Comparative Politics - Final Exam

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Comparative Politics: States and Societies in the 21st Century Final Examination Winter 2015 Instructions Below are ten short-answer questions, and an optional bonus question. The ten short-answer question responses should be about five-to-seven sentence responses – or a succinct paragraph or two – to the questions. Some tips are as follows. Please refer to the assigned (i.e., required) readings and related literature, for example by referencing material you came across in your review and position-paper essays (simple author and date OK for assigned readings; no need for full citations on the exam). Please include in your responses a “for instance” or examples; throughout the exam, reference to a variety of countries and regions is encouraged. Responses to the bonus should reference advanced scholarly literature in the subfield of comparative politics. The examination is worth 30 points of 100 in the course. Thus, each question is worth 3 points. Examinations are due by March 18 at midnight via Canvas. Short-Answer Questions 1.

What were the key lessons or insights you took away from the readings on the utility of case studies in comparative politics? What are the two or three most important things that readers should think about when presented with qualitative case-study research findings?

I learnt that case studies provide historical, cultural, and linguistic insights through field research that other methods do not. They allow for the identification of causal mechanisms which helps build theories. They compliment large-n studies by providing theories for broader testing (Gerring). However, case studies have challenges and limitations. Fieldwork can be personally and intellectually perilous. Researchers can find themselves in dangerous situations and/or can get involved with the subjects of study to the point of undermining academic objectivity (Wood). 2.

Why has analysis that privileges assessment of the state been such a consistent and important theoretical approach in comparative politics? What is meant by state autonomy, authority, legitimacy, and capacity? What happens when states lack such attributes?

The failure of pluralist and structuralist paradigms to explain government behavior gave way to perspectives that emphasized states as agents (Skocpol). States constitute the unit of analysis, and decisively influence the subject of analysis, which makes them an important analytical tool in comparative politics. Autonomy represents a state’s independence in the international system. Authority is the legal power it has over its society, legitimacy is its political recognition and !1

moral authority, capacity represents its ability to deliver security and other services to society (OCED report). States without these attributes are known as weak or failed states. An interesting insight I gained was that when states are deficient in any one of these categories, it affects their standing in others. 3.

Formal democracy seems to be the most common regime type today, but so many countries seem to lack critical attributes – such as systems of accountability – that allow democracy to work. Choose a country that aggregate regime-type measures consider a “partial democracy” and evaluate those elements or conditions that limit a more sustainable, meaningful, accountable democracy to function. What are constraints on democracy in hybrid regimes?

Egypt under General Sissi’s regime is a partial democracy. It is unlikely to transition into a full democracy because it lacks two key ingredients: (i) liberal values (ii) independent judiciary. The lack of liberal values means that which ever regime is elected to power (islamist or secular) will not tolerate dissent, but institute laws and practices that entrench its rule (Welzel, Ronald). Pluralistic liberalism is a social, cultural, and intellectual trend deeply rooted in Western history, and not easily replicated elsewhere. An independent judiciary also stems from liberal values, but without them it becomes the ideological and coercive tool of the government. 4.

Electoral processes are inevitably pivotal turning points in a political setting. Recently there have been a number of electoral processes that have garnered significant international attention. Choose an election that has occurred in the last year in a country of your choosing and describe how the choice of the electoral system may have affected the electoral process and its outcome? (For a list of recent elections in the last year, and description of the electoral system by country, please see www.ifes.org and visit the news feed as well as the by-country information available in the Election Resource Center: http://www.ifes.org/ Research/Election-Resource-Center.aspx). You will also find lists of recent elections in each issue of the Journal of Democracy (see “Election Watch”). You may also find good information on aceproject.org.

Afghanistan had presidential elections in 2014. Presidential systems have a gap between the executive and legislators that can lead to authoritarianism (Samuels). However, parliamentary systems have challenges of their own, as they are prone to deadlock and infighting with regards to important decisions. The presidential system is suitable for Afghanistan, at least for the time being, because it is a divided and war ravaged country with no real experience of democracy. The president was elected by an absolute majority vote. Members of the provincial councils were elected using the single non-transferable vote system (IFEF report), which encourages many applicants by making it easier for independent candidates to participate, discourages formation of political parties, and leads to candidates winning elections with a small number of votes. This is good for Afghanistan, as it will discourage the entrenchment of traditional elites and the formation of parties along ethnic lines. 5.

What are the advantages and disadvantages of using an elite approach to comparative politics analysis? Especially, many countries suffer from patterns of political clientelism that inhibit development and lead to gross inequalities. How can elite predation or clientelism be countered?

Elite analysis is a useful way of analyzing political systems. Elite interests reliably determine the nature of political structures and outcomes of political decisions. Also, elite disunity is an indicator of political deadlock and civil war (Higley). However, the approach has a number of limitations: (i) elites must often cater to the wants of the citizenry in some way in order to remain elites, which indicates they are not fully autonomous agents (ii) middle-level elites constitute an !2

important layer of agents that is not well integrated in elite perspectives (iii) identifying elites can be a hard and subjective process, because elites change (gradually or through revolutions) and come in numerous categories (political, economic, religious, cultural, intellectual). Elite predation and clientelism can be stopped by instituting a system of representativeness and accountability. This is difficult, however, because in many countries elites derive their authority from cultural and religious structures, instead of egalitarian democracy, which precludes elite circulation. 6.

Political culture remains an enduring theoretical perspective in comparative politics. The political culture perspective emphasizes the communicative aspect of politics. Please choose a single symbol in a country of your choice and describe the historical narrative and underlying meaning of national identity that it reflects.

Pakistan is sometimes referred to as a manufactured state. This reasoning is flawed, because all states are manufactured. But Pakistan is a relatively new construct compared to other nations, and the sense of national identity of its citizens is fragile. This is most evident in the cultural symbols the country has adopted. One of them is the national anthem. It is sung in schools throughout the country, with the notable exception of districts that harbor separatist sympathies. It has become a symbol of political allegiance to the state. Interestingly, it is in Farsi, which is a language hardly any Pakistanis speak. But this is an insight into Pakistan’s fragmented identity: its official national language — Urdu — is a composite mixture of Farsi, Turkish, Arabic and Hindi. But only a small (elite) segment of the country uses it; local ethnicity-specific languages are far more popular. Unsurprisingly, to many Pakistanis, their national culture (including its linguistics) is exogenous, and in some cases, unwelcome. It remains to be seen whether time will entrench or weaken Pakistan’s national identity — so far it seems to have done both, depending on the place. 7.

Of all the most recommended readings for this class, which one struck you as the most helpful in understanding a facet of contemporary comparative politics? Please describe the most important insights from this reading as it pertains to your professional area of practice or research interest.

The handbook chapter on clientelism (Stokes) was the most interesting for me. Part of my professional interest is in improving government systems. I subconsciously approach this challenge through the lens of governance in my home country of Pakistan. I found that Stokes’ analysis, and others she references, fit very well with my empirical insights about clientelism at home. Moreover, her discussion of the practice in game theoretical terms is very useful because it allows for predictions to be made about how institutional change will affect the practice. Such analysis is sound basis for formulating anti-corruption recommendations for donors and the government (integrated in my governance assessment). 8.

Choose one of the following issue areas in international studies, and perhaps a particular topic within the issue area (recommended: choose your area of specialization). Peace and Security Development Democracy and Human Rights Global Trade and Financial Flows Management of the Global Commons (e.g., environment) US National Security Policy International Migration In what ways has any one or more of the theory-center perspectives from this course (e.g., group of authors) helped provide a useful insight in this particular issue area? What are the most important theory-to-policy linkages you identify in this perspective?

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The theories of collective action and elite analysis provided some of the most useful insights for me. As a security student, I am keen to apply these theories across all units of analysis (from individuals to states). Currently, I am applying collective action theories (Mancur, Ostrom) to Taliban recruitment in Afghanistan, and religious elite perspectives (Sisk) to rural mullahs there who support calls for jihad against foreigners and the government. So far, I have discovered that rebel and cleric behavior is best explained by bounded rationality. This insight suggests that even if the rebel movement is incentivized by the government to desist from resistance, ideational factors associated with Pashtun identity that bound rational behavior (norms, traditions, culture, religion, etc) might preclude a peaceful resolution to the conflict. 9. Pick any major international news story that garners your attention and that relates to some aspect of politics within a country. What is the most useful insight you gained from this course that helps you understand this story and the theoretical approaches that lead to a more engaging, insightful, and policy-relevant understanding of the news story? The insights I gained about state and state-society relations centering around autonomy, authority, and legitimacy were useful in understanding events such as the killing of anti-polio aid workers in Nigeria. In particular, I appreciate that approaching aid and development work through Western rational-legal perspectives can be counter-productive if it does not take into account local perceptions of legitimacy and authority towards the state and its foreign patrons (OECD report). Nigeria is home to a popular Islamist rebel movement that regards Western influence with great suspicion and hatred (for historical and cultural reasons). Unsurprisingly, they see anti-polio campaigns as a western colonial conspiracy, and have killed aid workers. I remain cynical, however, of the potential of nonviolent approaches in addressing this issue. http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/02/08/us-nigeria-violence-idUSBRE9170C120130208 10. The Open Working Group for Sustainable Development of the United Nations has proposed the following Goal 16 for the next-round of global development targets: “Promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels.” In a country of your choosing, what are the two or three most important issues on which to focus in terms of priorities for advancing the principles set out in development Goal 16. In the case of Syria, where the situations is very difficult, I have some recommendations for achieving Goal 16. First, there must be a reconciliation process between the Alawitie-led minorities and the majority Sunnis. This will also have to involve a justice element, as severe human rights abuses have been committed by both sides, particularly the government. Second, there must be a power sharing agreement where the rights and interests of all factions are guaranteed: the Alawities, whose marginal Islamic status makes them vulnerable to religious discrimination and violence, must be granted inclusion and security, but the Sunni majority should be given its fair share of power. Third, social, cultural and religious exchange should be instituted between them at the community level to undermine polarization and entrench inclusivity throughout Syria. However, as long as extremist elements dominate both factions in the conflict, a ceasefire will remain elusive, as will the UN’s development goals.

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