Central America and Cádiz: A complex Relationship

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CONSTITUTIONAL GOVLRNMENT in the IBERIAN AIsLANTIC WORLD The Rise of

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II, CSdiz Reorised: The Liberai Trienniurn in Spain and Spanish America, 1820-4823 Gregorio Alonso 243

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5. Image be José Casiido Espafia to illustrate E qac nn ningano (1811i

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62 / Brena FLM/UNAM 2006); the title of this study is 24 beautiful utopiau persoB’ ( Uric 6 persona utfpiea) t5—47 27 dee ten auu’hers ut ci e ugz ‘t itt sser’ ‘ I d o toe e an cit t s ul Os de Historic de fçifxie() CONDUMhX, us t987. 28. hrieu R. Hansuett, Revolueibn a eontrarrevolueióti en Mexico p el Peril (Libera hone, realeza, p sepanshsmo i8O84824), 2nd ad. (iviexico: 6 oudo be Cultuta Econ miea 20-l t); Virgiuia Guedetu n fi.ucea; he nil gebierno alternn: Ins Goadninpes Mbaieo (iciexico: fpfyyaJinstituto de iuvestigaeiOoes Histbrieas, i992h h mabe e that Hamnett is one of the historians that have contributed in a more fnndamen and consistent way to the ystatus” that the revolueiones hispbnieas at preseut enjoy: Western histortographyc S ihS erte Ranus k anes assuete i Same e iftcnob seures the fact that almost all of the proposals made by the Spanish American depu ties at Cam ssen reiceted and that notwithstanding tue vets aetise partie’pation se erJ kinerscan Penuties ‘n the oeoares tone etc resui s at tue constitunonal sevel t were rneagen 30. Lucas AIasnfn Historia he Mdvieo, 5 555. ( Mexico: Lditorial Jus, t990), ill: U 3 1 José llamas Torrueo, Mexico m in Consritneibn he Cddim (Mexico: Unhersidad Naden 2 hutonoma he Mexico Museo de ias Conststuesones 2012) lxxxvn-xci Ra fad Rojas La es into a at Li ineiependenc is mrg ;tnentO L e OpuiiO 5 pubtzos Afdmieo) (idexieo: ClDhfTanrns, 2003J, I Pt 32. José Antonio Serrano Ortega and Ju:an Ortiz Lsearnilla, “lntmodueeirfrd’ inAvsn. tnimentos p iiheresiismn gaditano en 1Ufxieo ed. Serrano and Lseamilla (GuadalaJara: El to chic de Mienoican, Rune s dad v raerazana aOS) is (ins transiatsosi) 5 13 33 t aries C L BR Li a 5 uas In in ci n’sm Los erenes del eonstitsseionalissne liberal en Lspaiia e lb-emansbriea: Rh estndio eons pamado, ed, Pedro Crur (Seville: Junta de Andalueia, 1994), 120. Regarding the legal collection mentioned, its title is Goieeeión de los deeretos p drdenes de las Cortes de P pasta qoe se mepntan vigentes en Ia Renhbiiea de los Estados Unidos Mexieanos nrC

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tor or Sir e ba e et LI c iL1’S LI gau’ S cCd : nprise c spnere ernpe ‘ p r L DO arci nai s the dep it es unb ushrg nte 1 4a Dr $I \ rough gia o 2i COt SC LatIo’ a a mold tiit 1 u’C O corcepts ke empire r”ar a rt O pe.DpOt tna tke Spat S Emp c ‘tea nation al ready formed pa.t cf modern SCiciet) a proposition Dat lets us bypass Ieuges to the place of the Constitutiou of Cádiz withiu the coustelli political compacts of its era, and reject a critique of the aptitude of Spt American societies to create or live under a constitutional system. If w cept. like Marx and the participants tlreinselves, that the “Cádiz experi belonged to the modern world and updated values of the ancient regirr can concentrate on the participation of a particular space, the Ki Guatemala, and later the Federal Republic of Central America, in the Co t’ationb formation anD implementation. The crun cit he Span sh norarJn e\uanded p3 itical opportenit es IL 1 members ofthe Kingdom ofGuatemalks principal institutions and cities. From t808 to 1814, res idents, particularly in the capital, Guatemala City, could dis cuss innovative and even provocative ideas without fearing either repression from a nreairened and interim royal government, popular revolution (like in or a rd ca en D’ain 1 n’o emert an ong ti-c go em rig ehte t a in Cara cas and Buenos iures). For the most part, Creoles and Spaniards needed other, and presented proposals to improve government from a common ing point based on fidelity toward the metropolis and monarchy and swiftly suppressing separatist movementv 4 Central Americans not only distinguished individuals to participate in the Cortes ofCádiz, but r ‘ tically implemented the Consthution promulgated in March 18 t2. The process between 1808 and 1526, which the historian Mario Roc enduringly baptized the aCádiz experiment in Central America” in 1975 :i’ enormnus moe I on tne format on C a generation ofpolitica leaders ( 0 e cut ot Ctnendene t a so nih tnceO t pcces o creaiing a Cen jnc t 1ufld go e’nr cut ne redral Rep 1 hi’c i Ce,itral t 2’ ‘rner nmer a iS2— 839) after most piownce Ot Lhe captai’c general opted r auso ute rueoeroe e 5t rcm Spain 5: ad then iex o iS23) Fm nent hno- dfl ,nclud rg Rodriguez mu T oge Mario Gamia Laguardia -

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as well as the “slavery” and “corrnptions of pnbiie morals” resnhing ftc invasion of Napoleon. In addition, he nrged Central Americans to cor sending fnnds to snpport the Spanish war effort Following this I something that Cnatemala Chy residents conid do withont fear, for Na lacked the milhary might and naval forces to threaten them, and the C of the Regency was a “snpreme head” that was taking care of imperia ness from the isla de Leon, near Cfdiz, maintaining a tennons leghims ernment to which to offer feahy bnt withont the force to impose metr policies. Thronghont the Central American ithsmns, not only elhes sign to remain loyal; pardo mdhias and indigenons cofradias joined Enrop Creole merchants and landowners to implement this advice, despite ti rings of revoh in the sonth of New Spain, not too far distant, and ncr the Cranada (Nicaragna) chy conncil considered “snbversion of good o: in Cartagena de indias to the sonth. Nonetheless, as recent scholarship attests, the residents of a jnrisc that stretched from Chiapas (now part of Mexico) to Costa Rica, like peers in the rest of the lberian American territories, were not passive rs ents of instrnctions ftom interim anthorities, which addressed them I hrst time as members of the Spanish nation and participants in the t not only to renev bnt even to reinvent metropolitan governmentD As r scholars have noted, there was a long tradition ofpactism, or the polit* 1 losophy of consent between governor and governed, at the heart of t tion between imperial Spanish government and society 20 The I SOS cri tiated a great pnsh toward selhgovernment; Americans were no longer vs withont voice or vote in regional or imperial administration. In Central America, political actors slowly assnmed their antonomy the news arrived in Angnst 1505 ofthe abdications ofCarlos IV and Fei fill, the Spanish and Creole leadership ofthe kingdom harnessed the rhi ofloyahy v’hile they wahed to get a sense of the steps taken in Spain a the other terrhories of America, before they signed on to reject the F “monster” and finally to swear their fidelity to Fernando pnblicly on D ber 12, iSOS, Cleverly, they jnstified the slow speed of their official recogn by timing h to coincide whh the celebration of the Virgin of Cnadalu 1 patron saint of Spanish North kmerica and the cit} conncd pnbhshed a phlet witff lavish engravings, Guatemala por Fernando VII(1SIO), explaZ in detail the deep emotions of joy and fnlfihlment feh by men, women, chhdren and the extensh’e steps taken to celebrate the “desired” king, in ing an elaborate stage and processions in the chy center (see fig. 3)}1 Fven cohege stndents got into the spirh in a Relación (1809) detailinp celebration of the proclamation of the king, formation of a Supreme C

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councils. which wea1d be, aS in the past, the nnly bathes with an active Voice in the political process. Local hodies and, by extension, identities wo”’ preserVed. Still, if the content mixed novel political theories whh a ret ofpower in the hands (in practice) ofa limited nnmber ofresidents, the i. of presenting their iostrnctions in the form of a con stitntion reveals the amtaition OtEit inr1uertiai part ofthe Gnate: nala Citr elite to rnxvrite the fondamental laws of the Spanish nm One mos:t I nod to the 4pnatcs i;2siractivos ( I S I I ) to hrd a critiqoe of the official docnment and, in some ways, a more radical text. Written hy fonr peninsnlar rcgzdores—jose de Isast Sebastian Melon Migoel Gonzalez and Juan Antonio de Aqneche—the Apantes explicitly rejected the movement to alter the underpinnings of the monarchy during the king’s absence, osing that re : ecticn’, c)f the oihcia 1t;straccialics to jostitv the need for their second set. liovcevell they also introdoced the idea ofa Cortes that “as soon as possible, be toonoect on the sniid basis offondainental law, a legitimate Gcwernment representing a real hot absent or captive Sovereign2 3 So far from recommending the stains quo tins text offered a more democratic s ision that would have altered the gos ernmental system as its emphasis in recommending a liberal constitutien” attests. Like the Jnstrnceiones, the Apuntes proposed in an introthe rcii 5? e In, ire p i io mrs ‘ e a LuL he Lentulv protessc’s toivards lvionarcbs and all that breathes order and subordination in cTc,veri?nrnts, consic’ieriiig that “its republicaniaor iS liCZ) noore than the spirit oflicense intent on seducing youth, and by so doing ending political societies in order o erect th ir ff rannic d empire oi unnrersai disorder This preface denied an interest in an radical change the authors saw in the nork of the ay’untoraiento and others “a fatal incline towards democracy” and insisted n nt i SLi2, nut e ct ,her h because] ,ture iisakes: us equal in birth and death, leaving us with inequalities so no1 J 4 _Jn re ,! i’ r H JD$ ca’ Geirical equality and liberty is an artihciai thing, and has no other support than the 7 of righb and prnuicpes oces According to this inmduction, uniformit a sociai revolution is as ne’ther necessary nor ads isable and popular govern ment did not exist; All were “more or less” aristocracies. In this sense, the ,4an;ites’s critique of the Guatemala constitutional proposal anticipated very

ivitli innovative content; The Apnntes’s authors noted the parallels and for their text in the bngiish, not French, constitution, insisting the naajorhy of their ideas were or had been in previous Spanish codes; 7 Spain alreaay hau separation e fiudicial osrer and thould like 1t 4 ;JS i i Pu n p h the fli ‘ I , es sa In atetitO, apparentix’ en,thusiiistic ahout tle tjfiiteel States:’ rev 2 Potion, hiea ‘

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c i C ifleerc ItO pd e iti”,. I e is Out dis tOe pruiupie ot not coder ng ins I (direct tax) or tax that has not been agreed by the Nationf That is, thes’ tisted on no taxation without representation, a right which, according to i Aputttes, was traditional not only for the Fnglish since 1297 hut com mon svtsrt the Spanish hmpire until the Glnnuneiat revoh of the’ sixteenth eenirir7 Such an argon: cut seas rIot otherwise in; p’rint in; Central America. S LIa a epr’ess 0 e 1 ui elrLu”cLa sc’u r Cic ,1 t cign iC, a r g 7CL 1 PLii a’uea tha 4 uI1lLs ronetheiess offered innovation. Just like Peinadob instructions, the 4puntes td in conserving and defending the Catholic religion and treatment of smericami and nenmmulai provinces as equals It did Ic i e the executive soleh in the hands ofthe king with “all the power and majesty that he needs to gov em, and miake tIre Pueblos hapusc protect thens from revolutions and the op pee ssou ofdesptrdsmiir’ Still, they called fe r natiorlai representation to avoid eN__’ Ct ue is t ‘w ‘taD 1 :,mt iJvrg i’ofthe traditional estates; Voting for these representatives, however, would be done by every citizen with an ‘neome from properties or equivalent thing sufficient to support a family in the Pueblos, Villas, or Cities (in the respec this case) ; those elected avould he residents, nsarried or widowed, of “good cor1d ict. grind cus:toms,” CaisO enjovinp iriconse tron7m re:ai estate. The Cortes wc’ulci meet four niontlis a year, and there would he liberty ofthe llress in 00bticai, civil, imnd scienritic flint nor religious) afhiirs)’ iina tic tbis “amuservative” text recomnseuded the popular election of municipal councils, since municipalities were “the immediate representation of the pueblo, so have to be exclusively their workd In small towns, the membership of the munich pality would be elected directly by all the veeinos, while in “large” places by elect urs seiected ic1 cad, parish. ho vote, a recitme’ needed oub: to be rooted in the c cv‘;rimunmtv; to be elected one bad to have “sufficient” faculties to uaain

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other efihct in the State, than te’ divide the spirit of the nation into parties:’ they sought to eliminate them; 31 These proposals pushe’d toward much more representative government and greater equality for different groups (whether dehned b estate or souse other criterion) heiohre the iar Unfortunately, iris

76 / Dym

not clear whether the vecinos who wonld be represented in this second vi of a more democratic Spanish nation incinded non-Enropeans, partiaL the indigenons Americans and those of African origin. It seems unlikely i the authors were thinking this broadly, since their conclusion to the tre; apologized for not having proposed means to improve the lot of the and since a decree indicated that the Indians would have advocates (a sores) in the next Cortes n If the Apantes explicitly insisted that the Cortes they proposed did change the system of government but simply administered until the I return, their solutions were in fact perfectly in line with the Cádiz Const tion that had yet to be finalized, which also proposed indirect elections, its on the freedom of the press, and a defense of Catholicism as Spain’s religion. Yet despite the authors’ disclaimers, the competing proposals’ in all senses broader and more ambitious than the Instrucciones approv the Cuatemala Cdv council, from their recommendation of municipal tions to establishing “national” representation for a country where soven was traditionally vested in the monarch. In addition, the Apantes presur limhs to the king’s power not considered in the Instracciones, notably tI gument that it was illegitimate for a sovereign to impose taxes on the na without representation7° Reading between the lines ofboth documents, one can see a shared re tivitt to a consthutional system, to limits on royal prerogative, and to the ration of powers. However, internally, they reveal divergent views on loca regional administration, the right ofthe government to impose taxes wi consulting residents, and something between ambivalence toward and i tion ofpopular participation in politics. Ifwe combine the ideas in both i we see that, imbued with French, AngloAaxon, and Spanish politica’ losophy, the Cuatemala deputies arrived in Cádiz already favoring mar novations later written into the 15 12 Constitution. Considering the CuatemahCs deputies arrived with, rather than those they left with, sup the idea that Cuatemahfs educated elite had already internalized the r tionary en/s introduction of more direct representation at the imperial and that at least some of them favored moving toward use of the fn to replace mstrtutions such as the sale of office The ideas promulgated I the Cazeta to the Instracciones and Apuntes, and circulated widely in I printed versions, also suggest why not only this handful of leaders, but c munities throughout the region, supported implementation of the Co: tion once h was promulgated, both in ISI2ASt4 and again in 1820—1 when Fernando VII reinstated the system in order to hang on to his C ‘

Central America and Cddiz / 77

:ral American Unity and Division at Cádiz :iz, the unity that the Cazeta had promoted at the turn ofthe eighteenth ry would face challenges, as would implementation of the instructions ‘uatemala City gave its deputies. That said, Central American represem norably Cuatema as Father Larrazabal Costa R’cas Father Florencio 1 lo, and NicaraguA lawyer José Antonio Lopez, were respected delegates a They learned the rules of negotiation and compromise, the impor of attending sessions and debating, and in many cases, the disappoint ihaving their proposals, or those ofcoalitions ofdeputies they joined, d by what was frequently a peninsular majority opposing an American ritz They pai ticipated in many of the Cortes most important commit d were elected to leadenihip posts)’ When they returned home after rtes closed, they brought experience and understanding ofhow to im it the innovations in the political system with them. In the positions r advocated in the Cortes, it is possible to find both the progressive proi ofahe Cazeta as wdl as the localism that the newspaper had fought to ace with a collective identity rai AmericA “delegation”—really the agents of a half-dozen impor provincial capitals—agreed on many policies, from the liberal (citizen r those of African origin) to the conservative (the centrality of Cacism as a state religion). So if one can distinguish an isthmian “policy” it was for the most part socially progressive, economically liberal— ng increased and freer trade—and politicallypragmatic. Deputies pushed hy ofrepresentation for the Americas and for retaining the centrAity iicipalities to represent their communities. There was support both for I citizenship and cohect ne representation Deputies used the in chons they received from the city councds that elected them as a point of but their positions evolved during the debates. For example, Land followed the Instrucciones and initially opposed opening municipal annual and general election, arguing that rotating posts so frequently harm good government. However, when the proposal came up for a he did not register a vote against more open municipal elect’ons 2 The t deputies argued for popular and indirect elections of Cortes deputies :ntamientos, a position that had been introduced in the Apuntes. They fly defended the right to vote for free people of African origins— :dlo whh the greatest eloquence—despite the silence of his instructions t point, None of the Central Americans opposed political equality for nous people, eithen 43 The Central Americans also supported increased ‘

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autononw for local iostitutioos. op to Dr right to dart govcrnors or to elirni nate the prLsldencx ofrotat offic als ofthe cit r dzpaac’ones P(OVZI’t tOleS They considered these institntions to he representative, not (as the Cortes insiste? tt bodies) 1 pnreiy “d 4 That said, there was not adorns a regooal podti oo. The depntles scell un derstood their roJ:v as re’res:eotlog cities an cl distrIcts. not the entire captaincy ‘ 1 0 cpcckr oc I 4 U ‘Fae \d tc rCt gt n oro viociaiiso) (in Castillo’s words) by introducing iocahst projects to open new trading ports, found colegios and universities, reward faithful towns for sup port of the monarchs and to imp’wve the life of the inhabitants and electors who had sent them to Cádiz, This provincialism could put them at cross pun poses. revealing the tensions that would eventually contribute to the difficul ties ar,d tootu*ts experienced after independence. both as a federation and, hnalhc as independent natiom states. in advancIng local agendas, these depu ties were actIng within parameters common to their peninsular and Ameri can peers at Cádiz, More problematicall the Central American delegation disagreed t what a “province” was, The divergence might seem esoteric, but Cádiz was developing:riniform leg,islation and terminology for the Spanish hmpire’s dis ci j’c ,rwwio t itj cW 21 s nOi reginiento, zIcni din nias’or, and /vibicrno as ra ugh synonyms for territories Nt’, iC, A r i ‘nr)ucess not surprisingly, oift‘red the risk of reclassihcation of a particular area to a lesser category as dcputies attempted to des elop configurations that would make sensible units for diputacionesprovincinies (DPs) within larger entities, such as captaincies general, artdicncias, and kingdoms, without having the au t,{art5 tc reonanize the internal i nrisdiction with in such_ territories. in the end, the Constitution idendfled how many provinces each area would inane, ieaving it Of) i:’3 auttioritles determine xvhi,,. A di stricts would select members ofthe dipotnciones. harrazábal initially argued that there sh ould be -

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driew c CoN Pita e i aosead dihc’nai slot for anotner important region, such as Quezaitenaugo. However, there were distinct htit also plausible’ reasons to have at least one other depu tation, Cas.tiilo, frona Costa Rica, emphasized three of them: to avoid hasdng electors and elected members undertake long and costly’ voyages of up to tv hundred leagues in spacious kingdoms such as Cuatemala to offer its t insthution to the 400,00 0 residents of Nicaragua, Hondtnas, and Costa Rica;

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I Cr the “diversity of the provinces included in the [kingdom]’, their din products and commercial relations, and, if you will, the opposition of In other words, the cattlereanching and mining southern prom interests’ , had distinct interests frons those ofthe indigre, cochineals, cacao-, and Obaccopm’0lcing northerim prxnces, with theim: comnmerciai ticr.s to EurOneao it atoS ahe anrg -as ha dJ ,, cantor ha t I ataisosepas med iheP omeg ;;th,lLe I S Cicueniala C’ ,mpas a pI salvacioi Cad margem indigenouc Populations than Me tragua and Costa Rn i ls concluded that the Cortes should unite their “deep theoretical knowledge vith the practical knowledge over its locale in each kingdom) 4m Confronted by additional peninsular and Anaerican proposals to add dipre taeioucs I iOmO various overseas jurisdictions, the Curtes asked deputies to offer their suggestions, revised the proposals, and in i 8 1 2, added five new Din. incltmdinJg a second one for Central America. heaving Honduras in the northem group, the Cortes authorized a DP hat Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Both DPs, when established, as their minutes and correspondence demonstrate, crc effectu e administrative sounding boards and proto state gos ernments when the Constitution was implemented in 1812—18i4. Yet localisna was not e at the Cortec N e iraguan depnh ft st Antomi I ooez de I m satisfied Whm Plata warned the treasure in Deceminer 1811 not to consider candidates to rep a I i or’ aes in rdn t r and r’ cm. etenca 0 Si establisis Led:a as capitrd of a separate captaincy generai” in addition, the intendancies that had not been authorized as DPs, notably Chiapas, Comaya gua (Hondurasl and San Salvador protested Francisco Morejon of Hondu ras and ifviariano Robles of Chiapas sought their own dipatacianez provin eiales in the ordinary session that met in March 18 i3. 4 José Cleto Montiel of Qtmezaltenango, at the same session, fullo red his instructions and proposed a new intendancv and bishopric for whr t are now Coatemala’s veestern 1 higti_ i a 0 ng Pr rca on for im eeaae diNtance it) ‘ Cuate mala City’ nd the language ofthe district’s Maya residents, m The Cortes was 4 disbanded by Fernando k II before his request could be considered When Fernando WI restored the Constitution in i 820, the newly summoned Cor tes approved DPs for each district, 45 By this tinme, however, the Cortes was behind the n olitical curve, The intendaticies ofComaatagua and Chiapas already wete moving ±orwru-d with their own DPs, and by Septensber i821. the entire Central Amoerican isthmus vnas well on tt,e’ road to independence. Larrrtzfhai’s 18 Ii arg;umoent that one DP had the potential to build Central American unity with Cuatemala City as the once and future capital pros ed mc for the 1 prophe Opposite decision raised expectations for more autonomous “provinces” than the system provided, ,

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Central America and Cddiz / 81

1sta k 8 c La fled cr a c r -r rm’ O ]n a m oxern1ng itmbcr ita it ‘i flcndcuanhig ctDl Cd eacpeiictcntt a i%21 they Stt R’ ‘ rc raisj1 -Jci 1cnLO Cm o’Jotcabi cl ‘ hedif terrt tc’c’n es n 1u g, ) cCc ii ) 1 aic11 Miguel 1 t t 1L r Ic m I Oii /i3J dS C ‘iii iU r(r \ dildes b”” tabhshmg tS%c tiaiix equal prox imes i ri ouneed the tcati ilugalitr of pos or “irresponsible federalism:’ that would divide Central America when eiding on absolute independence or union with Mexico in 1821. At that ti many provincial capitals declared for fdexieo, while secondary cities pre absolute independence and retaining ties with Cuatemala City. The ss dynamic returneA when, in 1825, the first National Constituent k (ANC), with thirty-four representatives from as many districts, set about ermining ahiLti st ites isould form the nen tederal republic Thea s % diLC i1t i the Cddiz deputies mastered rfrhen it came to implementation oftbe Constitution ofthe SnaniSh nsonardhv in 1812. Howevei; th,ev stood out in part because of the speed and wholeheartedness with which the captaincy general imple mented the provisions. While Larrazclbai, Cas,tiiio, and their colleagues de tt?

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broke out in different parts of the isthmus, from LOon and San SaInt capdals of the intendancies of Nicaragua and San Salvador; respective to small villages. With the exception of a revolt in Cranada (Nicaragua), C tam Ceneral José Bustamante y Cuerra, with the active support of Cuater Cityb cabildo, succeed in peacefully diffusing the movements by neg rather than force. However, the political fragmentation that was on offer’ a preview of problems to come. Different localities independently v’hat they beiieved v as a program to advance local interests, without a Ia I icu’crh Cc c ‘bildo in g’i 0 r, d ii ge ) ic A derc Sa hi at r 1 ct e3P L ot o”anc’paea t a icinstitu inrt uIpc?iei de ci tr% t Ac i pendtntlt nithoot ceek c a’itor zitier’ o oust the roxa 1 otc’cls admin eoreser t et 1 ]“ta tie a a ‘ran (or derhi ‘ c a a ‘?s trni at 1 The B wop ‘caraia r j called them ‘llantmayantamientos” in recognition of their mixed charact both municipal and regional entities/ 2 So d was in the context of an agitated, if still loyal, kingdom that the’ stitution was implemented in Central America. Although the Pepa rev tionized the Spanish monarchy more than regional deputies’ original insl tions intended—by separating judicial and iegisiatb’e authordy from the I —

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resided “essenti aihi” in the nation, érrning ai im 1 let —Ct i’I x SI S ct e tI ]‘d 1st” pushing ‘ e’ nitn ipt C C i s 1 tm-mtext °e B 1 a nte Cuea 14 -fl’ ii ]*i ? itt s -si t’ ad ‘a i en iinfleic 1’ zi’gha”etc crat cc,nm-rccl a Jiaztaorcparataria, as the Cons;titpior] tecuired, to tindertaire 3Onal territorial division and barns electoral instructions. a Members I VaIie, a founding member of the Socicdad EconOmica who would uthor the Cuatemala City act Ot independence The 1n12 Instraccion ed offered (for the most part) an accessible synthesis of relevant dons, defining terms that might confuse those called upon to run the in villages, towns, and cities. Terms identified included ingenao, re to those of African origin whicis meant someone who is as born free I as ‘ oz a P’ a and voz pasiva distinguishing the right to be elected 8/though the en icep t I e ripat to -Lct s sere not no e lire ntad for 1 r’ I C —5 0 Se OCt ‘41 LOfl’— ‘ ca’s I l’ 1 maca’ tIl t dducatc’ci rcsidants, tc in-ipielnent these prc’visions id , the authors to include declarihf

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In adciiursa to sho-ccing ff. teir Lan-iiiiaritv witb the ideas and terms in the Cont t ‘ t a p nt ic jtc naPe 5 tha seeniti 0 nt & c local understanding ot the poiiticai terrain. Then ideni.itwo not only how to I elections but also included specific language and a form that dccmrds conld and should use to report voting results, ensuring that even 55 with limited experience in creating such documents would have a 54 The Instraccion also amplified some rules—for example, permitting i& Llage that previously had an ayantamiento to elect a constitutional muI council cr en if it d’d not currenth have the requisite i umber of in ants Thus t csnside-ed the Constitnions data druen pios’sions as a c&, for enfranchisement (num her o fresidents) alongside more qualita tnea&s l_au’gas ,1— re LCa dnss’ nm-se, sea e ofpc;hticai (in the p’--isiam- side c f the balanec sheet under (ZOdiz, the Cazcta’s inelusive views, as staunchly advanced hr LarrazObad and Castillo at tic‘e Chartes, turned out to he Onesiensentaiie. Then Archbishop Rarncin Casaus a’ res, offrn presented as a conservativ isgare, supported the more inclusive vote, in a circular to the kingdom’s. parish priests to accompany the Instrac he explained why’ it was important to let all “new citizens” vote, offer /clical and classical examples useful to convince recalcitrant authori With secular and religious support in the capital, regular elections in and small towns throughout the isthmus seemed to smoothly elect muI councils and electors for the deputations, as well as twelve deputies to ...

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the regular Curtes called for 1814. In 1813, both diputaeiones met, and hundreds of ayutitalnientos eonstitneionales took odice The latter ease produced a novel phenomenOn of”rnixed” councils, where indigenous, castor, and Europeao residents worked together in the same institution, rather than runa’ teones TheDP logeneral %npported mepos’tion adxaneedtn 1 e C’ Cadiz by Larrazáhai and Casti lb that eastas should vote, arguing that if there was 00 specific infornrtion on file:, there was no proofofAfriean origins. In thic saa Central Aire ‘e” actireiV xsorked ironnd the pre is on adopted into the Constitution denying the vote to Africans as a category, with exeep tions only for those oflegitimate and free hirth. Although the Cons titution had nO specific provision to open municipal ehce hu dn b 1 d ht eh 1 e tamdie tIat h id niooopoh’ed lYiOSt posts in 1 the card’ nineteenth century. the top tier of the working class began to hold elective office. \\‘hen in 1820 master artisan Anrhrosio Sanchez of Guatemala City Loloplalned ot oeing depriseP ot his voting rights the jrfe politico eon suited constitutional articles and laws in the Diario de Cortes to determine that “in these matters, one should expand rather than restrict the meaning ac S In this area, as Rodriguez and Garcia 5 cording to general principles in lav Laguardia indicate, for Gentral America the “Gádiz experiment” was a revo 1W ona’ x evperit flee that conditioned iesidents to appreciate and cooperate

Is th onsti ut onal procesms electoral x hucs and a evpans on oflocal and e’c 1aii’ u t tnns X’ fl e i cues srstemdidstintiodneetheeieetoraipro cess in Centra’ America it substantially ‘vpanded it ooening the direct vote to iy e thur iust a tess elite s ‘ enh a tex u h2o centers The system also hecan to dismantle erhnicilh m indited rectrietionc ac a the pueblo de in P dp iiio i pn oi ah’t iwe teeth ttirg up ith retom nen dationc nade a decade earfici ‘n the C iz 0 tie Got tc ‘via tha’ aeuulturation ctPs priate prOpcis nngnt solve the problem of thc Indian Drsp te ee p 5 t e ad a ,e th ii,toiions cieaied h} Gadiz also pushed thL itsidenis ot the Kingdom u Gnaten’ai t to si uaie their toss ns and ths -o_t n e a ci ire I at tor ie 1 1 0 ‘S ii cl in in p cOt ,rmutd t 0 desastat ing instchil ty and lack ot cot sensus on shat d stiteb should maLe op states in ii poso eiepe idene ‘e&ranon e tahhshed in 1b25 fhe tiaclitional em 3 on a single capital Guatemaia Cits aithin S serics of differently sized phasi al C org mi eel dictrits a netnei n War eommadneiec oi inted ncies or th dozen or sa unconsolidated mi odor ended In piace ot long standing if oeasion all e In ertio is o tn toe estahhchmert ol two diputae’t nes pro vnieiL les encor raged the political ai ihitions tor separ itit n by the residents of eon N camg ia am d i hr 1820) thur ‘cfepo itro hguel S tar ia Gonzalez, the son of a toimer captain nencrai Gnaiernala ‘a is nor a i,atnrai capinl for

Neutral America and Ccidiz / 83 siiearaiua but neither was Gomayagua for Tegucigaipa in Hondu ras, nor ( artig I firrthethree oth Sp micli t mans n ( oela ttic 0 ue i/nstit i fion made it necessary to elect fourteen men to fill the seve’n slots on the two diputaciaume5 nmore than twenty districts were potential locations i/mr elections. So tlomGmh at the negiti a side on° th od üt ‘he reeio 15 r,cf% cAd Cet tO Lh mse a representt e Ph s might ha c hen °iie it t he resinents or itflfl nared the u’a ofhe Cadi deout u thft tele DPs ‘eu flic 0 iir more than administrative units. Yet how were they to identify which districts would send delegates, or, in their vieve have representation? Captain General Bustamante’s Junta preparataria selected seven jurisdiu tions far Guatemala’s dipntaeidi from a region with three intendancies, with their own i rterior divisions as reel] as eleven smaller districts: kingdonm eaph tel 0 nate i ala Gin irnenda icr capit Is ‘Gomay’gui Chudad ktal am d am 5 Salvador), and three independent districts (Quetzaltenango, Sonsonate, and Chimaitenango), presumably on the grounds that each district selected was an autonomous department. It was Bustamante who, in carla 1814, reeom mended alternating election among au ten of what he ternred “provinees/ a plan approved by thejunta thr implementation in I8I5Pi Even this solutio n failed to assuage ambitions of important districts within the intendancies, im eluding Tegucigalpa (Honduras) and Tuxtla Gutifrrez (Ghiapas). By May I 82 i when the Gonstitution was promulgated fdr a second time, the Gortes acknowledged the diseon neet between a trvo—DP solutio n and the Kingdom of GematemaIa, authorizing additional DPs for the intendam eies ofkonmayagua, Chiapas, and El Salvador° Whthout waiting fhr approval from Guatemala’s political authorities, Chiapas and San Salvador announ:ed preparations to elect and instalithe new 62 assemblies Nicaragua’s DR in 182 I, Spain’s overseas nainistry to explain the disputes: “there are various doubts about rehat today is considered a province, distric t or neirhhorhoed (veeimidario). It doubtful in our common legislation; it is somewhat comm plieated hy our ancient nornenelature/° The douhts and ambitions snun hr Nadir’s poorly fitting territorial divisions offered a solid platform for interru gional disputes. Flad the Nones established DEs for each intendaney in I 812, rather than in 1820, the de facto association of intendaney with province might have proved an acceptable comuronaise consol idating districts unden taken fly the bourhous, Even then, however, Nicaragua’s amhitions to beconre general would have posed challenges: in subsequent decades, Another coumplieatiou that cause out of the Gfdiz provisions was the elimh cahhldas with iuiportaut uuuihers of Em indigenous, and/or castu residents, Quezaltenango, thr example, an villa, the western highlands of what is now Guatemala, t t c

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tives) disputed the answcrs reaching Cw compromises while establishing enduring resentments L)istricts unhappy with the regional capitals tried rev dl o sLccdt c ’a”g u. cuRt on ‘ofl ore ct e to another Oftj e f 1 states, only Goaterriala regnlarly contmibnted its quota to the federal goverm nrent, limiting foods to support statmnhuildiug projects. X\Tithia twenty nears, provincialism broke the political ties that had hound the captaincy general t gether. The communities in the western highlands c’ na wt u n td he i o n ste n 1838 a 6 i8n8 ni rj C tatemala 1 CuLn both times ceconquered and reincorporated their territories. Capital cities I ‘ Ledu and Granada in Nicaragua and Tegucigalpa and Comayagua in H duras, Aught to be chosen as state capitals, contributing to what seemed an interminable series of wars, some within states, some inciting federal vention, that continued into the 1850s, For the optimists, the Cádiz experi ment was good; pessimists, at best, could conclude that results were m 1 iht piorcwes uleasbcd ith Lh rtiou ci a spanish LonStitu Eiti er a tional monarchy had a long and enduring impact on the people and ments of Central America.

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