and/or gambling activities occurred within the mission community. Of the thirteen metal materials present, seven were identifiable objects: six pieces of iron strapping and one S-hook. Although their use cannot be definitively determined, these objects could function in a variety of contexts (e.g. binding or a means to hang objects, respectively). Finally, two lead fishing weights offer one line of evidence concerning the mission community's subsistence strategy. Weights attached to nets and used in the surrounding estuarine environment could augment the mission diet.


TABLE 23
ACTIVITIES GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET
Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Activities Group
Chert
30
40.0%
Copper Fragment
1
1.3%
Chert Core
1
1.3%
Flint
5
6.6%
Gaming Disc
1
1.3%
Unidentified Iron
2
2.6%
Iron Strapping
6
8.0%
Iron S-Hook
1
1.3%
Lead Fishing Weights
2
2.6%
Metal Alloy Fragment
1
1.3%
Slag
25
33.3%
Total
75
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:94).

Architecture
Two factors complicate the results within the architecture group. First, differentiating whether the mission population or the Second Spanish Period powder magazine used some of the objects proves difficult at times. Second, analysis of architectural components encompassed weighing artifacts without recording the count. These materials, therefore, are not included in the percentages listed in Table 24. Architectural/construction materials weighed and not counted include coquina, daub, brick, tabby, mortar, and plaster. They weighed 2569.8 g, over 2500 g, 236.1, 58.5 g, 22.9, and 12.2 g, respectively. Differences in quantity may suggest that the mission community used coquina and daub as construction materials. It is possible, however, that the coquina recovered relates to later site use. Significantly smaller quantities of brick, tabby, mortar, and plaster imply these materials probably associate with later occupations of the site.
Acidic soil convoluted the identification of the highly oxidized and fragmented nails recovered from 161 Marine Street. White (2002:96) cites, with high probability, that most of them are wrought. Eight nails are listed are square cut. High nail quantity may denote the
TABLE 24
ARCHITECTURE GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Architecture Group
Eyebolt
1
0.4%
Nails
194
79.8%
Spikes
17
7.0%
Tacks
9
3.7%
Tile
22
9.1%
Total
243
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:96).
incorporation of nails into mission structures. Tiles, used for floors and roofs, totaled the second largest sub-category within the Architecture group. Recovered tile types include 3 tejas (Spanish barrel-style roofing tiles), 6 glazed tiles, and 13 unglazed tiles. Tile styles present at the site probably correspond with the Second Spanish Period powder house.
Arms
In addition to facilitating the city's defense, allowing native use of guns offered another manner in which to supplement the native diet: hunting. Artifacts recovered related to possessing and utilizing arms include five lead bird shot, three lead buck shot, two lead sprue, and four gunflint fragments (Table 25). British use of flintlock firearms began in the early 17th century while Spanish gradually incorporated the guns until the War of Jenkins' Ear (1739-1743) (Smith 1987). It is possible that La Punta's population brought the firearms acquired in South Carolina to the mission site and/or that the mission population received their arms from the Spanish.
Clothing
During the early 18th century, fashion in colonial St. Augustine started to incorporate and emulate the rising Bourbon regime in France (Deagan 1987b). Clothing that featured buttons and ornamental buckles gradually replaced clothes fastened by lace or wrapping (White 2002:99). Documents indicate that the situado provided clothing to refugee mission communities, though
TABLE 25
ARMS GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Arms Group
Gun Flints
4
28.7%
Lead Bird Shot
5
35.7%
Lead Buck Shot
3
21.4%
Lead Sprue
2
14.2%
Total
14
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:97).

the native populations may have also sought these materials through trade, as gifts, or by
purchase (Archivo General de Indias 1725 and 1726). Although sparse in quantity, the Clothing group demonstrates attempts to enhance personal appearance (Table 26). Cloth preserved in the walk-in well, paired with a wire-wound pin, three pin fragments, and a grommet, signify attempts to manufacture and/or repair clothing at the mission. Excavation yielded three copper alloy buckles, two of which are complete, four buttons, and one button back. One buckle was worn by members of the Spanish military. The other whole buckle featured ornamentation and an iron tang (White 2002:100). Of the three copper alloy buttons, three are plain, flat clothing buttons with drilled wedged shanks. The last is either an English or a German coin button with a filed shank. The fourth button, made of bone and possibly burned post-deposition, could serve as
TABLE 26
CLOTHING GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Clothing Group
Buckle
3
15.8%
Button
4
21.0%
Button Back
1
5.3%
Cloth
6
31.6%
Grommet
1
5.3%
Pin
4
21.0%
Total
19
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:100).

a disposable backing for a more valuable English or French button face (Deagan 1987b:166-167; White 2002:100).
Furniture
Two furniture tacks represent the Furniture group. They account for 0.04% of the entire assemblage. One tack, which measured 2.5 cm in diameter, featured a gold wash that overlay the copper alloy. Hume (1969:227-228) cites brass upholstery tacks as an emerging technique for anchoring the back of chairs during the mid-17th century. Other uses included securing the exterior leather of coaches and sedans during the 18th century and providing ornamentation. These uses, however, likely do not correlate with the mission community of La Punta. Though disputable, tacks could be repurposed as architectural materials.
Kitchen
The assemblage for 161 Marine Street adheres to a well-established expectation for 18th century archaeological sites: the Kitchen group comprises the largest percentage (90.48%) of recovered artifacts. Within the four Kitchen sub-groups (Aboriginal Ceramics, European Tablewares, European Utilitarian Wares, and Non-Ceramics), aboriginal pottery proves most abundant (69.71%). Table 27 demonstrates the distribution of artifacts within the Kitchen group and further splits the four sub-groups into seven groupings: Aboriginal Ceramics, Hispanic Tablewares, Non-Hispanic Tablewares, Hispanic Utilitarian Wares, Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares, Glassware and Bottles, Metal Cooking Vessels.
TABLE 27
KITCHEN GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Sub-Group
Count
Percent of Kitchen Group
Percent of Total Assemblage
Aboriginal Ceramics
3498
77.15%
69.96%
Hispanic Tablewares
75
1.65%
1.50%
TABLE 27 (continued)
KITCHEN GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Sub-Group
Count
Percent of Kitchen Group
Percent of Total Assemblage

Non-Hispanic Tablewares
174
3.84%
3.48%
Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
126
2.78%
2.52%
Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
17
0.37%
0.34%
Glassware and Bottles
641
14.14%
12.82%
Metal Cooking Vessels
2
0.00%
0.04%
Total
4534
99.93%
90.66%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:71).

ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
Presumably produced by the mission occupants for personal use or as goods to sell in St. Augustine, aboriginal ceramics prove to be the most abundant Kitchen sub-group. During analysis, aboriginal sherds less than 2 cm in size—too small to determine temper and surface treatment—qualified as sherdlets. Sherdlets (n=11,499) comprised the largest portion of this Aboriginal Ceramics group; however, they are excluded from this discussion. Surface treatment descriptions adhered to traditional classifications: plain, incised, punctated, impressed, stamped (check, simple, complicated, rectilinear, curvilinear), burnished, obliterated, and red film. Obliterated sherds show evidence of a smoothed stamped design. Eroded ceramics demonstrate poorly executed stamping. Red filmed sherds appear commonly throughout mission sites in Florida as well as at Yamasee sites (White 2002:72-73; Melcher 2011). As a result, sherds with red film were recorded as Mission Red Filmed regardless of their temper.
Of the 35 aboriginal ceramic types present at 161 Marine Street (Table 28), San Marcos, including Plain, Stamped, and Red Filmed sherds, represents the largest group (Table 29). Coarse sand, limestone, and/or shell tempering differentiate San Marcos from other ceramic types, such as the closely related Irene and Lamar series (Deagan 1993:95-98). Definitions for this type vary depending on the region. Other identifications include Altamaha, Sutherland Bluff, King George, and Chicora Ware (Deagan 1993:95; White 2002:73-75). Variation within this ceramic type may be attributed to ethnicity; however, archaeological investigations and analyses currently offer evidence that all coastal groups north of St. Augustine utilized San Marcos.
TABLE 28
ABORIGINAL CERAMICS BY SUB-GROUP, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Aboriginal Ceramics Group
San Marcos
2264
64.65%
Sand Tempered
916
26.16%
Mission Red Filmed
250
7.12%
St. Johns
40
1.14%
Grit and Grog Tempered
6
0.17%
Grog Tempered Plain
5
0.14%
UID Aboriginal
3
0.00%
Colonoware
15
0.43%
Total
3498
99.92%

TABLE 29
ABORIGINAL CERAMIC COUNTS AND TYPES, 161 MARINE STREET

Aboriginal Ceramic Type
Count
San Marcos Plain
813
San Marcos Eroded
730
San Marcos Decorated
640
Check Stamped
361
Simple Stamped
1
Complicated Stamped
105
Rectilinear Stamped
142
Curvilinear Stamped
13
Impressed
1
Indeterminate
17
San Marcos Shell Tempered
81

Sand Tempered Plain
427
Sand Tempered Eroded
283
Sand Tempered Decorated
205
Check Stamped
102
Rectilinear Stamped
69
TABLE 29 (continued)
ABORIGINAL CERAMIC COUNTS AND TYPES, 161 MARINE STREET

Aboriginal Ceramic Type
Count

Complicated Stamped
22
Indeterminate
9
Incised
1
Obliterated
1
Punctated
1


Mission Red Filmed Plain
202
Mission Red Filmed Decorated
48
Eroded
19
Check Stamped
14
Complicated Stamped
5
Rectilinear Stamped
5
Curvilinear Stamped
1
Indeterminate
4


St. Johns
40
Plain
26
Checked
9
Simple
5


Colonoware
15
Grit and Grog Tempered
6
Grog Tempered Plain
5
UID Aboriginal
3
Sand and Shell Tempered
1
Total
3498
Source: Adapted from White (2002:74).
Check stamped San Marcos ceramics (n=361) represent the largest surface treatment group type. Other San Marcos Decorated design applications include 1 simple stamped, 105 complicated stamped, 142 rectilinear stamped, 13 curvilinear, 1 impressed, 2 punctated, 2 incised, and 17 indeterminate. Seven hundred and thirty surface treatments could not be determined and 813 sherds were plain. Identifiable vessel forms related only to rim sherds. Curved (n=68) and flared (n=51) appeared most frequently, often with rounded or flattened lips. San Marcos Decorated forms also included 28 straight, 4 folded, 3 tapered, 1 everted, 1 inverted, and 44 indeterminate rims. In addition to the decorated types, 81 San Marcos sherds contained grit and shell tempering. Surface treatment quantities included 20 plain, 10 check stamped, 2 complicated stamped, 4 rectilinear stamped, and 45 eroded designs.
Sand Tempered sherds comprise the second most abundant ceramic type recovered from 161 Marine Street. Surface treatment types and quantities include 427 plain, 205 decorated, and 283 eroded. One hundred and two check stamped, 22 complicated, 69 rectilinear, 1 punctated, 1 incised, 1 obliterated, and 9 indeterminate sherds comprised the stamped surface treatment group. Seven sherds were burnished. One hundred sherds featured a rim. Their forms included curved, flared, straight, tapered, and indeterminate.
161 Marine Street contained 250 Mission Red Filmed sherds, 48 of which were stamped. Design treatments included 14 check stamped, 5 complicated stamped, 5 rectilinear stamped, 1 curvilinear stamped, and 4 indeterminate stamped, and 19 eroded. Ninety six rims, many of which displayed the red filming, were present and 17 were stamped. Rim types include 57 flared, 9 curved, 8 straight, 5 tapered, 2 folded, 2 beveled, and 13 indeterminate. San Marcos became the primary native ceramic type throughout the 17th century, though St. Johns appears most often in 16th century contexts (Deagan 1983:117). San Marcos surface decorations present at 161 Marine Street include 26 plain, 9 check stamped, and 5 simple stamped. Similarly, the presence of four fiber tempered eroded, five grog tempered plain, three grit and grog tempered stamped, and three indeterminate sherds might indicate the previous occupations of the site.
Determining vessel form proved difficult as a result of the assemblage's fragmentary state. Eleven bowls, three jars, four bases—three flat—and two shoulders were identified. Colonoware, a ceramic type produced by natives that emulates European vessel forms, fragments appeared fifteen times. Their forms include five footrings, one plate fragment, three body fragments, one flat base, one lug handle, and four additional handles.
EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
Tin glazed coarse earthenwares typically served as tablewares. Types recovered from 161 Marine Street include Spanish majolica, English delftware, slipware, stoneware, French faience, and Oriental porcelain (Table 30). English tablewares (n=164) occur most frequently with 75 majolicas sherds and 4 faience sherds also present. English ceramic types and quantities include Slipware (n=83), Delft (n=50), Delft Blue on White (n=22), White Salt Glazed Stoneware (n=7), and Nottingham (n=2). Circa 1740, White Salt Glazed Stoneware started to replace Delft as the choice tableware (Hume 1969:115). Availability and affordability ushered in more English goods during the 18th century, especially at sites encompassing ethnic and economic minorities (e.g. blacks at Fort Mose and natives at La Punta) (White 2002; Deagan 1987a; 1987b; 2002). French Faience likely entered the archaeological record through Spanish-French trading. Although small in quantity (n=4), faience typically appears in 18th century Spanish artifactual assemblages.
Most Majolicas recovered from 161 Marine Street were manufactured in Mexico and exported throughout the Caribbean region. These ceramics commonly occur at early and mid-18th century sites in St. Augustine. The high quantities of Puebla Polychrome (n=20) and Puebla Blue on White (n=20) correspond to contemporaneous sites within colonial St. Augustine (Deagan 1987). San Luis Polychrome (n=11), Aranama Polychrome (n=6), San Agustín Blue on White (n=2), Abó Polychrome (n=2), Huejotzingo Blue on White (n=1), and 12 unidentifiable majolica sherds comprised the remaining portion of Spanish Tablewares whose production dates to the La Punta era.

TABLE 30
EUROPEAN TABLEWARE TYPES AND COUNTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of European Tableware Group
Spanish Tablewares
Puebla Blue on White
20
8.03%

Puebla Polychrome
20
8.03%

San Luis Polychrome
11
4.42%

UID Majolica
9
3.61%

Aranama Polychrome
6
2.41%

UID Mexico City
3
1.20%

Abó Polychrome
2
0.80%

San Agustín Blue on White
2
0.80%

Huejotzingo Blue on White
1
0.40%

Reyware
1
0.40%




English Tablewares
Slipware
83
33.33%

Delftware
50
20.08%

Delft Blue on White
22
8.84%

White Salt Glazed Stoneware
7
2.81%

Nottingham
2
0.80%




French Tablewares
Faience Blue on White
3
1.20%

Faience
1
0.40%




Oriental Tablewares
UID Porcelain
7
2.81%
Total

249
100.37%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:84).

EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARES
Used primarily for storage, transportation, cooking, and washing, the utilitarian wares recovered from 161 Marine Street include 103 Olive Jar, 16 El Morro, 7 Stoneware, 3 Black Lead-Glazed Coarse Earthenware, 2 Green Bacin, 1 Blue-Green Bacin, and 1 Marineware (Table 31). Olive Jars permitted the transportation and storage of liquids and, if glazed, the jars were impermeable. With the exception of the English stoneware sherds (1 Gray Salt Glazed and 6 Salt Glazed Stoneware) and the 10 unidentified coarse earthenware sherds, Spanish utilitarian wares
TABLE 31
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARE TYPES AND COUNTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of European Utilitarian Wares Group
Spanish Utilitarian Wares
Black Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware
3
2.1%

El Morro
1
0.7%

Green Bacin
16
11.3%

Blue-Green Bacin
2
1.4%

Marine Ware
1
0.7%

Oliver Jar
80
55.9%

Glazed Olive Jar
23
16.0%




Other European Utilitarian Wares
Gray Salt Glazed Stoneware
1
0.7%

Salt Glazed Stoneware
6
4.2%




Unidentified Utilitarian
UID Coarse Earthenware
9
6.3%

UID Glazed Coarse Earthenware
1
0.7%
Total

143
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:89).

(n=126) were dominant. San Marcos vessels likely served as the primary means of cooking and storing food. Spanish majolicas supplemented the native ceramics when necessary.
NON-CERAMIC
The assemblage contains two iron cooking vessel fragments used to prepare food and a variety of glass utilized as storage and vessels to serve beverages, food, and medicine. With 641 shards, glass represents the second largest Kitchen group. Three hundred and eighty three shards (59.8%) of the glass offered no information other than color. These colors and quantities include 87 olive green, 41 aqua, 33 amber, 33 clear, 25 green, 11 amethyst, 8 dark brown, 6 light yellow, 6 gold, 5 dark green, 5 brown, 4 light green, 3 black, 1 dark blue, 1 yellow and 125 shards too heavily patinated to definitively determine their color. The patinated glass was generally thicker and probably related to spirit bottles.
Recognizable vessel forms account for 37.9% of the total glass group. Glass colors attributed to bottles include 137 olive green, 8 dark green, 2 black, 1 clear, 1 aqua, and 92 patinated shards. Olive green, dark, green, and black glass relates to spirit bottles; the patinated shards likely belong within this group as well. White (2002:92) discusses the possibility that the frequency of bottles associated with drinking may correlate with the high alcohol consumption among the native populations, including the Yamasee, noted in the ethnohistorical record. Aqua and clear glass may be pharmaceutical bottle fragments. Additionally, the site contained two clear tumbler fragments and one clear cup fragment.
Personal
Eight beads, a tin jewelry fragment, two bell fragments, and one half-real comprise the Personal group (Table 32). The recovered beads likely entered the mission community through trade with Europeans. Yamasee sites in South Carolina possess an abundant amount of beads (White 2002:104) as a result of intensive trade with the British. Bead types in the 161 Marine Street assemblage include two blue barrel beads, one white glass faceted bead, one black faceted bead, one blue seed bead, one amber doughnut bead, two heavily patinated doughnut beads. White (2002:10) suggests that the black faceted bead could be a rosary bead, which would make it the sole artifact specifically relating to Catholicism within the mission of La Punta. Bells, though not confirmed as trade items, appear within native and colonial historical contexts. The two copper alloy bell fragments recovered from 161 Marine Street could vary in purpose and size. Bells appeared in church steeples, hung on shop doors and on the neck of cattle, and served as buttons or fasteners on clothing (Hume 1969:58-59). Bells also provided a means to engage missionized natives in Catholic processions. Worth (1998a:141) notes the supply of 670 bells to the native children who danced during the annual Corpus Christi celebration in 1687. Markings
TABLE 32
PERSONAL GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Artifact Description
Count
Percent of Personal Group
Bead
8
66.7%
Jewelry Fragment
2
16.7%
Bell
1
8.3%
Spanish Coin
1
8.3%
Total
12
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:102).

on the half-real, whose weight determined its worth, could not be identified due to extensive wear. Nevertheless, the coin indicates participation in the Spanish economy within the mission community.
Tobacco
Excavations yielded 102 pipe fragments, all of which were kaolin. English influence prompted smoking pipes to spread rapidly within the Spanish presidio. Pipes represent 2.03% of the total assemblage at 161 Marine Street, which is higher than the mean percentage documented within 18th century St. Augustine (Deagan 1983). Although La Punta's population tended to smoke pipes, an affinity perhaps attained as a result of British preference and pipes' common usage as trade items during their previous tenure in South Carolina, the Spanish typically elected to smoke cigars (White 2002:105).
Flora and Fauna
Faunal remains recovered from 161 Marine Street suggest the Yamasee preserved traditional dietary practices and incorporated select estuarine food sources common to St. Augustine archaeological sites (Table 33). Volunteers proficient in faunal analysis identified remains to the lowest taxonomic level and accounted for the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) according to elements paired by sex. Faunal evidence from features and from general
TABLE 33
FAUNAL GROUP ARTIFACTS, 161 MARINE STREET

Taxon
Count
MNI
Weight (g)
Percent of Faunal Group
UID Mammal
68
—
234.8
21.25%
UID Artiodactyl (even-toed hoofed mammals)
58
—
124.4
18.13%
Sciuridae (squirrel family)
1
1
0.2
0.31%
Ursus americanus (black bear)
1
1
9.9
0.31%
Sus scrofa (domesticated pig)
16
1
29.5
5.00%
Odocoileus virginianus (white-tailed deer)
37
2
71.1
11.56%
Bos taurus (domesticated cow)
7
1
104.1
2.19%





Gopherus polyphemus (gopher tortoise)
2
1
4.5
0.63%
Serpentes
1
1
0.1
0.31%





UID Bird
8
1
2.7
2.50%
Cairaina Muscova (Muscovy duck)
1
1
3.5
0.31%
Gallus gallus (domesticated chicken)
2
1
0.6
0.63%





Squaliformes (shark family)
4
1
2.2
1.25%
Bagre marinus (gaffttopsail catfish)
3
1
0.3
0.94%
Ariidae (sea catfish family)
29
2
3.4
9.06%
Sciaenidae (drum fish family)
9
1
2.1
2.81%
Total
320
17
616.8
100.0%
Source: Adapted from White (2002:107).

levels was not differentiated during analysis. Unidentifiable fauna, which weighed 463 g, are not a component of this discussion. Muskrat and song bird remains, all located in the walk-in well feature, and two domesticated cat (Felis domesticus) remains do not appear in the discussion either. Archaeological assemblages relating to 18th century St. Augustine sites or Yamasee sites in the Carolinas suggest that none of the aforementioned mammals serve as a common food choice and, therefore, likely do not reflect the mission population's diet. Though included in Table 33, the snake vertebra is considered to be unrelated to La Punta occupants' diet. Snake contributed to native diet; however, discerning whether the single bone recovered relates to food consumption or to the snake occurring naturally within the environment.
Mammals, especially wild genera, comprise the largest portion of the Fauna group with deer serving as the most abundant species. Eight lead shot and four gunflints present at 161 Marine Street demonstrate the presence of arms at the mission. Guns likely served the mission occupants as a hunting tool and as a means of defense. Three species represent the domesticated animals contributing to the mission population's diet: cow, pig, and chicken. Bird remains located at the mission include turkey, Muscovy duck, and domesticated chicken. Though traditionally a component of native diets, rabbit, raccoon, and other small mammals are absent from the 161 Marine Street assemblage. Ariidae (sea catfish) represent the principal type of fish remains, though drum fish (Sciaenidae) and sharks (Squalifomes) also appeared in the assemblage. Catfish and drums commonly occur within St. Augustine's estuarine environments (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:151-184) and the net weights recovered from 161 Marine Street suggest that the people of La Punta used nets to catch fish such as mullet. Hook and line enabled catfish and drum catches (Shephard 1983:81). Botanical remains, though present, were not intensively studied. Only squash, corn, and peaches were identified. The two agricultural ditches suggest cultivation or irrigation within the mission. If used for cultivation, the crops produced within the ditches could be consumed by mission residents or sold in colonial St. Augustine.
Using MNI counts, wild animals account for 83.3% of the identified faunal assemblage as domesticated represent 17.6% of the materials recovered. Weight comparison brings the wild (43.5%) and domesticates (56.5%) proportions within a closer range. Cow and pigs bones, however, generally weigh more than the remains of other taxa. These numbers, therefore, may not accurately reflect the amount of domesticates meat within the mission diet. Nevertheless, the presence of cow (Bos taurus), pig (Sus scrofa), and chicken (Gallus gallus) demonstrate that European foodways formed a component of the diet among mission occupants. Despite the plentiful estuarine resources available to the La Punta community, fish apparently served as a supplemental dietary component. Compared to terrestrial species, estuarine species comprising the sample are lower in count and in MNI. Shellfish refuse (114.59 kg) was also sparse and may suggest that these species were not consumed or that shell was disposed of elsewhere.

















CHAPTER VII
INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION
Assessing Creolization at La Punta
As an ambiguous, fluid cultural process that emphasizes complexity, creativity and, at times, unpredictability, forms of creolization vary; therefore, evidence supporting the process also varies. Depending on the breadth of a study and the primary research question, a "creolization pattern" akin to the archaeological patterns defined by Stanley South (1977) might be developed. Regarding La Punta, the analysis focuses on three lines of evidence that each serve as cultural indicators. The construction, production, purchase, or use of material culture represents tangible attempts to demonstrate how, what, and where an individual or a group affiliates oneself with his or her surroundings. "Things" can be attributed to ethnicity, class, role, gender, political preference, and other sociocultural constructions. Though tangible in nature, these objects also represent intangible processes that relate information concerning why individuals or groups selected certain objects to use, or not use, in specific ways. Approximately 70 years of interactions and alliances with the Spanish and the British introduced natives who would settle at La Punta to new economic, social, and cultural constructs and practices which include Catholicism, the repartimiento system, slaving, trade items and other goods. Examining ceramic, architectural, and foodway evidence from 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street provides a preliminary means to understand whether, and to what extent, the Yamasee and Apalachee who occupied La Punta participated in and contributed to creolization.
Ceramics
The presence of multiple ceramic types, including those of aboriginal, Spanish, and British manufacture, as well as different vessel forms with varying functions, provide a lens by which to examine creolization. La Punta's principal ethnic population—the Yamasee—experienced continued and diverse cultural encounters with the Mocama, the Guale, the Scottish, the English, and the Spanish—during two distinct periods. San Marcos, the primary ceramic type used by native populations and the Spanish, appear frequently within colonial and aboriginal archaeological contexts. La Punta residents, however, also incorporated European ceramics into food storage, preparation, and consumption. Affordability, availability, and oft-illicit (Deagan 2007) British ceramic goods endeared them to colonial St. Augustine and its peripheral mission communities (Hume 1969:102; Deagan 1993:95). The presence Puebla majolica, provided to colonial St. Augustine through the situado, also persisted within colonial Spanish and La Punta households. Examining ceramic types, attributes, form, and function within the assemblage recovered at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street provides a preliminary understanding of the mission community's interest, ability, and desire to retain traditional kitchen practices, to incorporate new vessels, foods, or practices, or to uniquely combine aboriginal manufacture or purpose with European-produced goods.
San Marcos represents a utilitarian ceramic type common to most 17th and 18th century sites in and around St. Augustine. Saunders (2000:170) and Sweeney and Poplin [2015:13-14] consider the role of Spanish interaction and influence as manifested in stamped designs, specifically the filfot cross, upon the Yamasee. Electing to simplify the filfot cross paddle stamp could reflect a shift in functional, ideological, and social use. This manner of change indicates the cultural complexity that defines creolization. Colonoware (Melcher 2011), native produced ceramics that incorporated traditionally European vessel forms for traditionally European functions, serves as another means to examine creolization. Colonoware vessels retain aspects of the San Marcos tradition, such as temper and various surface treatments, while also exhibiting an appearance reminiscent of European tablewares.
Although it contributes minimally to the overall assemblage, colonoware (n=21), an "intercultural artifact" (Singleton and Bograd 2000:4), embodies a process of interaction. These vessels occur on Yamasee sites in South Carolina (Southerlin et al. 2001; Sweeney 2005), within St. Augustine (Deagan 1983), and at La Punta. Colonial St. Augustine sites yield colonoware, though with less frequency than mission-related contexts. Whether colonoware was used by the Yamasee, was produced for the Yamasee, the Spanish, or both, and what socioeconomic role the ceramic type possessed remains unclear (Ferguson 1992; Vernon and Cordell 1993; Rolland and Ashley 2000; Melcher 2011). San Marcos vessels served as the major form of utilitarian ware in 18th century St. Augustine, persisting with greater frequency than all same-use ceramic types. Colonoware, however, adopts the tempering and decorative qualities of San Marcos and also includes European vessel form attributes. Ceramicists' willingness to integrate Spanish vessel forms with aboriginal ceramic characteristics, as well as the Spanish utilization of such vessels, demonstrates cultural fluidity. Although considerably rarer than San Marcos in La Florida, colonoware embodies multiethnic production and practices.
Shephard (1983) and Deagan (1983b) compare 18th century ceramic assemblages recovered from a criollo and a mestizo household in colonial St. Augustine. In contrast to the mestizo assemblage (Deagan 1983:122), La Punta might demonstrate preference for British goods. The more frequent occurrence of non-Hispanic ceramics may relate to the Yamasee's presence in the Carolina colony. Rather than attaining British ceramics while in La Florida, it is possible that the Yamasee brought these items to La Punta following the Yamasee War and their renewed allegiance to the Spanish. As with Spaniards, perhaps the affordability of British ceramics influenced the mission community's decisions regarding purchase and use. Hispanic utilitarian and tablewares comprise a greater percentage of ceramics present at 133 Marine Street than non-Hispanic ceramic types. 161 Marine Street demonstrates a significantly greater occurrence of aboriginal pottery than 133 Marine Street. Additionally, 161 Marine Street yielded more tablewares—both Hispanic and non-Hispanic types. British tablewares comprise the largest sub-group with Hispanic utilitarian wares forming the second largest sub-group. Table 34 illustrates the order of European ceramic sub-groups according to their frequency at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street. Ceramic categories appear in order of descending quantity. As with 18th century sites related to colonial St. Augustine, the ceramics recovered from La Punta adhere to a pattern Shephard describes (1983:88) in which aboriginal pottery represents the greatest abundance of utilitarian wares and Hispanic tablewares predominate over other European tablewares. Table 35 illustrates the relationship between native ceramic and European ceramics, as described by Shephard, at the La Punta sites. Most native ceramics, other than Colonoware, qualify as Utilitarian Wares. These vessel types probably appear frequently within St. Augustine's colonial artifactual assemblages for two reasons. First, native Utilitarian Wares supplemented the supply of European Utilitarian vessel forms available in the city. Second, the preparation and, in some cases, the consumption of native dishes functioned better in native Utilitarian Ware vessels.
TABLE 34
PREVALENCE OF EUROPEAN CERAMIC SUB-GROUPS, LA PUNTA SITES

133 Marine Street
Count
161 Marine Street
Count
Hispanic Tablewares
93
Non-Hispanic Tablewares
174
Non-Hispanic Tablewares
41
Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
126
Hispanic Utiliarian Wares
25
Hispanic Tablewares
75
Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
19
Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
17

TABLE 35
PREVALENCE OF NATIVE AND EUROPEAN CERAMIC SUB-GROUPS, LA PUNTA SITES

133 Marine Street
Count
161 Marine Street
Count
Aboriginal Utilitarian Wares
305
Aboriginal Utilitarian Wares
3483
Hispanic Tablewares
93
Non-Hispanic Tablewares
174
Non-Hispanic Tablewares
41
Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
126
Hispanic Utiliarian Wares
25
Hispanic Tablewares
75
Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
19
Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares
17
Native Tablewares/Colonoware
5
Native Tablewares/Colonoware
15

Architecture
Evaluating creolization within architectural features present at La Punta involves three lenses of analysis: structures identified at both sites, the walk-in well unearthed at 161 Marine Street, and the minimal evidence of trash disposal. Perhaps not as traditionally associated with architecture, wells and refuse disposal commonly relate to spatial placement on individual lots in colonial St. Augustine (Deagan 1983:111; Shephard 1983:75-77). Additionally, these feature types occurred in proximity to Yamasee households at Altamaha Town (Sweeney 2009). In order to recognize architectural influences stemming from another culture(s), the discussion briefly considers Yamasee architectural practices during the time spent in Mocama territory, as well as the evidence uncovered at Altamaha Town, and the 18th century architecture of a criollo and a mestizo household in St. Augustine.
Rebecca Saunders (1993) investigated architecture at two late 17th century mission sites along the Georgia coast: Santa María de Yamasee and Santa Catalina de Guale. Architectural remains encountered, however, primarily relate to larger structures that functioned as community areas (e.g. the convento and kitchen area) at Santa Catalina. Of particular interest to Saunders was the convento, built of wattle and daub, spikes, and nails. Architectural influence is evident in the squared pine wood posts, which necessitated tools and oversight from the Spanish. These procedures, however, are hardly unique and evidence elsewhere probably relates minimally to the creolization process and, perhaps, more to land form, environmental resources, the desires of the population, and the required materials for the building's function and form. Generally, native structures incorporated animal or plant cordage as joints, used posts-in-ground rather than square beams, and wattle and daub served as the primary construction material. Gordon (2002:45) cites the incorporation of hewn timbers, wrought nails, and spikes as the result of guidance from friars, or a technique learned through repartimiento tasks.
Upon departing from the Spanish missions, portions of the Yamasee population settled in Altamaha Town between 1695 and 1715. Brockington and Associates conducted investigations at the site from June 2006 through January 2007. Investigations yielded postholes relating to six nearly identical circular structures spaced 60 to 100 m apart. The homes measured approximately 7 m in diameter and contained interior posts that likely served as sleeping platforms or partitions that provided structural support. Sweeney (2009:18) suggests the analogous shape and size of the structures at Altamaha Town and Mississippian structures recorded in the Oconee River Valley could reflect retention of architectural trends within Yamaseee culture. Several features, including trash pits, linear trenches, various shell piles, and smudge pits, occurred in yard areas outside of the houses. The structures contained no evidence of hearths, which indicates the Yamasee occupied these spaces during the summer. Additionally, post holes found in the yard areas may represent screens or racks used for drying and smoking animal hides and fish (Sweeney 2009:20). Sweeney (2009), and Sweeney and Poplin [2015], provide no information regarding building materials or construction methods. Based on archaeological evidence of contemporaneous native structures built throughout the 15th and 17th centuries in the Oconee Valley, the aforementioned Yamasee structures would probably be thatched, wooden structures, possibly featuring wattle and daub.
Governor Moore's 1702 siege and devastating destruction within colonial St. Augustine contributed to a dramatic shift in the use of construction materials. Architecture moved away from impermanent, fire prone wooden structures and began to integrate coquina and tabby with frequency. Following Moore's raid, tabby became the "primary load-bearing material" for vernacular structures of all types and for all purposes (Gordon 2002:67). Eighteenth century St. Augustine residents embraced the permanence of stone and the local environment's abundant resources. Tabby homes and government buildings utilized the local shellstone and produced structures better suited to Florida's climate while also incorporating architectural traditions from Spain and Spanish America (Gordon 2002:78; 139). Generally, early 18th century architectural patterns involved "basic block forms, simple volumes, and thick stone walls" that typically consisted of one to three buildings with one to four rooms (Gordon 2002:141). Floors were often tabby and roofs were either flat, and made of wood with lime mortar, or gabled with palm thatch or wood shingles.
Shephard (1983) and Deagan (1983b) describe the architectural components of a criollo and a mestizo household, respectively. The criollo home, probably constructed in the early 18th century, featured a rectangular tabby foundation and wall bases with a central partition separating the space into two rooms. The structure, described as Albert Manucy's "common Spanish house" type measured approximately 5.5 m by 7 m and each room measured about 3.5 m by 4.5 m. Five additional activity areas were present: the well area, kitchen area, two major refuse disposal areas, and the "yard" area. These features were primarily located at the rear or to the side of the house at a distance of 6 to 9 m (Shephard 1983:74-77). Comparably, the mid-18th century mestizo household also possessed tabby footing and featured two rooms with a dividing wall. Unlike the criollo structure, the mestizo home included two structures with two rooms of uneven size downstairs and a second story. Coquina mortared to the tabby supported the second floor. The north structure measured 10.51 m East-West, 6 m North-South. The southern component spanned 12 m North-South, and, due to a paved road, an indeterminate distance East- West. Excavations identified four wells located near the structures (Deagan 1983:111-112).
Two identified types of structures- rectangular and circular—were present within the La Punta mission community. The possible rectangular structure, presumably a household, at 133 Marine Street diverges from the architectural practices the Yamasee utilized at Altamaha Town and those used elsewhere in the mission. As stated in the Results chapter, the rectangular structure included a second component, possibly another room or an ephemeral architectural component attached to the residential structure. Excavations suggest the entryway faced eastward and in-ground posts potentially supported tabby walls. Other architectural materials present include bricks, daub, and coquina; however, no evidence exists to determine whether the mission occupants incorporated these materials into the structure. Although the features associated with the proposed rectangular structure appear to form a linear foundation, it is possible that further archaeological excavations would yield a circular structure.
Differences between construction materials used and the shape of the structures at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street represent two architectural dissimilarities. The 133 Marine Street household, which has a mean ceramic date of 1718, may also date to an earlier period of occupation than the circular residences. A rectangular structure that incorporated tabby elements and with a mean ceramic date that precedes the inferred mission occupation may not relate to La Punta. Due to the structure's location beyond St. Augustine's town walls, its proximity to mission structures uncovered archaeologically and noted on various historical maps, and nature of intact assemblages, primarily within features, the rectangular structure appears related to the mission community. Evidence of creolization occurs within the shape of the building, the possible use of multiple construction materials, and the presence of multiple rooms, or an exterior free-standing addition to the structure. Gordon (2002) cites these architectural features as common to residences in colonial St. Augustine.
161 Marine Street yielded one definite circular residential structure and two additional possible circular structures associated with La Punta. Figure 21 illustrates the probable size and location of all three structures presuming they share similar dimensions. Posts-in-ground provided structural support for these wattle and daub households. Metal implements, specifically wrought nails, likely supplemented the wattle and daub. Circular houses discovered at Altamaha Town measured approximately 7 m in diameter, whereas the La Punta structures spanned approximately 6 m. Entryways at both sites maximized the benefits of the surrounding environment by facing toward the water.
Sweeney and Poplin [2015] describe Yamasee communities in South Carolina as non-nucleated, consisting of buildings spaced 50 to 120 meters apart from one another. Altamaha households, which were spaced between 60 and 100 meters apart, conform to this pattern. La Punta structures represent a closely clustered area of occupation. It is possible that other

Figure 21. Proposed size and placement of the three structures at 161 Marine Street.
households occurred at greater distances; however, at 161 Marine Street, Structure 1 is approximately 6 m southwest of Structure 3. Structure 2 rests roughly 3.5 m northwest of Structure 1 and 10 m northwest of Structure 3. Although the mission community retained the circular shape of structures constructed in South Carolina, spatial distribution appears to shift. Unlike colonial St. Augustine, mission residents do not appear to have defined property with fences and did not organize or divide space through the use of lots. Similar to the city, however, mission occupants resided in a seemingly urban environment in which structures, and people, occurred in close proximity to one another.
Compared to colonial St. Augustine's dense refuse deposits in trash pits and wells, La Punta significantly lacks this type of evidence. In contrast to Altamaha Town, La Punta also displays minimal information concerning trash disposal practices. Perhaps the abundance of nearby estuaries, rather than abandoned wells or refuse pits, provided more efficient areas to place garbage. At 161 Marine Street, Feature 1 and 14, which served as daub borrow pits for the structures, produced large amounts of intentionally placed trash during excavation. Disposal appears akin to Yamasee practices at Altamaha Town rather than a practice adapted from St. Augustine. The former group tended to place trash pits in the yard areas outside of households, while the latter generally positioned refuse away from the home and toward the back of the property. 133 Marine Street offers no evidence of refuse disposal during occupation. Feature 12 and 12 North Half likely represent a trash pit utilized during abandonment of the structure.
Without evidence of well construction or use at Yamasee sites in South Carolina, no analogue for discourse exists. The Spanish, however, placed wells, like trash pits, behind the household and near the back of the property. Barrel wells (Shephard 1983:74; Deagan 1983:111, 247) served as the primary well type throughout the 18th century in St. Augustine. These features tend to appear 12 to15 m from the street edge. Occasionally, the Spanish placed barrel wells further back on the property for convenience in tending to the livestock or the garden. The walk-in well discovered at La Punta diverges from the St. Augustine pattern. White (2002:116-117) discusses the high percentage of cultural midden debris surrounding the walk-in well, which suggests a frequently used well probably shared by the community. The ability to walk into the well, the presence of a superstructure covering the well, and the use of a single barrel to generate the shaft differs from Spanish practices.
Foodways
Dietary practices represent the convergence of tangible aspects of food consumption—the basic need for sustenance—and intangible factors, including preference, perhaps influenced by class or ethnic affiliation, availability, method of procurement, environment, and seasonality. To determine whether the faunal assemblages recovered from 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street represent any degree of creolization, the data was consolidated and compared to evidence from Chechesy Old Field I site (38BU1605), an 18th century Yamasee site in South Carolina, (Southerlin et al. 2001) and data compiled by Reitz and Cumbaa (1983:151-185) from six 18th century sites. In terms of class, the mestizo and three criollo residences included in Reitz and Cumbaa's study represent an experience loosely analogous to Yamasee and Apalachee households at La Punta. Data sets from the Old Field I site and the St. Augustine sites are both more robust and more thoroughly analyzed than the combined faunal remains recovered from 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street. Botanical remains and estuarine (shell) refuse are not present within the discussion. Despite differences in sample sizes, comparative analyses provide information concerning foodways and the manifestations of creolization process at La Punta.
Data analysis for the two sites relating to La Punta reached separate levels. Faunal remains from 133 Marine Street were identified according to either the family or species and laboratory volunteers include bone counts and weights, as well as notes about bone function. Analysis involved no attempt to determine the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) represented or to calculate biomass (meat weight). For discussion purposes, the MNI for each species present at 133 Marine Street is assumed to be one. Remains present at 161 Marine Street were also classified according to family or species, counted, and weighed; however, laboratory analysts also determined MNI. Though MNI enables comparisons concerning the importance of one taxon to another, the estimations include two prominent shortcomings. First, the process favors small animals. One cow produces a greater quantity of meat than 50 mullet yield, yet MNI does not illustrate the cow's significant meat contribution. Second, MNI results vary depending on whether separate samples are aggregated—as with 161 Marine Street—or remain separated by another analytical unit (e.g. provenience). The former produces the "minimum distinction" and the latter illuminates the "maximum distinction," which yields a smaller MNI count than the former method (Southerlin et al. 2001:143).
White (2002) determined which faunal remains pertained to the mission community at 161 Marine Street. The data from her thesis, paired with dietary evidence present at 133 Marine Street, are used here. Bone fragments recovered from the general midden (Level 2 and, occasionally, Level 3) at 133 Marine Street are not included in the discussion. These remains may relate to La Punta occupation and foodways; however, the thorough intermixture of dateable materials within the general midden complicates assessing the association of fauna also present. If included, the remains from Level 2 and 3 could inflate results and bias conclusions. Bone concentrations primarily occur within features—postholes and the probable trash pit (Feature 12 and Feature 12 North Half)—that correlate with the mission population. Feature deposits containing bone fall under two categories: Intact Deposits and Possibly Disturbed Deposits (Table 36). Feature 8, 9a, 11, 12, 12 North Half, 14, 14a, 18, 20b, and 22 represent intact faunal deposits. These features, with the exception of Feature 18 and Feature 22, relate to La Punta. Feature 18 and 22 are both unidentified features that likely form part of a property line
TABLE 36
INTACT AND POSSIBLY DISTURBED FEATURE DEPOSITS WITH FAUNAL REMAINS, 133 MARINE STREET

Intact Deposits
Possibly Disturbed Deposits
Feature 8
Feature 7
Feature 9a
Feature 10
Feature 11
Feature 13
Feature 12
Feature 15
Feature 12 North Half
Feature 16
Feature 14
Feature 17
Feature 14a
Feature 19
Feature 18
Feature 20a
Feature 20b
Feature 24
Feature 22


post-dating La Punta. The artifacts, including fauna, located in both features are likely disturbed as a result of the property line construction. Despite probable horizontal and vertical relocation, the bone appears to remain in context based upon the associated artifacts, none of which are intrusive. Furthermore, the property line occurs near the mission era structure features, where mission era faunal remains were concentrated.
Ten features—1 East Half, 1 West Half, 7, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20a, and 24—comprise the Possibly Disturbed Deposits category. Feature 13 and 15 yielded bottle forms that postdate mission occupation and appeared similar to Feature 17 in depth and profile. Although these three features appear to relate to one another, and seemingly postdate the mission, the artifacts present predominantly date to the mission period. As with Feature 18 and 22, there is a possibility of later activities impacting the spatial distribution of the recovered artifacts, including bone, which correlate with La Punta; therefore, the faunal remains likely relate to mission occupation. The remaining Possibly Disturbed feature deposits contain a mixture of primarily 18th century mission era materials with occasional materials that pre- or post-date the mission, as well as artifacts (e.g. glass fragments, unidentified nails) with insufficient diagnostic attributes. The faunal remains present in these contexts are also included in the forthcoming analysis.
Table 37 illustrates species types recovered from both intact and possibly disturbed contexts from 133 Marine Street. Quantities and weights of species from individual features are
TABLE 37
COUNTS AND WEIGHTS BY SPECIES, 133 MARINE STREET


Intact Deposit
Possibly Disturbed Deposit


Species
Count
Weight (g)
Count
Weight (g)
Total
Total (g)
Mammal
12
30.1
4
15.0
16
45.1
Large Mammal
1
9.8
2
2.3
3
12.2
Medium Mammal
1
6.0


1
6.0
Cow


1
26.0
1
26.0
Pig


4
0.1
4
0.1
Artiodactyl


1
1.2
1
1.2
Chicken


2
3.9
2
3.9
Bird


6
4.3
6
4.3
Fish
25
4.2
81
94.3
106
98.5
Catfish
3
0.3
13
5.2
16
5.5
Shark
1
0.5


1
0.5
Drum


2
4.6
2
4.6
Mullet


7
3.6
7
3.6
Large Fish


1
1.7
1
1.7
Turtle


1
0.1
1
0.1
Total
43
50.9
125
163.5
168
213.2


aggregated within each group; grand total counts and weights for each species present in both deposit contexts appear in the final column. Unidentified bone, though a major component of the faunal assemblage, are not included in the analysis. Similarly, unidentified burned bone does not contribute to the overall counts and weights. Due to their fragmentary condition, the 75 (19.8 g) and 42 (200.3 g) unidentified and the 4 (6.4 g) and 2 (1.5 g) burned bones produced in the intact and possibly disturbed deposits, respectively, cannot illuminate evidence of creolization within foodways. Table 33 displays the counts and weights of the species present at 161 Marine Street. Unidentified bones associated with 161 Marine Street deposits are also not included in the foodways analysis.
The combined faunal assemblages from 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street represent an array of wild and domesticated species (Table 38). Large mammal remains recovered from La Punta (n=146) consists of cow, pig, deer, black bear, and Artiodactyla (even-toed ungulates, such as cow, pig, and deer). Other mammal types include an unidentified medium sized mammal and a squirrel. Seventy-nine mammal remains cannot be attributed to a wild or a domesticate species. Thirty-eight bones represent wild species (deer, black bear, squirrel), though deer serve as the dominant wild species, and 28 faunal remains comprise the domesticate mammal category (cow and pig).
TABLE 38
SPECIES COUNTS RECOVERED FROM LA PUNTA SITES


In addition to 14 unidentified bird remains, 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street possessed 3 bird species (n=47): chicken, a domestic species, turkey, and Muscovy duck. Two bones represent the wild species; 45 chicken remains were recovered. Aquatic species, including fish, sharks, and turtles, in addition to gopher tortoises, also appear within the assemblage. Shark (n=4), gopher tortoise (n=2), and turtle (n=1) occurred occasionally. Fish remains (n=245), however, represent frequently encountered fauna. A variety of factors may inflate the quantity of remains present and identified: greater amounts of fish remains may not equate to greater or more frequent fish consumption. Meals related to aquatic resources would likely necessitate a higher amount of fish, which produces a larger number of fish remains (often their vertebrae). Vertebrae, however, tend to degrade and disappear more readily than other taxa, which could result in underrepresented fish species.
Also, species diversity may be greater than the results suggest. During analysis, catfish, drum, and shark are more easily recognized than other species. Fish species present include 178 unidentified bone, 45 catfish, 11 drum, 7 mullet, 3 Gafftopsail catfish, and 1 large fish remains. Figure 22 illustrates the counts and percentage of the overall assemblage within six categories—Domesticated Mammals, Wild Mammals, Fish, Wild Bird, Domesticated Bird, and Turtles. The population occupying these areas of La Punta relied upon diverse foodways that incorporated domesticated mammals, aquatic resources, as well as terrestrial mammals, birds, and reptiles. By count, fish comprise the largest component of the assemblage while bird and turtle remains represent the least frequent species. Domesticated mammals and birds are nearly equal with the number of wild mammals present. As stated earlier, the MNI for identified remains at 133 Marine Street are assumed to be one. Paired with the data from 161 Marine Street, the faunal assemblage recovered from these La Punta sites includes three drum fish, two deer, pigs, cows, chickens, sharks, sea catfish, and unidentified fish as well as one squirrel, bear, turtle, gopher tortoise, Muscovy duck, turkey, gafftopsail catfish, mullet, and catfish.
Figure 22. Consolidated faunal counts and percentage of assemblage by group, La Punta.Figure 22. Consolidated faunal counts and percentage of assemblage by group, La Punta.
Figure 22. Consolidated faunal counts and percentage of assemblage by group, La Punta.

Figure 22. Consolidated faunal counts and percentage of assemblage by group, La Punta.

Reitz and Cumbaa's (1983) discussion of faunal assemblages recovered from six 18th century St. Augustine contexts—one peninsular, four criollo, and one mestizo household—offers points of comparison to La Punta. Rather than count or MNI, the authors' analysis considers the biomass of the species present at each site. Although the degree of faunal analysis completed for these colonial sites, Chechesy Old Field I, 133 Marine Street, and 161 Marine Street differ, preliminary comparisons can be noted. In terms of biomass, domestic species contributed majorly to all six St. Augustine sites. Maria de la Cruz and her husband, who occupied the mestizo site, produced the least domestic biomass and the most estuarine biomass. Criollo sites yielded the largest quantities of domestic biomass. Use of domestic biomass, therefore, appeared inversely related to social status within the community as consumption of wild resources suggested increased prestige (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:177). Fish and shark biomass occurred most heavily at the mestizo household, then the peninsular, followed by the criollo sites, potentially in order of status. Wild birds and aquatic animals yielded minimal biomass at all sites except the mestizo household. Faunal diversity is high at the mestizo site, where evidence indicates dietary practices deviated from purely aboriginal, though wild foods dominate the assemblage (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:177; 181). Terrestrial species comprise the majority of household foodways resource selection, though St. Augustinian households tended to utilize resources that were easily accessed and readily available. In general, the diversity of the six faunal assemblages illustrates an abundance of one species supplemented by a variety of mostly terrestrial, and some aquatic, species.
Southerlin et al. (2001) evaluated remains recovered from Old Field I by broadly classifying fauna as domestic or wild mammals, domestic or wild birds, fishes, and turtles. Within these identified groups, the authors assessed MNI and biomass. Wild mammals represent a varied, though traditional, group in which white-tailed deer comprise the dominant species. Evidence of one black bear was also present. Capturing both white-tailed deer and black bears required hunting. Trapping smaller game, which included raccoon, gray squirrel, opossum, and eastern cottontail rabbit, demanded less effort and could account for the variety (Southerlin et al. 2001:147). Domestic mammal remains present include cow and pig, though both species are represented by a single animal. Similarly single bones provide evidence of chicken and turkey. The Old Field I assemblage contains 40 additional unidentified bird remains.
One shark, likely a convenience catch, and an assortment of turtle and fish species comprise the aquatic resources. Turtle species included chicken, yellow-bellied, and box. Box turtles appeared high in count and in biomass while chicken turtles and yellow-bellied turtles are represented by a single bone. Exploited fish species include, in descending order of count, hardhead catfish, gafftopsail catfish, catfish, black drum, Atlantic croaker, sea trout, red drum, and sheepshead (Southerlin et al. 2001:149). Table 39 compares the MNI percentages from La Punta and Old Field I as Reitz and Cumbaa (1983:175) discuss aggregate groupings for each of the six colonial St. Augustine sites.
TABLE 39
FAUNAL CATEGORIES MNI PERCENTAGES, LA PUNTA AND OLD FIELD I

La Punta (n=27)
Percentage
Old Field I (n=48)
Percentage
Domesticated Mammals
14.81%
Domesticated Mammals
4.16%
Wild Mammals
14.81%
Wild Mammals
27.04%
Fish
40.74%
Fish
52.07%
Wild Bird
7.41%
Wild Bird
2.08%
Domesticated Bird
7.41%
Domesticated Bird
2.08%
Turtles
7.41%
Turtles
10.41%

Although a portion of the unidentified faunal remains may be attributed to a specific species if reanalyzed by a zooarchaeologist, the lack of food selection diversity within the La Punta community is striking. Similar to 18th century colonial St. Augustine households and to the Yamasee population that occupied Old Field I, fishes comprised a significant portion of the mission community diet. Fish species harvested in the greatest quantities (e.g. drum, catfish) represent resources easily accessed available throughout the year for all populations examined. In contrast to Old Field I and the St. Augustine sites, 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street demonstrate a more balanced use of domesticate and wild mammals. Additionally, La Punta residents appear to utilize domesticated birds more frequently, even if marginally, than the natives of Old Field I. Despite these nuances, all assemblages suggest most resources stemmed from wild environments rather than from domesticates.
The St. Augustinian diet incoporated greater variety of species, though the sample size and scope of analysis from the La Punta assemblage may influence the comparison. Overall, the mission population adhered to dominantly traditional native foodways with evidence of European influence. The La Punta assemblage diverges from the evidence recovered from Old Field I (Southerlin et al. 2001:144-146) when considering the quantity of domesticated animals and the variety of wild mammals. Unlike the mestizo household, La Punta possesses minimal faunal diversity and better balanced the meat from mammals and the meat from other food sources. Compared to the criollo households (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:175), the mission community appears quite similar. Heavy utilization of estuarine food sources are supplemented by domestic and wild mammals. Generally criollo households used domesticated species more often than wild terrestrial animals; however, the differences, while measurable, are not significant. In sum, La Punta's population maintained established Yamasee foodways while seemingly incorporating greater amounts of domesticated animals into their diet. Although the assemblage recovered from 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street appears akin to the Old Field I assemblage, parallels also exist with the criollo household assemblages that Reitz and Cumbaa examine.
Discussion
The mission community of La Punta, like the mestizo site Deagan (1983a; 1983b) discusses, represents a component of St. Augustine's population generally considered less desirable, even inferior, to criollos or peninsulares (Deagan 1983:68). Persons of direct Spanish descent, or those with minimal intermixture with ethnicities other than Spaniards, primarily held an elevated socioeconomic position. Eighteenth century St. Augustine's continuum of social identification, however, permitted cultural and racial intermixture. Within the context of La Punta, cultural creolization is emphasized. Creolization incorporates processes, possessions, and actions that extend beyond acceptance by or integration into the "dominant" culture. The purchase, presence, and/or use of resources such as ceramics, architecture, and foodways at La Punta may serve as attempts to alter social identification or to modify sociocultural affiliations designated by others. Regardless of motivation or intention, analyzing ceramics, architecture, and foodways at two sites relating to La Punta—133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street—offers evidence of a culture imbued with fluidity, creativity, tradition, and change.
The presence of colonoware within the mission community suggests potters decided, probably on an individual basis, to combine aboriginal ceramic production techniques (e.g. temper and surface treatment) with European vessel form and function, a process which occurred in other La Florida missions for more than a century. Furthermore, British ceramics served as a common occurrence within 18th century assemblages located at Yamasee sites in South Carolina and within Spanish St. Augustine. When examined together, 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street align with 18th century St. Augustine's ceramic pattern. Aboriginal ceramics, namely San Marcos, occur most often within assemblages. Furthermore, Hispanic tablewares dominate European tablewares and British ceramics appear frequently. Intra-site ceramic comparisons, however, lend further evidence of creolization at La Punta. The ceramic assemblage recovered from 161 Marine Street diverges from the pattern established within St. Augustine. Ceramic divergence also holds true at 133 Marine Street.
At 161 Marine Street, Non-Hispanic Tablewares represent to the most abundant European ceramic sub-group (Table 34). Hispanic Utilitarian Wares, Hispanic Tablewares, and Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares follow in descending order. Perhaps the distribution of cultural material within the selected excavation areas affected the sample size. Otherwise, differing type frequencies and, presumably, uses of ceramics at two different households within the same community suggests the presence of creolization (Figure 23). 161 Marine Street denotes an assemblage more characteristic of 18th century St. Augustine while 133 Marine Street ceramics align with an intermixed criollo and a native household. Aboriginal pottery comprises the highest

*All Aboriginal Utilitarian Wares, except for 133 Marine Street, contain 3,000 more ceramics than the chart indicates. In order to better represent the remaining ceramic sub-groups, the Aboriginal Utilitarian Wares groups were reduced in Figure 23.

Figure 23. Comparison of ceramic sub-groups at La Punta, de Hita, de la Cruz, and Ponce de León Sites.

percentage of the ceramic assemblage at 133 Marine Street. The site yielded non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares with less frequency than a criollo household tended to, yet produced more Hispanic tablewares than non-Hispanic tablewares, as is common to sites of increased economic status (Shephard 1983:88). Architectural and foodways intra-site variances reinforce the assertion that the mission community likely accepted, rejected, and modified European and native practices, products, and traditions in creative manners while also applying these forms of continuity and change uniquely within individual, familial, or other small group contexts.
Architectural practices and the use of space at La Punta also present evidence to support creolization. No well features uncovered in St. Augustine or known Yamasee sites in South Carolina provide an analogy to the walk-in well and superstructure at La Punta. The well illustrates unique design, construction, and communal use. Refuse disposal within the mission community also demonstrates change. Yamasee residing in South Carolina appeared to dispose of trash in pits near their homes. Residents of colonial St. Augustine placed garbage in trash pits, or abandoned wells, toward the rear of the property. Although two daub pit features at 161 Marine Street were likely used as trash pits and 133 Marine Street contains a refuse pit seemingly associated with the structure's abandonment, investigations yielded no concentrated, designated refuse areas. Though the mission population might have placed garbage in the estuaries surrounding the site, engaging in the act diverged from the cultural practices in Spanish St. Augustine. Proximity to the colonial city may have shaped waste disposal behaviors among the Yamasee and Apalachee at La Punta; however, trash pit features and disposal patterns reflect no European influence or native traditions.
Intra-site architectural variance appears within structure shape and the quantity and type of building materials used. Excavation at 161 Marine Street yielded three—one confirmed and two probable—circular structures, whereas 133 Marine Street contains one probable rectangular structure. Yamasee in South Carolina constructed circular structures in non-nucleated clusters. La Punta's population residing on the 161 Marine Street property maintained the structure shape while adapting the distance between households. Assuming the postholes designated as Structure 2 and Structure 3 relate to households, these circular structures demonstrate a closely clustered settlement pattern akin to an urban environment. Building materials present at the site included—in descending order according to weight—coquina, daub, tabby, brick, mortar, and plaster. If the mission population incorporated architectural construction methods that were becoming popular in 18th century Spanish St. Augustine into mission households, then coquina represented a new construction material, one to potentially be utilized by the mission population. The construction of a Second Spanish Period powder magazine, however, may inflate or account for the presence of coquina, in addition to tabby, brick, plaster, and mortar (Table 9). As with 133 Marine Street, the site contains an abundant amount of nails, which may suggest use during construction.
133 Marine Street possessed smaller quantities of all building materials identified at 161 Marine Street and the postholes located revealed a possible rectangular, two-room structure. Additional testing is needed in order to determine whether, and how, the household pertains to the mission occupation. Its location beyond the town walls and the lack of traditionally Spanish features (e.g. barrel well and trash pits) lend credence to the structure's use at La Punta. Furthermore, comparisons to a rectangular structure located at Pocotalaca (Halbirt 2014 pers. comm.) may elucidate who resided in the household at La Punta and what role rectangular structures possess in regards to creolization. Merritt (1983:131) notes that the Timucuan who occupied the present-day Fountain of Youth site often housed the cacique in a rectangular structure. Although cultural and temporal separations exist between the Timucuan and La Punta's occupants, the practice or belief that structure shape established, reinforced, or suggested, status affiliation may have persisted.
As with ceramic and architectural analysis, examining foodways at La Punta provides evidence for creolization. La Punta foodways appear to incorporate domestic species (e.g. cow, pig, and chicken) while also maintaining more traditional foods such as fish, turtles, deer, black bear, rabbits, and other game. Fishes, which served as an easily accessed resource, comprised a major portion of the mission diet, aligning well with the foodways at Old Field I and within colonial St. Augustine. 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street, however, demonstrate a more balanced use of domesticate and wild mammals, though most resources originated from wild environments. La Punta residents likely utilized domesticated birds more frequently, even if marginally, than those occupying Old Field I. The La Punta faunal assemblage embodies trends found in both the Old Field I and the criollo household assemblages. Faunal variation between the two mission sites is difficult to determine with the current level of analysis.
According to Deagan (1983:151), "'cuisine' is usually one of the last areas to be modified" during times of change. Prolonged periods of interactions and alliances between the Yamasee, the Spanish, and the British confuse determining how cultural intermixture manifests within foodways at La Punta. Additionally, local environments and economic factors impact foodways. The mission population continued to rely upon aquatic resources available in the surrounding estuaries; however, La Punta's persistent reliance on convenient and accessible foodways also included incorporating domesticates. The assemblage of tools used to capture animals, though sparse, also exhibits evidence of creolization. Lead weights used on fishing nets possibly replaced shells or other naturally occurring materials while gunflints facilitated hunts for larger mammals with more convenient kill methods.
Analysis of archaeological remains at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street not only indicates the population of La Punta experienced creolization, but also provides details regarding the ceramic, architectural, and dietary manifestations of this process. Cultural influence and intermixture occurs in varied, unpredictable manners and its manifestations may remain constant or may change through time. Creolization ensues within a spectrum; however, the spectrum itself possesses no singular point of commencement or termination. Creolization may encompass one cultural alteration. Similarly, the process may result from a culmination of sociocultural factors, shaped by individual and group identities, motivations, preferences, interactions, and ideologies. La Punta falls within the spectrum of creolization; however, discerning at which point the mission community is located proves difficult. The Yamasee Confederation itself likely resulted from creolization processes dating to the 17th century, and continued cultural interactions and influences from diverse populations created a complex, complicated cultural lineage. Complexity increases within this analysis if the Apalachee population component were able to be considered with greater depth as a distinct ethnicity. Instead, the examination of creolization at 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street considers La Punta's primary population—the Yamasee. Assessing and understanding creolization within the context of La Punta, and within broader contexts, requires more nuanced artifact analyses, additional archaeological investigations, and research questions designed to probe cultural intermixture at multiple scales and through various periods of time.
Future Directions
The analysis of ceramics, architecture, and foodways that pertain to the mission community of Nuestra Señora del Rosario de la Punta presented here represent a comprehensive, yet still preliminary, consideration of creolization in an 18th century refugee mission context. Expanding the scope of study to include evidence of creolization through religion represents a vital element of understanding creolization within the mission community. Archaeological investigations completed at 11 Tremerton Street provide potential evidence for such an analysis (Boyer 2005; McGee et al. 2005). As stated above, the scope of study should expand to include the Apalachee also documented within the mission community.
Other studies might relate to establishing, defining, and/or refining the Yamasee's placement on the creolization spectrum throughout time. The study may consider whether the amalgamation—the Yamasee Confederation's formation period—relate and compare to Yamasee periods spent with the Spanish and the British. Assessing if, and how, creolization occurred within these situations may help illustrate the fluid nature of culture, as well as the creative ways in which cultures adapt and change. Furthermore, the investigation may highlight manners in which and motivations for cultures to elect to maintain/retain practices, behaviors, and beliefs. Additional analysis of 133 Marine Street and 161 Marine Street also encourages expanded studies which incorporate other excavated areas relating to La Punta. More data from La Punta facilitates intra-site comparisons while also enabling far-reaching anthropological assessments. These studies might consider contemporaneous mission sites in La Florida or the Southwest; similarly, the scope of study may evaluate creolization process at La Punta and a site(s) separated from the mission community by both time and space. There is abundant potential to compare cultural creolization processes to the processes originally identified within linguistic theory. As historical archaeologists more frequently evaluate artifactual assemblages using a creolization framework, a need for quantifiable methodologies to identify the process also emerges. Though determining the presence and manifestations of creolization within specific cultural contexts expands discourse concerning forms of cultural mixture, historical archaeology needs to move toward quantified and a qualified forms of creolization.
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APPENDIXES


























APPENDIX A

CITY of ST. AUGUSTINE ARCHAEOLOGY PROGRAM ARTIFACT CODES






















133 Marine Street
Activities
ABODIS Aboriginal Discard
CHARCOAL Charcoal
CHERT Chert
COAL Coal
FLAKE Flake
IRONFRAG Unidentified Iron Fragment
LEADOBJ Lead Object
THIMBLE Thimble
TOY Toy
SLAG Slag
SPRUE Lead Sprue
TC Terra Cotta
UIDIRON Unidentified Iron
UIDMTL Unidentified Metal
UIDOBJ Unidentified Object
WGT Weight
Arms
BULLET Bullet
FIRING CAP Firing Cap
FLINT Flint
FLNTGUN Gunflint
GUN SHELL Gun Shell
KNIFE HANDLE Knife Handle
MINIBALL Minié Ball
SABER TIP Saber Tip
SHOT Lead Shot
Architecture
BOLT Bolt
BRICK Brick
CONST Construction Material
COQUINA Coquina
DAUB Daub
CLINCHNAIL Clinched Nail
GLAS Glass (Window)
IRONUID Unidentified Iron
NAILCLINCH Clinched Nail
NAILSQUID Unidentified Square Nail
NAILUID Unidentified Nail
NAILWRT Hand Wrought Nail
TABBY Tabby
TASSEL HOLDER Tassel Holder
TILEUID Unidentified Tile
SLATE Slate
SPIKE Spike
STAPLE Staple
UIDNAIL Unidentified Nail
WOOD Wood
WIRE Wire
Clothing
BUT Button
CUFFLINKS Cufflinks
GARMENT HOOK Garment Hook
HOOK Hook
Faunal
BONE Bone
BOTAN Botanical/Floral
COPRO Coprolite
FISH SCALE Fish Scale
SHELL Shell
Furniture
COG Cog
DRAWER PULL Drawer Pull
ESCUT Escutcheon
TACK Tack
Kitchen
ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
ABODIS Aboriginal Discard
ABOUID Unidentified Aboriginal
CLNO Colonoware
MILLERP Miller Plain
MISSRF Mission Red
NLABO Non-Local Aboriginal
SJDEC St. Johns Deocrated
SJI St. Johns Incised
SJUID Unidentified St. Johns
SMD Indeterminate San Marcos
SMDEC San Marcos Decorated
SMUID Indeterminate Sam Marcos
STDEC Sand Tempered Decorated
STP Sand Tempered Plain
EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
DELFT Delftware
CW Creamware
ASTBURY Astbury
ANLRW Annularware
ELERS Elersware
HPIRNSTN Hand Painted Ironstone
IRNSTN Ironstone
IRNSTNTP Transfer Print Ironstone
MEXRED Mexican Red Painted
MOCHA Mochaware
PORCCHI Chinese Porcelain
PORENG English Porcelain
PORMING Ming Porcelain
POROG Overglazed Porcelain
PORPOW Powder Blue Porcelain
PORUID Unidentified Porcelain
PUEBW Puebla Blue on White
PUEPOLY Puebla Polychrome
PW Pearlware
PWANLR Annular Pearlware
PWHP Hand Painted Pearlware
PWLP Gaudy Dutch
PWPP Hand Painted Pearlware (late)
PWSH Shell Edged Pearlware
PWTP Transfer Print Pearlware
PWUID Unidentified Pearlware
REDW Redware
REFEW Refined Earthenware
REWANLR Annular Refined Earthenware
SLIP Slipware
SLIPRED Slipped Redware
SLIPREDAM American Slipware
SLPOLY San Luis Polychrome
TPREF Refined Transfer Printed
UIDMAJ Unidentified Majolica
WW Whiteware
WWANLR Annular Whiteware
WWB Beaded Whiteware
WWFB Flow Blue Whiteware
WWHP Hand Painted Whiteware
WWTP Transfer Print Whiteware
WWPP Hand Painted Whiteware (late)
WWSH Shell Edged Whiteware
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARES
CEW Coarse Earthenware
CEWGL Glazed Coarse Earthernware
CROCK Crock Fragment
ELMOR El Morro
GLCEW Glazed Coarse Earthenware
LDGLCEW Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware
OJ Olive Jar
OJGL Glazed Olive Jar
REDWENG English Redware
REDWGL Glazed Redware
STNW Stoneware
UIDCEW Unidentified Coarse Earthenware
GLASS
GLAS Glass
BL Blue
BLK Black
BRN Brown
CLR Clear
CBLT Cobalt
DKOLIVE Dark Olive Green
LTAMB Light Amber
LTGRN Light Green
LTOLIVE Light Olive
YEL Yellow
WITE White
Personal
BEAD Unidentified Bead
RING Ring
WWBEAD Wire Wound Bead
Tobacco
PIPEB Pipe Bowl
PIPES Pipe Stem
Other
PEBBLES Pebbles
ROCK Rock
SYRINGE PART Syringe Part

161 Marine Street
Activities
CHERT Chert
COAL Coal
COPOBJ Unidentified Copper Object
CORE Core
GAMDIS Gaming Disc
IROBJ Unidentified Iron Object
LEADOBJ Unidentified Lead Object
NETWGT Net Weight
SLAG Slag
SPRUE Lead Sprue
UIDMET Unidentified Metal
Architecture
GLAS Glass (Window)
NAILSQUID Unidentified Square Nail
NAILUID Unidentified Nail
SPIKEUID Unidentified Spike
TILEBAR Barrel Roofing Tile (teja)
TILEGL Glazed Tile
TILERF Roofing Tile
TILEUID Unidentified Tile
SCREW Screw
SLATE Slate
WIRE Wire
Arms
FLINT Flint
FLNTGUN Gunflint
SHOT Lead shot
Clothing
CLOTH Cloth
BUCKLE Buckle
BUT Button
BUTBLNK Button Blank
PIN Pin
Faunal
BONE Bone
Furniture
TACK Tack
Kitchen
ABORIGINAL CERAMICS
ABOGGTP Grog and Grit Tempered Plain
ABOGGTDEC Grog and Grit Tempered Decorated
ABOGROGP Grog Tempered Plain
ABOGRTSHD Grit and Shell Tempered Decorated
ABOGRTSHP Grit and Shell Tempered Plain
ABOSHDEC Shell Tempered Decorated
ABOSHP Shell Tempered Plain
ABOSTDEC Sand Tempered Decorated
ABOSTP Sand Tempered Plain
ABOSTSHDE Sand and Shell Tempered Decorated
CLNO Colonoware
MISSS Mission Red Stamped
MISSRF Mission Red Filmed
SJDEC St. Johns Decorated
SJP St. Johns Plain
SM San Marcos Indeterminate
SMDEC San Marcos Decorated
SMINC San Marcos Incised
SMP San Marcos Plain
SMPUNC San Marcos Punctated
EUROPEAN TABLEWARES
ABOPOLY Abo Polychrome
ARANAMA Aranama
DELFT Delftware
DELFTBW Blue on White Delftware
FAI Faience
FAIBW Faience Blue on White
FAEWITE Faenza White
HUEJOT Huejotzingo
NOTT Nottingham
PORUID Unidentified Porcelain
PUEBW Puebla Blue on White
PUEPOLY Puebla Polychrome
REFEW Refined Earthenware
REY Reyware
SEVBB Sevilla Blue on Blue
SABW San Agustin Blue on White
SLBW San Luis Blue on White
SLIPRED Slipped Redware
UIDMAJ Unidentified Majolica
UIDMEX Unidentified Mexican City
UIDSLIP Unidentified Slipware
SLPOLY San Luis Polychrome
STODOM Santo Domingo Blue on White
EUROPEAN UTILITARIAN WARES
BGBAC Blue Green Bacin
BLGCW Blue Lead Glazed Coarse Earthenware
ELMOR El Morro
GRNBAC Green Bacin
LDGLCEW Lead Glazed Coarse Earthernware
MARINE Marineware
MXCW Mexican Coarse Earthenware
OJ Olive Jar
OJGL Glazed Olive Jar
SGS Salt-Glazed Stoneware
UIDGLCE Unidentified Glazed Coarse Earthenware
UIDCEW Unidentified Coarse Earthenware
GLASS
GLAS Glass
AMB Amber
AQA Aqua
BLK Black
BRN Brown
CLR Clear
DRKBLU Dark Blue
DKBR Dark Brown
GRN Green
LTGRN Light Green
LTOLIVE Light Olive Green
LITYEL Light Yellow
OLIVE Olive Green
PUR Purple
YEL Yellow
POT Metal Pot Fragment
Personal
BEADAMB Amber Bead
BEADGLAS Glass Bead
BEADWW Wire Wound Bead
BELL Bell
COINSPN Spanish Coin
GROM Grommet
Tobacco
PIPEB Pipe Bowl
PIPES Pipe Stem
APPENDIX B
LA PUNTA ARTIFACT DATABASE, 133 MARINE STREET
133 MARINE STREET
ST. AUGUSTINE, FL
FS
Provenience
Count
WT (g)
Item
Frag/Form
Modifier
1.00
Grab Sample
1
6.8
SLPOLY
Body

1.00
Grab Sample
1
8.6
SLPOLY
Body
Variant
1.00
Grab Sample
1
2.4
PUEBW
Body

1.00
Grab Sample
1
8.2
CEW
Rim
Reworked
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
± 20
143.4
COAL
Frag

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
182.5
GLASBLK
Bottle Kickup
R Cooper & Co. Portabello
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
4
47
GLAS
Body
Flat Collar; Patinated; Opaque
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
5.6
GLAS
Lip
Flat Collar; Patinated; Opaque
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
4
12.6
GLASDKOLIVE
Body
Flat Collar
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.4
GLASLTAMB
Frag
Thin
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
± 25
9.1
GLAS
Flat Frag
Flat; Thin; Tinted
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
5
18
GLASCLR
Frag
Thick
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
1.5
GLASCLR
Frag
Thin; Curved
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
5.2
GLASLTGRN
Frag
Thick; Curved
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.3
GLASLTOLIVE
Frag

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.3
GLASCLR
Frag
Molded Ridge; Patinated
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
57.4
IRONUID

Oxy; Tossed
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
7.8
NAILSQUID

L — 7.3 cm; Oxy; Tossed
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
12
67.18
NAILUID

L — 5-4 cm; Oxy; Tossed/Manmade
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
17
54.4
NAILUID

L — 3-4 cm; Oxy; Tossed
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
10
5.7
NAILUID

L — 2-3 cm; Oxy; Tossed
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
4
3.6
NAILUID

L — 1-2 cm; Oxy; Tossed
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2
NAILCLINCH

L — 6-7 cm; Oxy; Tossed
133 MARINE STREET
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
9
13.7
NAILUID
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
12.5
DAUB


1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
5
10.25
SHOT
Whole

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
3.8
DRAWER PULL


1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
11.8
BULLET

33 Cal.
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2.4
FIRING CAP
Frag
33 Cal.
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
4.8
UIDOBJ
Frag

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2.5
BUT
Whole
Brass; D — 1.8 cm; Eagle "A" design; Military
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.1
GARMENT HOOK
Whole
Brass
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
103.4
IRNSTN
Rim
Dish Pan
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
37.8
PWTP
Rim
Lidded Bowl; Same Vessel as one Below
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
18.4
PWTP
Shoulder of Lidded Bowl
Lidded Bowl; Same Vessel as one Above
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.1
PORCCHI
Rim
Chinese Exported
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
3.5
PORUID
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.4
PORUID
Body
Molded
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
21.8
PWSH
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
2
PWSH
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
6
IRNSTN
Rim
Transfer Print
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
3.6
PWHP (late)
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
6.5
PWHP (late)
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.3
DELFT
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
4.9
PWHP (late)
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.6
PWTP (late)
Body
Stripe
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.1
PWHP
Rim
Stripe
133 MARINE STREET
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
6.2
PWSH
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
6.2
DELFT
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.7
UIDMAJ
Body
Black Line + Blue
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2
SLPOLY
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
3
SLPOLY
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
3.8
DELFT
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
6
9.3
PWTP
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
10.1
IRNSTN
Body
Transfer Print
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
4
3.3
PWTP
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.6
IRNSTN
Body
Transfer Print
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2
PWHP
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2.6
PW
Handle

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
10
PW
Ft Ring Base

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
5
6.7
PW
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2.1
PW
Base
Possible Makers Mark
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.4
REFTW
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
2.8
PWANLR
Rim
Banded
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
5.9
PWANLR
Rim and Body
Cross mend; Marble
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
19.2
REDWGL
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
27.1
OJ
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
4.5
CW
Ft Ring Base

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
3
29
CW
Base

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
14
18
CW
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
2
1.8
CW
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
55.1
BONE
L Astragglus
Bos taurus
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
71.5
BONE
Ulna
Bos taurus
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
6.7
BONE
Astraggulus
Bos taurus
133 MARINE STREET
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
8.3
BONE
Phalange
Bos taurus
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
7
0.8
BONE
Vert.
Fish
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.8
BONE
Vert.
Medium Fish
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.3
BONE
Tooth Fragment
Mammal CF Bos
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.3
BONE
Pectoral Spine
Catfish
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.2
BONE
Tooth
Mammal
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
6
2.6
BONE
Carapace
Mud Turtle
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
18
12.8
BONE
UID
Mammal
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.4
BONE
Centrum
Mammal
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
16
3.4
BONE
UID
UID
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
Vert.
Fish
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
0.2
BONE
Vert
Avis
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
3.6
BONE
Otolith
Black drum
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
9.4
SHELL
Frag
Busycon
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.8
CEW
Rim

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
73
93.1
ABODIS
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
9
49.5
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated Stamp
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
8
35.8
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
5.5
SMD
Body
Eroded; Grog Temp.
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2
SMD
Rim
Eroded; Shell Temp.; Rounded
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
3.6
SMDEC
Rim
Rectilinear; Rounded
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
3
SMD
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
1.9
CEW
Body

1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
1
2
SMDEC

Curvilinear
1.02
TU 1 LVL 2
4
8
SMDEC

Check Stamp
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
5.08
PWSH
Rim
Scalloped; Chipped on Rim
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.1
CW
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1
CW
Base

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
3.6
CW
Body
Marly
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.6
CW
Rim
Straight
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.5
PWSH
Body
Scalloped
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.4
SLPOLY
Rim

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.9
PWTP
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
3.5
STNW
Body
Floral Décor
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.4
REFTW
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
2.2
REFTW
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.1
REFTW
Rim
Black Stripe, Straight
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.5
REFTW
Cup Handle
Cup
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.6
UIDMAJ
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2
PIPEB
Frag
Bore; 3 cm x 1 cm
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
6
2.5
GLASLTGRN
Frag
Flat
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
5
2.2
GLASCLR
Frag
Flat
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
2.8
GLAS
Frag
Patinated; Opaque
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
2.6
GLASCLR
Frags
Curved
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.5
GLASBRN
Frag

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.5
GLASYEL
Frag

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.8
GLASYEL

Opaque
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
24
25.9
ABODIS
Frag

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
3.3
SMDEC
Body
Check Stamp
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
3
7.9
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
7.7
SMDEC
Body
Check Stamp
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
6.3
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.4
SMDEC
Body
Checked; Shell Temp.
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.8
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2
SMDEC
Body
Checked
133 MARINE STREET
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
3
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.8
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.1
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.8
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
3.3
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
3.1
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
5.4
SMD
Body
Eroded; Grog Temp.
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
4.5
SMD
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
9.8
SMDEC
Rim- Rounded
Rounded; Checked; Shell and Grit Temp.
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
50
SMDEC
Body
Complicated
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
4
1.1
SJUID
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.5
STDEC
Body
Eroded
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.2
STP
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
5.3
UIDCEW
Body

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
6.1
COAL
Frag

1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.4
BUT
Whole
"Cuba"; Brass; D — 1.7 cm
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.1
UIDNAIL
Whole
Square; Bass; Rectangular Head; L — 3.2 cm
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.3
SHOT
Whole
Musket Ball; D — 0.7 mm; Lead
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
7
WGT

1 cm Square; Lead
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
0.6
TACK

Heads; Furniture Hardware
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
4
9.5
UIDNAIL
With Head
L — 3.5 cm; Oxy
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
8.5
UIDNAIL
With Head
L — 4 cm; Oxy
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
4.2
UIDNAIL
Without Head
L — 5.5 cm; Sq.; Oxy
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
10.6
UIDNAIL
With Head
L — 4-5 cm; Oxy
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
2.4
UIDNAIL
Without Head
4cm; Oxy
133 MARINE STREET
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1.7
UIDNAIL
With Head
L — 2.5cm; Oxy
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
1
UIDNAIL
With Head
L — 3.2cm; Oxy
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
16
16.6
UIDIRON
Frag
Discard
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
4
0.7
BONE
Vert.
Fish
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
3.1
BONE
Teeth
Mammal
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
1
0.5
BONE

Turtle
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
2
2.6
BONE

Mammal
1.03
TU 1 LVL 3
22
10.6
BONE
UID
Mammal
2.03
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 5
1
0.8
SJDEC
Rim
Checked (med)
2.03
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 5
1
3.3
SMDEC
Body
Checked (med)
2.03
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 5
5
2.82
ABODIS
Body

2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
5
0.7
CHARCOAL
Frag

2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
0.1
BONE
Vert
Fish
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
0.1
BONE
Skull
Catfish
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
3
1.7
BONE
UID
UID
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
1.2
BONE
Hemal Spine
Fish
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
7
4.7
ABODIS
Body

2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
1.6
CEW
Body

2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
0.4
DAUB
Frag
Burnt
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
0.1
UIDIRON
Frag
Tossed
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
6.5
SMD
Rim
Round; Eroded
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
2
12.2
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
2.04
TU 2 LVL 3 FEA 8
1
4.5
SMD
Body
Eroded
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
4
31.5
PWSH
Rim
Different Vessels
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
30.7
PWTP
Rim Cover

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
5
39.8
PWTP
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
15.9
PWTP
Rim
Scalloped
133 MARINE STREET
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2.2
PWTP
Base- Flat

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
5
PWTP
Base- Flat Ring

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.4
PWTP
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
26.6
PWPP
Rim
Scalloped; Base Foot Ring
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
0.3
PWPP
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.9
PWANLR
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
21
PWANLR
Body
Possible Cats Eye
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.1
PWUID
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2.8
PUEBW
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
4.1
PUEBW
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
3
7.8
UIDMAJ
Body
Striped; Could be PUEPOLY or SLPOLY
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
15
41.6
PWUID
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
2.3
PWUID
Rim
Different Vessels
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
7.3
PWUID
Base- Flat

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
5
44.4
PWUID
Base
Foot Ring — Different Vessel
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
34
PWUID
Base
Complete — Foot Ring; Jar or Bowl
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
4.8
PWUID
Frag of Handle

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2
PORUID
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
6
5.1
PWUID
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.1
PWUID
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
57.3
OJ
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
3
19.6
UIDCEW
Body
Unglazed
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
8.4
CEW
Body
Top Surface Burnished
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.3
UIDMAJ
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
6.1
UIDMAJ
Body

133 MARINE STREET
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
10.5
OJGL
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
3.3
PIPES
Frag
#5, Kaolin; L — 4 cm
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.3
PIPES
Frag
#5, Kaolin; L — 1.3 cm
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.3
PIPES
Frag
#5, Kaolin
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2

10.8
BONE
Frag
UID Mammal
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
3
0.3
BONE
Frag
Fish
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
0.7
BONE
Frag
Turtle
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.4
BONE
Frag
Mammal
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2

9
BONE
Frag

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2.9
BONE
Frag
Mammal
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
5.3
BONE
Frag
Burnt
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
6.4
SHELL
Frag
Column
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
31
60
ABODIS
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
10.4
SMDEC
Rim
Complicated
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
6.2
SMDEC
Body
Curvilinear
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
3
16.2
SMDEC
Body
Complicated
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
9
SMDEC
Body
Checked
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
4
14.2
SMDEC
Body
Simple
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
6
16.5
SMD
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
11.2
SMP
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
7.2
NLABO
Rim
Plain; Non-local
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
3.6
SMP
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
0.7
BONE
Frag
Burnt
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
3.6
COAL
Frag

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
5
19.9
GLASDKGRN
Body
Opaque; Probably Dark Green
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2.1
GLASCLR
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
1.5
GLAS
Flat
Flat; Window Pane; Tinted
133 MARINE STREET
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
4
6.4
GLAS
Body
Tinted
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
11
15.1
GLASCLR
Body
Opaque
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
20
58.4
GLASDKGRN
Body
Opaque
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2.9
GLASCLR
Rim

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
4
15
GLASDKGRN
Body
Opaque
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
1.8
BONE
Frag
Fish
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
7
61.1
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 8 cm; Oxy
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
13
73
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 5-6 cm; Oxy
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
12
56.5
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 3-4 cm; Oxy
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
21
60.5
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 2.5-3.5 cm
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
2
96
MTLOBJ
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
3
20.2
CLINCHNAIL
Frag
L — 5-7 cm; Oxy
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
4
12.9
UIDMTL
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
17.5
ROCK


3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
3.3
REDW
Body

3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
0.8
TACK
Frag
Brass
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
3
TOY
Whole
Figurine; Male BR Figurine; Plastic
3.02
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 E 1/2
1
2
SABER TIP
Whole
Brass
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
7
20.1
COAL
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
7
48
BRICK
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
5
6.1
CONSTR
Frag
Construction
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
6.6
PEBBLES
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2.5
COG
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
6.3
CHERT
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2
GLASBL
Frag
Thick; Medium Blue
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
9.1
GLAS
Bottle Body
Bottle; Patinated; Opaque
133 MARINE STREET
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
4
3
GLASOLIVE


3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
6.3
GLASLTGRN
Bottle Body
Bottle
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.9
GLASCLR
Frag
Small Bottle Neck
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
1.8
GLASCLR
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2

9.8
GLAS
Frag
Tint/Misc
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.6
CHERT
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
44.8
CEWGL
Frag
Interior glaze; Different vessels
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
8.5
PIPEB
Frag
Kaolin; Decorated
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.1
GARMENT HOOK
Whole
Brass
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.4
BUT
Frag
Bone; D — 1.6 cm
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
4.5
SHOT
Whole
Lead
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.8
NAILSQUID
Whole
Brass; L — 3.2 cm; Flat Head
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.6
TACK
Frag
Brass
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.1
BUT
Frag
Missing Shank; Brass
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
3.6
CEW
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
3
POROG
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
7.4
WWPP (late)
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.5
WWPP (late)
Rim
Rounded
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2.8
WWANLR
Body
Cats Eye
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
10.5
PWTP
Pos. Base

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
4
WWTP
Rim and Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.1
CEWGL
Body
Black
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.1
PIPES
Frag
Kaolin
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2
UIDNAIL
Frag
Brass; No Head
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
4
44.1
WRTNAIL

L — 5-6 cm; Oxy
133 MARINE STREET
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
12.4
UIDNAIL

L — 4-5 cm; Oxy
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
10
29.7
UIDNAIL

L — 3-4 cm; Oxy
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
13
24.1
UIDNAIL

L — 2-3 cm; Oxy
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
13
22.2
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
5
UIDNAIL

Oxy
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2

50.8
IRNOBJ
Frag
Oxy
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.1
BONE
Hemal Spine
Fish
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2


BONE
UID
Mammal
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2


BONE
UID
UID
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2


BONE
Carapace
Turtle
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
0.1
CHARCOAL
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2.5
PORUID
Frag
Decorative Element
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.1
WWTP
Handle Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
5.7
PW
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.4
PORUID
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
4
8.8
CW
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
1.1
WWTP
Body and Rim
Cross mend
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
5
WW
Base

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.7
WWB
Beaded Rim
Beaded
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.2
REFEW
Rim

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.7
WWSH
Rim

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
3.2
WWSH
Rim

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.2
REWANLR
Body
Banded
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
5
CW (late)
Rim

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1
WWHP
Rim
Stripe
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.8
REWANLR
Body
Cats Eye
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
3.8
WW
Rim

133 MARINE STREET
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2.1
PORUID
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.3
WWHP
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
16
19.4
WW
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
2
CW
Flat Base

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
1
TPREFTW
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
1
SLPOLY
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.1
PUEPOLY
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.5
UIDMAJ
Rim

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
0.5
UIDMAJ
Body
1 side has Blue and Black Line Design
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.1
TPREFTW
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
6
3.3
DAUB
Frag

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.2
BRICK
Rim
Possibly CEW
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
124
128.2
ABODIS
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
1.2
CEW
Rim

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
4
10.4
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
3.3
STDEC
Body
Eroded
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
2
6.2
SMD
Body

3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
1
3
SMP
Body
Shell Temp.
3.03
TU 3 LVL 2 FEA 1 W 1/2
3
7.1
SMD
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
6.2
PWSH
Rim
Two Different Vessels
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
0.9
PWPP
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
3.1
PWANLR
Body
Banded
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.3
UIDPW
Rim
Band on Rim
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
3.4
PWHP
Base
Flat Ring — Leaf Décor
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
3.3
PWHP
Base
Flat
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.3
PWHP
Base
Flat Ring
133 MARINE STREET
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
4
2.4
UIDPW
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
2.8
SLIP
Handle Frag
Cream Paste
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
0.6
UIDPW
Rim

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
5.5
PW
Base
Flat Ring
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
10
13.5
PW
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.9
UIDMAJ
Body
Banded; cf PUEPOLY or SLPOLY
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
11.1
PUEBW
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
66
64
ABODIS
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
3.8
SJUID
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
12.8
SMDEC
Body
Complicated
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
4.3
SMDEC
Body
Checked
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
4.6
SMDEC
Body
Simple
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
3
8.6
SMD
Body
Eroded
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
34.1
NLABO
Body
Non Local; Sand Temp.
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.7
NLABO
Rim
Non Local; Sand Temp.
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
2.9
PIPES
Frag
#4; Kaolin; L — 3 cm
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2

16.1
BONE
Frag

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
3.1
BONE
Frag
Mammal
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
25
11.5
GLASCLR
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
28
7
GLAS
Body
Tinted
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
6
6.9
GLAS
Body
Opaque
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
3
2.5
GLASDKGRN
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
7
4.4
GLASCLR
Body
Patinated
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2

29.6
MTLOBJ
Frag
Oxy
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
10.7
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 7 cm; Oxy
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
10.8
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 5-6 cm; Oxy
133 MARINE STREET
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
9
25.1
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 3-4 cm; Oxy
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
14
34.4
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 2.5-3 cm; Oxy
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
8
9.5
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 2 cm; Oxy
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
5.5
CLINCHNAIL
Frag
L — 4.5 cm; Oxy
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
0.4
COAL
Frag

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
4
19.2
CEW
Body
Unglazed
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
6
18.6
CONSTR
Frag

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
0.4
UIDPW
Body
Black inside; White outside
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
0.4
BUT
Whole
Wood; D — 1.4 cm; 5 hole button
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
4
10
SHOT
Whole
Lead; D — 0.7 cm
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
3
TOY
Whole
Clay Marble; D — 1.5 cm
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
2
1.1
TACK
Whole
Brass; Furniture
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
0.5
HOOK
Whole
Metal; "Hook and Eye"
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.5
BUT
Whole
Brass; Shank; D — 1.6 cm
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
3
SLATE
Frag

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
2.1
LDGLCEW
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.4
MTLOBJ
Frag
Brass; D — 2 cm
4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
1.1
STNW
Body

4.02
TU 4 LVL 2
1
5.6
UIDMAJ
Rim

4.03
FEA 4 LVL 3

77.9
SHELL

Mix of shell and clam; Tossed
4.03
FEA 4 LVL 3
1
4.2
GLAS
Bottle Frag
Bottle; Patinated; Opaque
4.03
FEA 4 LVL 3
1
1.1
BRICK
Frag

4.03
FEA 4 LVL 3
2
0.8
IRONFRAG
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
2
6.6
COAL
Frag

4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
4
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
2.7
SMD
Body
Eroded
133 MARINE STREET
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
4.1
UIDCEW
Body

4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
2
1
ABODIS
Body

4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
0.6
UIDNAIL
Head
Oxy
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
2
0.4
GLAS

Flat
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
0.3
GLASCLR
Body
Curved
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
0.8
ANLRW
Body

4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
0.8
UIDNAIL
Frag
L — 2.5 cm; Oxy; No head
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
13.7
IRNOBJ
UID
Oxy
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
1
1.1
FIRING CAP

Brass; Ammunition
4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
2
0.4
CHARCOAL
Frag

4.05
TU 4 LVL 3 FEA 7
6
0.8
BONE
UID

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
10
1.2
CHARCOAL
Frag

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
2.1
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; With Head
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
1
MTLOBJ
Frag
Oxy
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
2
6.2
SMDEC
Body
Check Stamp
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
0.7
ABODIS
Frag

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
4.1
ABODIS
Frag

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
0.1
BONE
UID

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
0.1
FISH SCALE

Round
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
5
0.8
CHARCOAL
Frag

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
2
0.4
BONE
UID

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
0.2
GLASCLR

Flat
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
56.1
LEADOBJ

Oxy; L — 7 cm
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
3.5
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
7
6.2
ABODIS
Body

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
8
0.1
CHARCOAL
Frag

3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
1.4
SLPOLY
Body
Two green spots; two stripes
133 MARINE STREET
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
0.1
BONE
Vert
Fish
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
9.7
BONE

Mammal
3.04
TU 3 LVL 3 FEA 11
1
3.6
BONE
UID

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
22.5
IRONOBJ
Frag
Oxy
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
19.7
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 6-7.5 cm
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
8.5
UIDIRON
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
10.9
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 3-4 cm
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
5
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
2
3.9
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
13
3.9
GLAS
Frag
Flat; Window
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
5
12.8
GLAS
Body
Bottle; Patinated; Opaque
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
1.7
GLASOLIVE


5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
7.9
GLASCLR
Lip
Bottle; Patinated
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
4
2
GLAS

Thin; Tinted
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
11.3
SHELL
Frag
Conch
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.6
SHELL
Claw
Crab
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
1.3
BONE
Ear bone
Mammal
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
1.8
BONE
Carapace
Turtle
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.6
BONE
Tooth
Mammal
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
Vert Frag
Fish
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.7
BONE
Phalange
Mammal
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
7
2.5
BONE
UID

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.4
BONE
UID
Fish
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
2
3.7
BONE
UID
Mammal
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
2.6
SHOT
Whole
Lead; D — 0.8 cm
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
2
ESCUT
Whole
Brass; L — 2 cm
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
14.5
ELERS
Bowl Shoulder
Bowl; Molded design
133 MARINE STREET
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.9
PIPEB
Frag
Kaolin; Bore
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
2
62.7
OJ
Body
Near Base
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
7.8
IRNSTNTP
Rim

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
6.2
PWANLR
Body
cf Mocha
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
2
3.5
PWANLR
Rim
Banded
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
1.8
PWSH
Rim

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.5
PWHP
Rim
Stripe
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
2
6.7
CW
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
10
11.7
PW
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.4
PWHP (late)
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
11
PW
Rim

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
6
PW
Base

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.7
PW
Rim
Molded
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
2
0.4
UIDMAJ
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.3
SLPOLY
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
0.7
PORUID
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
40
47.8
ABODIS
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
6
78.5
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
4.9
CEW
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
7
31.4
SMD
Body
Eroded
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
3.3
SJP
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
6
15.7
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
3
8.6
SMD
Rim
Eroded; Different Vessels; Rounded
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
1
SMD
Rim
Eroded; Flat
5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
3.5
SMP
Body

5.02
TU 5 LVL 2
1
1.7
SMD
Body
Eroded
133 MARINE STREET
5.03
TU 5 LVL 3 FEA 3
1
0.1
UIDIRON

Tossed
5.03
TU 5 LVL 3 FEA 3
1
0.1
CHARCOAL
Frag

5.03
TU 5 LVL 3 FEA 3
1
4.1
UIDNAIL

Oxy; L — 4 cm
5.03
TU 5 LVL 3 FEA 3

206.8
SHELL

Mixed Oyster/Clam; Tossed
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
8.5
PUEBW
Rim
Absd; Exterior Curved
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
10.9
WW
Base
Foot Ring
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1.2
SLPOLY
Rim

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
4
PWPP
Rim
Gaudy Dutch
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
5.1
WWTP
Base
Absd
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
2.3
WWTP
Body
Absd
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
2
10.6
TC
Body
Flower Pot
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
10
ELMOR
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
3
12
WW
Rim
Different Vessels
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
4
4.5
WW
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1.9
MOCHA
Body
Maybe Annularware
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
2
3.3
PWPP
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
0.9
WWTP
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
3.2
WWB
Rim

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
0.3
WWHP
Rim

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
7
GLCEW
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
3
7.5
CEW
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
8
4.4
BRICK
Frag

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
3.3
CONSTR
Frag

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
7
1.4
CHARCOAL
Frag

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
2
2.7
GLAS
Frag
Thin; Curved
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
5
4.8
GLAS
Body
Bottle
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
4
11.8
GLASOLIVE


133 MARINE STREET
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
5
5.4
GLASOLIVE

Molded Ridges
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
7
3
GLAS

Tinted
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1.5
GLASWITE

Patinated
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
3
2.7
GLAS

Patinated; Opaque
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
25.9
SHOT
Whole
Musket Ball; Lead
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
18.2
WRTNAIL
Frag
Square Cut; Rose head; L — 6 cm; Oxy
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
7
15.7
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 3-4 cm
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
2
10.2
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 4-5 cm
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
3
4.3
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 2 cm
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
6
16.1
IRONFRAG
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
7.1
GLAS
Frag
Patinated; Opaque
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
2.2
BONE
Vert
Shark
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
5
0.3
BONE
Vert
Fish
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
0.1
BONE
Skull
Catfish
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
2.8
BONE

Bos taurus
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
5.8
BONE
Scaploid
Bos taurus
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
5.9
BONE
Tarpal BONE
Bos taurus
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1
BONE
Tooth
Mammal
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
18
7.5
BONE
UID
UID
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
0.4
BONE
UID
Fish
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
0.1
BONE
Skull
Catfish
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1
BONE

Mammal
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
0.4
BONE
Long BONE
Small Mammal
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
48
55.6
ABODIS
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1.8
STP
Rim
Rounded
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
1.8
SMDEC
Rim
Rectilinear; Rounded
133 MARINE STREET
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
5.5
SMDEC
Body
Curvilinear
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
4
11.4
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
3
12
SMD
Body
Eroded
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
2.4
MISSRF
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
2
7.1
SMP
Body

6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
1
3
SMD
Body
Shell Temp.
6.02
TU 6 LVL 2 E 1/2
2
1
TACK
Whole
Furniture
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
4.4
BRICK
Frag

6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
4.7
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 5cm
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
1.2
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 2.8cm
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.7
IRONFRAG
Frag
Oxy; Tossed
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
3
1.2
GLAS
Frag
Tinted
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.1
GLASCLR
Frag

6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.6
GLAS
Frag
Patinated; Opaque
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
1.5
BUCKLE
Frag
Brass to J. Powell
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
2
CONSTR
Frag
Rock?
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
9
1
CHARCOAL
Frag

6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
3.8
PUEBW
Body

6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.1
CEW
Body

6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
18
16.6
ABODIS
Body

6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
2.2
SMDEC
Body
Checked
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
3.6
SMDEC
Rim
Flat; Curvilinear
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
2
4.8
SMD
Body
UID
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
3
6.5
SMDEC
Body
Complicated
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
4.5
BONE
Tooth
Bos taurus
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
1
BONE
Hemal Spine
Fish
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
6
0.7
BONE
Vert
Fish
133 MARINE STREET
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
5
1
BONE
Skull
Catfish
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
2
5.4
BONE
Rib
Mammal
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
1
BONE
Dorsal Spine
Fish
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
2
0.2
BONE
Fin
Fish
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.1
BONE

Fish
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.1
BONE

Mullet
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
5
0.5
BONE
UID
Fish
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
1
0.1
BONE
Humerus
Sandpiper
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2
3
4.6
BONE
UID
Mammal
6.03
TU 6 LVL 2 W 1/2

7
BONE
UID

6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
0.1
BOTAN
Frag
Nut Hull
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14

2
CHARCOAL
Frag

6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
25.6
BONE
Tooth
Bos taurus
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
4
SHELL
Column
Whelk — Possible Tool
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
1.2
BONE
Calcanium
Sus/odocoileus
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
3
0.6
BONE
Vert
Fish
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
0.1
BONE
Skull
Catfish
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
0.1
BONE
L Radius Dist
Gallus gallus
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
0.1
BONE
Vert
Avis
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
5
0.2
BONE
UID
Fish
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
12
2.6
BONE
UID

6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
3
1.8
COPRO
Frag

6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
0.9
UIDMAJ
Body
Striped
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
0.6
CEW
Body

6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
3.5
SMDEC
Body
Checked
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
2
5.7
SMD
Body
Eroded; Grog Temp.
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
1
2.5
STP
Body

133 MARINE STREET
6.04
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14
18
11.8
ABODIS
Body

6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
1.4
CW
Rim
Straight
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
6
6.2
ABODIS
Body

6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
2.3
SMD
Body
Eroded
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
4.2
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
5.5
UIDCEW
Body

6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
2
1.1
GLASGRN
Frag
Flat
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
0.9
SLAG


6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
2
3.2
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 2-3 cm
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
9
0.4
CHARCOAL
Frag

6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
2
1
UIDMTL


6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
0.2
UIDMAJ


6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
3
0.4
BONE

Fish
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
3
0.5
BONE
UID

6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
2
0.3
BONE
Vert
Fish
6.05
TU 6 LVL 3 FEA 14A
1
0.1
SHELL


6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
5
3.7
ABODIS
Body

6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
3
7.5
SMD
Frag
UID
6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
1
2.4
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
19
1.2
CHARCOAL
Frag

6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
6
0.2
BONE
Vert
Fish
6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
1
1.9
BONE
UID
Mammal
6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
10
3
BONE
UID

6.06
TU 6 LVL 2 FEA 14
2
0.1
BONE
UID
Fish
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2

4.9
CHARCOAL
Frag

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
2
34
COQUINA
Frag

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
13
TABBY
Frag

133 MARINE STREET
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
4.6
GLAS
Frag
Bottle
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
0.1
GLAS
Frag
Flat; Tinted
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
3
0.8
GLASCLR
Frag

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
4
10.4
UIDNAIL

Oxy; Tossed; L — 4 cm
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
5
9.9
UIDNAIL

Oxy
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
5
2.5
UIDNAIL

Oxy; Tossed
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
1
UIDNAIL

Oxy; L — 2.5 cm
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
7.3
NAILSQUID

Oxy; L — 5 cm
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
0.7
DELFT
Body

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
0.1
PUEPOLY
Body

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
2
UIDMAJ
Rim

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
2.2
WW
Body

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
2
17.6
CEW
Body

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
3
7.8
BONE
Long BONE
Burnt; Mammal
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
6
0.3
BONE
Vert
Fish
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
2
0.3
BONE
Vert
Shark
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
4
10
BONE
Skull
Catfish
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
Tooth
Mammal
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
Scapula
Gallus gallus
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
6
0.9
BONE
UID
Fish
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
3
4.2
BONE
UID
Mammal
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
31
10.4
BONE
UID

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
2
0.1
BONE
Frag
Burnt
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
110
105.3
ABODIS
Body

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
1.5
SMD
Rim
UID
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
7
SMDEC
Body
Complicated Rectilinear
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
2
15.1
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear; Grog Temp.
133 MARINE STREET
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
7
32.3
SMD
Body
Eroded
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
4.7
SMD
Body
Eroded
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
2.2
SMP
Rim
Flat
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
2.6
SMDEC
Body
Checked
7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
3.8
SMP
Body

7.02
TU 7 LVL 2
1
6.8
DAUB
Frag
Burnt
7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
8
0.4
CHARCOAL
Frag

7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
2.1
COAL
Frag

7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
0.5
GLAS
Frag

7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
0.1
GLAS
Frag

7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
1.5
UIDMAJ
Body

7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
2.8
UIDMAJ
Handle
Same vessel as previous?
7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
4
0.1
BONE
Vert
Fish
7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
1
BONE
Tooth root
Mammal
7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
0.1
BONE
UID
Fish
7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
5
2.1
ABODIS
Body

7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
2
8.1
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
7.03
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 12 N 1/2
1
2.2
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
2.4
RING
Whole
Brass; Rose Bud Décor; D — 2 cm
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
12
1.5
ABODIS
Body

7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
5.1
SMDEC
Body
Complicated
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
3.2
SMDEC
Body
Complicated; Shell Temp.
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
2.2
SMDEC
Body
Complicated
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
1.2
PWTP
Rim
Straight; Floral Design
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
4.5
GLASDKAMB
Body
Curved
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
4.4
FLNTGUN


133 MARINE STREET
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
27
GLAS
Rim
Molded; Molded Stup; Patinated; Opaque
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
3
0.9
BONE
UID

7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
0.8
BONE
UID
Avis
7.05
TU 7 LVL 3 FEA 22
1
0.3
BONE
Vert
Fish
8.01
TU 8 Grab
1
4.1
SLPOLY
Rim
Dots
8.01
TU 8 Grab
1
2.9
SMUID
Body

8.01
TU 8 Grab
1
18.8
BONE
Long Bone
Mammal
8.01
TU 8 Grab
1
0.4
WOOD
Frag

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
3.4
SLIPRED
Rim
Crimped
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
12
CROCK
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
1.1
PIPES
Body
Kaolin
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
7.4
ANLRW
Body
Banded
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.7
ANLRW
Body
Banded
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
0.6
PWPP
Body
Hand Painted
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
1.7
PORENG
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.4
UIDPW
Body
UID Décor
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
5.7
SLPOLY
Body
Banded
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
5.5
TILEUID
Whole
1.8 cm; Square Terracotta Tile; Modern
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
8.1
LDGLCEW
Body
Black
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
4
74.5
WW
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.8
WW
Rim

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
1.3
WW
Base

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
6
4.9
CW
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
1.7
CW
Base

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
5.1
WWFB
Rim

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.3
WWFB
Body

133 MARINE STREET
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
10.1
CLNO
Body
Stamped
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
4
10.3
WWTP
Body
Oriental Design
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
4
WWTP
Rim
Oriental Design
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.5
WWTP
Body
UID Décor
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
3
5
BONE
UID
Mammal
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
20
12.3h
BONE
UID
Mammal
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2

6.4
BONE
UID

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.9
BONE
Cervical Vert
Pig
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
7
0.9
COAL
Frag

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
4
3.3
CONSTR
UID
Tabby
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
74
22.7
GLAS
Frag
Flat; Possible Window; Tinted
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
5
10.8
GLASWITE
Body
Patinated; Opaque
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
1.4
GLASWITE
Lip
Patinated; Opaque
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
6
5.2
GLASOLIVE
Body
Bottle
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
0.5
GLASLTGRN
Body
Very thin
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
4
5
GLASCLR
Body
Possible Bottle Glass
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.7
GLASYEL
Body
Patinated; Opaque
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
8
20
SHOT
Whole
Lead; D — 4.5 mm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
1
SHOT
Whole
Lead; D — 4.3 mm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
6.3
WGT
Whole
Lead
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.5
TACK
Whole
Brass; Furniture
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
0.2
FIRING CAP
Whole
Brass
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
3
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 2 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
3
5.5
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 2.4 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
2.4
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 2 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
1.7
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 2.3 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
3
8.5
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 2.8 cm
133 MARINE STREET
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
8.1
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 3 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
8.4
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 3.5 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
4
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 4 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
4.7
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 5 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
5
13
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 3 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
3
12.6
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 4.5 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
6.5
NAILSQUID
Frag
Oxy; L — 6 cm
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
68
72.5
UIDMTL
UID
Oxy
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
55
37.5
ABODIS
Frag

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
4
5.9
SJP
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
3
4.2
CEW
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
4
13.1
SMP
Body
Shell/Sand Temp
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
1
2.1
SMD
Body
Eroded
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
4
SMDEC
Body
Checked
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
6
17.9
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Simple
8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
2
13.8
GRGP
Body

8.02
TU 8 LVL 2
10
24.5
BRICK


8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
7
NAILWRT
Intact
Oxy; L — 6 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
4
20.6
NAIL
Intact
Oxy; L — 4-5 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
6
19.2
NAIL
Intact
Oxy; L — 3-4 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
8
19.4
NAIL
Intact
Oxy; L — 2-3 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
8
11.3
NAIL
Intact
Oxy; L — 1-2 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
5
14
NAIL
Shaft
Oxy; L — 3-4 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
8
14.1
NAIL
Shaft
Oxy; L — 2-3 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
15
2.8
NAIL
Shaft
Oxy; L — 1-2 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2.2
NAILWRT
Shaft
Oxy; L — 2.5 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
50 +
53.1
MTLOBJ
Frag; UID
Discarded
133 MARINE STREET
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.8
KNIFE HANDLE
Frag
Worked Bone; L — 2.8 cm; Cross Hatched
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.9
PIPEB
Frag
Bore; 2.5 cm x 0.7 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.9
PIPEB
Frag
Bore; 2.5 cm x 0.7 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.8
PWSH
Rim
Beveled; Molded Edge
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.5
PWSH
Marly
Marly
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
2
1
UIDMAJ
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2
PORMING
Rim
Beveled
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
11.8
SLPOLY
cf bowl
cf Bowl; Curved, Striped
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2.9
CW
Rim

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2.9
WWTP
Body
Floral Décor
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.8
ANLRW
Body
Curved
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
2
2
WW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.2
UIDCEW
Body
No Glaze
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2.5
IRNSTNTP
Body
Floral Décor
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.6
PW
Foot Ring

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
3
2.6
CW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
4
1.5
WW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
14
SHELL
Tool?
Rubbed Whelk; L — 7cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.5
SHELL

Greedy Dove Snail
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
6
9
BONE
UID
Mammal
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.4
BONE
Tooth
Mammal
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.1
BONE
Dorsal Spine
Catfish
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.1
BONE
Burnt Ulna
Gallus gallus
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
36
12.4
BONE
UID
UID
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.1
BONE
UID
Avis
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
2
0.6
BONE
UID
Fish
133 MARINE STREET
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
3
1
PWTP
Body
Floral Décor
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.4
REW
Rim
Beveled
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.6
REW
Rim
Straight
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.5
REW
Rim
Straight
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.3
PWHP
Body
Random Décor
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1
WW
Foot Ring

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.9
CEW
Body
Glaze chipped off
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2.1
WW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
8.1
IRNSTN
Foot Ring

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.3
REW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
2
PWHP
Body
White Leaf Décor
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
8
CW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.2
PWLP
Body
Design on both sides
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.2
REW
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.4
PWHP
Rim
Straight, Band on Rim
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.9
ANLRW
Rim
Beveled; Wide Band
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
1.4
ASTBURY
Body
Variant; Mottled; Dark Paste
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.9
ASTBURY
Body
Variant; Pebbled; Dark Paste
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
55
61.2
ABODIS
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
8
SMD
Body
Eroded
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
7.4
SMD
Body
Eroded
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
3.4
SMDEC
Body
Sand Temp.; Complicated
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.9
SJP
Body

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
58
4.8
GLASLTGRN
Frag
Flat
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
6
6.7
GLAS
Frag
Patinated; Opaque
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
3
1.5
GLASAMB
Frag

8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.4
GLASCBLT
Frag
Cobalt
133 MARINE STREET
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.5
TACK
Intact
Furniture; Round Head; 1 cm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
3
CONSTR
Lump
Masonry
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
11
28.7
SHOT
Intact
Lead; 0.7 mm
8.03
TU 8 LVL 3
1
0.1
BUT
Intact
4 Holes; Mother of Pearl; Round; D — 1 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.6
SLPOLY
Rim
Beveled
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.6
SLPOLY
Rim
Beveled
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.1
SLPOLY
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
5.3
PUEBW
Rim
Beveled
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.8
PUEBW
Rim
Beveled
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.8
PUEBW
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1
ANLRW
Rim
Straight; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
3.4
ANLRW
Body
Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.2
ANLRW
Rim
Straight; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.4
PWWRM
Body
Wormy Finger
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
DELFT
Rim
Straight; Same Vessel; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.4
DELFT
Rim
Straight; Same Vessel; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.8
DELFT
Body
Same Vessel; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.7
DELFT
Body
Same Vessel; Stripes and Dots
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.8
PWHP
Rim
Straight; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.5
PWPP
Rim
Straight; Stipend
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.5
PWPP
Rim
Straight; Striped
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
11.4
PWSH
Rim
Shell Edge
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.2
PWTP
Rim
Straight
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
PWTP
Body
Curved
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.3
PWTP
Body
Abstract Design
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.2
WWTP
Body
Floral Décor; Curved
133 MARINE STREET
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.6
WWTP
Body
Marly
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.8
WWTP
Ringed Foot

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.4
WWTP
Rim

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1
WWTP
Body
Abstract Design
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.9
WWTP
Body
Abstract Design
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.3
WWTP
Body
Curved
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
WWTP
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
0.5
WWTP
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.4
CW
Rim
Straight
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.6
CW
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.5
CW
Rim
Straight
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4
WW
Jar Rim
Jar
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
4
14.6
WW
Body
Different Vessel
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.8
WW
Rim
Broken
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.2
WW
Body
Curved
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4
WW
Rim
Beveled
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
6.5
WW
Rim
Straight
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.3
WW
Foot Ring

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2
WW
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.8
WW
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.7
WW
Rim
Curved Edge
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
WW
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
WWHP
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.9
PORENG
Rim
Solid Décor
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.5
PORENG
Rim
Abstract Design
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
5.8
UIDMAJ
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
UIDMAJ
Body

133 MARINE STREET
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.3
UIDMAJ
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.5
UIDMAJ
Rim

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
UIDMAJ
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.2
PIPEB

Bore; 2.2 cm x 0.6 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
24
5
GLAS

Flat; Window Glass
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
7
18.6
BONE
UID
Mammal
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
Vert
Shark
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
0.1
BONE
Vert
Fish
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
0.5
BONE
Skull
Catfish
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
Pectoral Spine
Catfish
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.6
BONE

Fish
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
N/C
18.8
BONE
UID
UID
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1
BONE
Shell
Turtle
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
8
4.2
GLASCLR

Different Vessels
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
1
GLAS

Different Vessels; Opaque
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
7
21.3
GLAS

Different Vessels; Patinated
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.7
GLASAMB
Body
Curved
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
0.8
GLASAMB

Different Vessels
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
7
GLAS
Base
Goblet Curved; Patinated; Opaque
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
0.1
BONE
UID

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
14
4.2
WOOD

Discarded
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
9
1.2
CHARCOAL
Pieces

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
11.4
WRGTNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 5 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.5
WRGTNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 3.2 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
4
7
WRGTNAIL
Frag
Oxy; No Heads; L — 2-3 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
2.6
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 5-6 cm
133 MARINE STREET
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
11.5
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 3-4 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
13
24
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 2-3 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
6
8.4
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 1-2 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
10
12.5
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L — 2-3 cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
9
19.9
UIDNAIL

Oxy
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
7
5.7
MTLOBJ
UID
Oxy
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
7
7.8
MTLOBJ
Flat Frag

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
32.2
COAL

Bituminous
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
3.4
DAUB
Frag

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
9.8
BRICK
Frag

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.2
CHARCOAL
Frag

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
28
SPRUE


9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.5
SHOT

Musket Ball; 0.6 mm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.5
SHOT

Musket Ball; 0.7 mm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.6
SHOT

Musket Ball; 0.5 mm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.8
SHOT

Musket Ball; 0.6 mm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
2.9
CUFFLINKS
Matching Set
D — 1.4cm
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
184
2025
ABODIS
Frag

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
7.8
SMDEC
Body
Checked
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.6
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
8
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
9.7
SMDEC
Rim
Beveled; Rectilinear Complicated; Shell Temp.
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.2
SMD
Body
Eroded; Grog Temp.
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
8.8
SMD
Body
Eroded
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.3
SMD
Body
Eroded; Shell Temp.
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
9.4
SMD
Body
Eroded
133 MARINE STREET
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
7.4
SMP
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.3
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear Complicated; Shell Temp.
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
3
13.6
SMD
Body
Eroded
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.2
SMDEC
Body
Checked
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
3.2
SMDEC
Body
Rectilinear
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1.8
CLNO
Body
Plain; Curved
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.8
SMDEC
Body
Curvilinear
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
1
SJP
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
3.8
STP
Body

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
4.2
SJP
Body
Sand Temp.
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
1
2.8
COAL
Frag

9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
7.6
CEW
Frag
Plain Décor
9.02
TU 9 LVL 2
2
5.1
TC

Flower Pot
10.02
TU 10 LVL 2
12
8.1
CHARCOAL


10.02
TU 10 LVL 2
11
11.2
UIDNAIL
Frag
Oxy; L —