Can differences in cultural practices create ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby (Lapan, 2014)

Pacific Adventist University

School of Business

Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby?

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Leadership and Development

Miskus Eadique Lapan

October, 2013

ABSTRACT Apart from the international conflict in Papua New Guinea during the period of colonial intrusion, indigenous ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea have been experienced at three levels; the national, regional and ethnic-local levels, with ethnic-local level conflicts being more prominent. The causes of these indigenous ethnic conflicts may vary between primordial factors and constructed dynamics; however, particularly for traditional conflicts, such were perceived to be part of establishing, maintaining and renewing social relationships based on Melanesian worldviews, and were connected to community rituals and mythologies. Occasionally though, these traditional relationships were characterized by both hostility and cooperation, in the form of vengeance and reciprocity. Such vengeance and reciprocity were often the results of traditional disputes and rivalry between leaders and community members, hence inter-tribal warfare was experienced. The key question in this research was to determine if differences in cultural practices can create ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Secondary and primary data were collected using both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Quota sampling was used to identify the respondents for the study. The Appreciative Inquiry Approach (Cooperrider & Whitney, 1999) and the Narrative Approach (Sikes & Gale, 2003; Kroth & Peutz, 2009) were used to construct the questionnaires. The General Inductive Approach (Thomas, 2003) was then used to categorize the transcribed face-to-face interviews and the survey questionnaires data into main themes. This thesis confirms that differing cultural practices and perceptions exist among migrants in Port Moresby. Furthermore, such differences can create ethnic conflicts. Given such realization, this study reveals that some indigenous approaches were used to settle traditional ethnic conflict yet some of these approaches appear less restorative than others; thus escalating the conflicts, instead of resolving them. Especially in Port Moresby, where there is not only a high concentration of multi-cultures coupled with complex issues and progress of rural-urban migration and urbanization but where other anti-social collectives are formed along ethnic and cultural affiliations, that ethnic conflicts could be a serious social problem.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to extend a special thanks to the numerous people who assisted and supported me in the completion of this research study. Their collective dedication and professionalism deserve my most sincere appreciation. It is with sincere gratitude that I acknowledge the tremendous help, guidance and inspiration of my primary supervisor, Dr Cecile Hoods. Without her guidance and persistent help, the completion of this thesis would not have been possible. Equally so, my sincere appreciation with gratitude is also conveyed to my second supervisor, Harwood Lockton, for his helpful comments and assistance. A special word of thanks is extended to Dr Lalen Simeon for her additional guidance, and Ellen Faisi, for administrative support. Included in the team that deserves my sincere word of thanks are Dr Mafileo, Dr Litau, and Dr Khin for their expert contributions into various aspects of the MLD programme, in particular, applied research methods. I also wish to acknowledge the support of my fellow MLD students; Cherry Galokepoto, Danny Phillip, Selison Faisi, Roboam Kakap, Valarie Maku and Daniel Opa for their encouragement, cooperation and suggestions. I would like to thank my participants who assisted me during the period of data collection. A special appreciation is accorded to the community leaders of Nine-Mile and Vadavada settlements for their assistance. I also wish to recognize and thank the heads of the two organizations, for their acceptance of this study at their organization. I also convey my thanks to Deon Hoods and the PAU Library staff, and the Library staff at UPNG for assisting me with articles on Port Moresby settlements. I extend special thanks to my brothers; Sarenos Passingan and Dr Norlie Miskaram for their financial support and hospitality for the duration of my study. I also offer special thanks to Brigid Ann Freeman for her support and encouragement. My sincere acknowledgement of the sacrifice made by my two children, Alice Konio Lapan and Nou Junior Lapan, whose education were affected during the duration of my study, in 2012 and 2013. Each of you can share in this accomplishment, for without your support, it would not have been possible.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................................ iii LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................... viii LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................ ix LIST OF ACRONYMS................................................................................................................... x

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 1 1.2 BACKGROUND OF THIS STUDY.............................................................................................. 2 1.3 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY ...................................................................................................... 2 1.4 CONTEXT OF STUDY............................................................................................................. 3 1.4.1

Diversity in Papua New Guinea. .............................................................................. 4

1.4.2

Early History of Papua New Guinea – Western Intervention ...................................... 4

1.4.3

Structural Adjustments to the Lives of Indigenous Papua New Guineans .................... 7

1.5 RATIONALE OF STUDY.......................................................................................................... 8 1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................... 9 1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................. 9 1.7.1 Study Site .................................................................................................................... 9 1.7.2 Timeframe ................................................................................................................... 9 1.8 LIMITATIONS..................................................................................................................... 10 1.9 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 10

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................. 11 2.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 11 2.2 ORIGIN OF CULTURE .......................................................................................................... 11 2.3 DEFINITION OF CULTURE ................................................................................................... 12 2.4 CULTURAL DIFFERENCES .................................................................................................... 13 2.5 THE NATURE OF CONFLICT................................................................................................. 14 2.6 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS .................................................................................... 16 2.7 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA ................................................ 17 2.8 FACTORS BEHIND CULTURAL CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA ........................................ 20 2.8.1 Primordial Factors....................................................................................................... 20 2.8.1.1 Competition and Ethnic Conflict ............................................................................... 20 iii

2.8.1.2 Ill-defined Borders and Ethnic Conflict...................................................................... 22 2.8.1.3 Ethnic Identity ......................................................................................................... 22 2.8.2 Constructed Dynamics ............................................................................................. 23 2.9 URBANIZATION: LAND, CULTUAL DIVERSITY AND ETHNIC CONFLICT..................................... 25 2.9.1

What is Urbanization?........................................................................................... 25

2.9.2

Urbanization and Land .......................................................................................... 26

2.9.3

Urbanization and Cultural Diversity ....................................................................... 27

2.9.4

Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby ............................................................................ 27

2.10 CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES ................................................................................. 29 2.10.1 Types of Conflict Resolution Strategies ...................................................................... 29 2.10.1.1 Force, Competitive and Withdrawal Approaches................................................... 30 2.10.1.2

Avoidance .................................................................................................... 31

2.10.1.3 The Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches............................................................ 31 2.10.1.4 The Narrative Approach ...................................................................................... 32 2.11 CHAPTER SUMMARY........................................................................................................ 32

CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................ 34 3.1

INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 34

3.2

RATIONALE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY..................................................................... 34

3.2.1

Rationale.............................................................................................................. 34

3.2.2

Significance of this study ...................................................................................... 35

3.3

RESEARCH QUESTIONS................................................................................................. 35

3.4

RESEARCH DESIGN ....................................................................................................... 35

3.4.1

Data Collection Design ......................................................................................... 35

3.4.2

Sampling Design .................................................................................................. 36

3.4.3 Time Frame and Sampling Sites ................................................................................... 36 3.4.4

Face-to-face Interviews......................................................................................... 37

3.4.5

Survey Questionnaires .......................................................................................... 37

3.5 APPROACHES USED ........................................................................................................... 38 3.5.1 APPRECIATIVE INQUIRY APPROACH ................................................................... 38 3.5.1.1

Constructionist Principle ................................................................................... 38

3.5.1.2

Simultaneity Principle ....................................................................................... 38

3.5.1.3

Poetic Principle................................................................................................. 38 iv

3.5.1.4

Anticipatory Principle ....................................................................................... 38

3.5.1.5

Positive Principle .............................................................................................. 39

3.5.2 THE NARRATIVE APPROACH ................................................................................ 39 3.6 PARTICIPANTS................................................................................................................... 39 3.7 DATA ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................. 40 3.8 MEMBER CHECKING .......................................................................................................... 40 3.8.1 RESEARCH AND SAMPLING BIAS ......................................................................... 41 3.9

ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS........................................................................................... 41

3.9.1 Ethical Considerations: Pre-Research ........................................................................... 41 3.9.2

Ethical Considerations: During the Research .......................................................... 42

3.9.3 Ethical Considerations: Post Data Collection................................................................. 43 3.10

CHAPTER SUMMARY ................................................................................................... 43

CHAPTER 4 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS ................................................................................. 44 4.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 44 4.2 INTERVIEWS & QUESTIONNAIRES ....................................................................................... 44 4.3 FACE-TO-FACE INTERVIEWS ............................................................................................... 45 4.3.1 Demographics and Interviewee Background ................................................................. 45 4.4 MAIN THEMES................................................................................................................... 46 4.4.1 Significance of Indigenous Cultures ............................................................................. 47 4.4.2 Cultural Practices and Ethnic Conflicts ......................................................................... 47 4.4.3 Causes of Ethnic Conflicts ........................................................................................... 49 4.4.4 Settling Ethnic Conflicts .............................................................................................. 50 4.4.5 Ways to Approach and Avoid Ethnic Conflicts ............................................................. 51 4.4.6 Acculturation, Assimilation and Urbanization ............................................................... 53 4.5 QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY................................................................................................... 55 4.5.1 Survey Questionnaires ................................................................................................. 55 4.5.2 Attitudes of Respondents ............................................................................................. 56 4.5.3 Ethnic Conflicts Experiences in Port Moresby............................................................... 58 4.5.4 Respondents’ Perceptions of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby....................................... 59 4.5.5 Frequency and Involvement: Ethnic Conflicts by Region in Port Moresby ..................... 60 4.5.5.1 Frequency of Occurrences ..................................................................................... 60 4.5.5.2 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts by Region ............................................................ 61 4.5.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices ................................................. 62 v

4.5.6.1 Cultural Beliefs .................................................................................................... 62 4.5.6.2 Cultural Significance ............................................................................................ 63 4.5.6.3 Cultural Borders ................................................................................................... 63 4.5.6.4 Cultural Identity ................................................................................................... 63 4.5.7 Preventative Mechanisms to Ethnic Conflicts ................................................................ 64 4.5.7.1 Education and Awareness...................................................................................... 64 4.5.7.2 Legal and Social Control ....................................................................................... 64 4.5.7.3 Etiquette Application ............................................................................................ 65 4.5.7.4 Investment and Opportunity Creation..................................................................... 65 4.5.7.5 Social Interaction.................................................................................................. 66 4.5.7.6 Leadership ........................................................................................................... 66 4.5.8 Predictions Regarding the Future.................................................................................. 66 4.5.8.1 Problematic Views................................................................................................ 67 4.5.8.2 Peaceful and Progressive Views ............................................................................ 68 4.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 68

CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION .................................................................................................... 69 5.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................. 69 5.2 INTEGRATED DISCUSSIONS OF FINDINGS ............................................................................ 70 5.2.1 Rural Urban Migration in Port Moresby........................................................................ 70 5.2.1.1 Residence and Land .............................................................................................. 70 5.2.1.2 Ethnic Clustering in Settlements ............................................................................ 71 5.2. 2 Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby ................................................................................ 72 5.2.2.1 Involvement in Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby ..................................................... 72 5.2.2.2 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby ........................................................... 73 5.2.3 Ethnic Conflict Resolutions ......................................................................................... 79 5.2.4 Ways to Prevent Further Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby............................................. 80 5.2.4.1 Education and Awareness...................................................................................... 80 5.2.4.2 Etiquette Application ............................................................................................ 81 5.2.4.3 Legal and Social Control ....................................................................................... 82

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5.2.4.4 Social Interaction.................................................................................................. 82 5.2.4.5 Opportunity Creation ............................................................................................ 84 5.2.4.6 Leadership ........................................................................................................... 85 5.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 85

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION.................................................................................................. 87 6.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 87 6.2 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... 88 6.2.1 Injustices by Colonial Intervention ............................................................................... 88 6.2.2 Ethnic Conflicts: Featured by Colonial powers and traditional relationships .................... 88 6.2.3 Frequent Occurrences & Experiences of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby...................... 89 6.2.4 Cultural Differences and Perceptions ............................................................................ 89 6.2.5 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby .......................................................... 89 6.2.6 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby.................................................................. 89 6.2.7 Traditional Conflict Resolution Strategies..................................................................... 89 6.2.8 Prevention of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby............................................................. 90 6.2.9 Migration and Urbanization ......................................................................................... 90 6. 3 RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................................................... 90 6.4 AREAS FOR FUTURE STUDY ................................................................................................ 91 6.4.1 Assimilation of Ethnic Conflicts by Migrants ................................................................ 91 6.4.2 Christian Churches and Ethnic Conflict ........................................................................ 91 6.4.3 Parental and Community Obligations ........................................................................... 91 6.4.4 Indigenous Leadership................................................................................................. 91 6.4.5 Indigenous Historical Leadership and Traditions ........................................................... 92 6.5 LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY.............................................................................................. 92 6.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 92 7. REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................... 93 APPENDIX A: RESEARCH DESIGN ............................................................................................. 99 APPENDIX B: SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL..........................................................................103 APPENDIX C: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE: CULTURAL PRACTICES .................................................107 APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET ........................................................................................111 APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM ...........................................................................112 APPENDIX F: APPLICATION FOR EXTENSION OF STUDY .............................................................113

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 PNG Map................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 4.1 Respondents’ Experiences with Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby....................... 59 Figure 4.2 Causes of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby.......................................................... 60 Figure 4.3 Respondents’ Record of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby................................... 61 Figure 4.4 Respondents’ Identification of Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts by Regions....... 61 Figure 4.5 Forecasts for Port Moresby Relative to Ethnic Conflict........................................ 67

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1 Method of Data Collection and Communication.................................................... 36 Table 4.1 The Coding Process in Inductive Analysis............................................................. 45 Table 4.2 Demographics of Respondents................................................................................ 56 Table 4.3 Port Moresby – Diversity and Ethnic Conflict……………………........................ 57 Table 4.4 Respect and Ethnic Conflict……………………………………………………… 57 Table 4.5 Cultural Practices………………………………………………………………… 58 Table 4.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices......................................... 62 Table 4.7 Ways to Reduce or Avoid Ethnic Conflicts............................................................ 64

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LIST OF ACRONYMS AAP ADR AI CCCR CEO Dr HSC IA IBR IMF MLD NA NSOPNG PAU PAUREC PEA PNG PNGNG POM SMC TKI UPNG

Australian Associated Press Alternative Dispute Resolution Appreciative Inquiry Cross-Cultural Conflict Resolution Chief Executive Officer Doctor Higher School Certificate Inductive Approach Interest-Based Relational Approach International Monetary Fund Master in Leadership and Development Narrative Approach National Statistical Office of Papua New Guinea Pacific Adventist University Pacific Adventist University Research and Ethnics Committee Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches

Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea National Government Port Moresby Strategies for Managing Conflict Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Model Instrument University of Papua New Guinea

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Human diversity is among the most intricate yet interesting aspect of understanding societies. Every person or group of people is characterized by a set of distinct identity and culture that differentiates them from the rest. These identities and cultures may come in physical, religious, psychological and behavioural, collective, language, literary arts, and other forms of manifestation. A. Payne 1.1 INTRODUCTION In Port Moresby, a range of ethnic groups with different cultures reside. There are numerous cultures from each of the four regions in Papua New Guinea: Highlands, Momase, Papua, and the New Guinea Islands; and even cultural groups from neighbouring Solomon Islands and Fiji. In addition, there are migrants from New Zealand, Australia, United Kingdom, the United States of America and Africa and the Asian countries. It is in Port Moresby that different groups with significant cultural differences converge due to the city's size and significance as the national capital and leading economic centre. Kidu (2000) – a westerner (i.e. outsider) but a long-time resident and observer of life in Port Moresby - believes that the convergence of cultures based on the differences in an urban setting may create some challenges. Such challenges raise interesting questions. Are there overt cultural differences that exist in an urban setting like Port Moresby? Do these cultural differences, coupled with new challenges of urbanization, pose a threat to social progression? Do such challenges have the potential to create ethnic conflicts, within Papua New Guinea’s local context? Since traditional relationships, according to Reilly (2008), were characterised by hostility and cooperation through intermittent tribal warfare between clan groups, is that still appropriate in an urban setting like Port Moresby? Given that ethnic conflicts may be inevitable, what conflict resolution strategies would be employed to quell such conflicts? Furthermore, would the outcome of such conflict resolution strategies, be enduring and or sustainable?

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1.2 BACKGROUND OF THIS STUDY According to Batho, Jackson & Odongo (1980) Port Moresby, since the influx of rural-urban migration, had been plagued with problems like ‘rascalism, and tribal fighting’ thus affecting both migrants and original inhabitants (p. 209). Among other factors, the escalation of crime, according to Gaigo, has been due to the ‘forgotten knowledge of traditional customs and cultures, non-regulation of unemployed migrants, unemployment and land disputes’ (as cited in Batho et al., 1980, p. 209). Migrants living in the settlements of Port Moresby congregate and live in ethnic groupings. Do these ethnic-clustering-cells have any role in maintaining cultural differences thus creating a fertile environment for conflicts? Kidu (2000), a then Member of Parliament, asserts that ‘Papua New Guinea suffers from a culture of violence, coinciding with cultural practices that are now accepted as a way of life’ (pp. 29-33). If this is becoming the norm of Papua New Guinea society, Kidu suggests that the elements for creating conflict already exist. Coupled with the impacts of urbanization, it can only intensify. Based on this information, could one assume that these conflicts may occur due to previously existing cultural differences and perceptions? As a Papua New Guinean indigenous person, my interest in the study of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby is three-fold. First, considering the number of migrants that move into Port Moresby and relocate themselves on indigenous Koiari and Motu land, anecdotal evidence shows that landowners are already experiencing land loss due to urbanization. Could losing land as a resource, and the disparity of wealth be at the helm of such conflicts? Second, could such cultural practices and perceptions of the migrants in Port Moresby contribute to ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby? Third, given that ethnic conflict becomes almost inevitable among migrants or involving them, what conflict resolution strategy would be employed to contain them? 1.3 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY This research aims to contribute to existing literature on cultural differences and perceptions. Relative to that, the study aims to examine whether urbanization may contribute to such ethnic conflicts. The research questions for this study are: 1. What is the history of conflict in Papua New Guinea? 2. Do cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port Moresby city? 2

3. Do these cultural differences and perceptions, including associated attributes, initiate ethnic conflicts encompassing the impacts of urbanization? and 4. What conflict resolution mechanisms would be appropriate to contain these cultural conflicts, coupled with sustainable solution strategies? 1.4 CONTEXT OF STUDY The study took place in the National Capital District, Port Moresby, the national capital city of Papua New Guinea, located on the shores of the Gulf of Papua. Port Moresby was the historical administrative headquarters of Papua during the era of colonial rule. The official population of Port Moresby is 318,128 residents, which is 4.5 percent of PNG’s total population (National Statistical Office of Papua New Guinea, 2011, p.13). This population includes Westerners, Indians, Asians, Polynesians, Melanesians and Papua New Guinean migrants particularly from out-lying PNG provinces, out-numbering the local indigenous population. Since the year 2000, Port Moresby has experienced an average annual growth rate of 2.0 percent; has a gender ratio of 116 males per 100 females; a population density of 1,325.5 persons per square kilometre; and an average household size of 5.5 persons, with its highest population residing at Tokarara, Hohola and Town areas (National Statistical Office of Papua New Guinea, 2011, p.13). Port Moresby is predominantly urban or built up land surrounded

by indigenous urban villages, coupled with clusters of squatter settlements within and on the city’s urban fringes. Due to lack of affordable housing and the high cost of living in Port Moresby, most migrants from other parts of Papua New Guinea employed in town resort to settlement accommodation. Some people, who are unable to find employment in the city, engage in informal sector activities to make ends meet, while others remain unemployed. Infrastructure development and other amenities within the settlement areas are either totally inadequate or do not exist. People living in these settlements mainly cluster into ethnic groups, and there can be several different ethnic groups residing within one settlement. There are three electorates in Port Moresby: Port Moresby North West, Port Moresby North East, and Port Moresby South. Each electorate has a few settlements. The two settlements involved in this study were Nine-Mile settlement and Vadavada settlement. Nine-Mile settlement is located in the Port Moresby North East electorate. It is situated on state land and 3

was first settled in 1970. As of the 2000 census, it had 922 household and a total population of 5 927. Vadavada settlement is on customary land and is located in the Port Moresby South electorate. It had a household of 363 and a population of 2 048, according to the 2000 census (Chand & Yala, 2008, p. 11). 1.4.1

Diversity in Papua New Guinea.

According to Reilly (2008), ‘Papua New Guinea is probably the most heterogeneous country in the world. It has about 852 different languages which translates into exceptional cultural fragmentation’. (p.13) Reilly remarks that such cultural fragmentations consist of a society made up of small and largely independent tribal or clan units. This assertion is consistent with Wolfer’s (1975): Papua New Guinea is such a linguistically and culturally diverse country, and so fragmented geographically, that many parts of the country, and many of its people, seem quite foreign to Papua New Guineans from other areas (p. 5). Given such realities, Papua New Guinea, in its history, experienced dominant interventions which were imposed rather unevenly or in a non-uniform manner. In my view, these interventions introduced new and rather distorted and often contradictory practices - which came through political conflict of such magnitude that the indigenous people of PNG found themselves captured in a chapter of powerlessness and silence. It is therefore paramount to take the advice of C.S Lewis that we need intimate knowledge of the past; not that the past has any magic about it, but because we cannot study the future, and yet need something to set against the present, to remind us that the basic assumptions have been quite different periods and that much which seems certain to the uneducated is merely temporary fashion (Nick, 2013). 1.4.2

Early History of Papua New Guinea – Western Intervention

The ruins of colonial intervention in PNG history have surely left a legacy on indigenous culture. In the early 1500s, Spanish and Portuguese explorers landed on the islands of Papua New Guinea, and found indigenous people already living here. The Dutch and English visited several of the islands during the next 300 years. In 1884, Germany annexed the north-eastern parts of New Guinea and all the New Guinea islands off its shores (see Figure 1.1 indicated North of the red dividing line). They exercised control over all aspects of indigenous 4

communal life, including their resources (land) through ‘force’ (Wolfers, 1975) causing widespread cultural and traditional disintegration. Resentments and attempts to strike-back by indigenous people were suppressed and they often faced violence and killings, since wooden and bone weaponry was no match against western imperial steel and gunpowder. Later that same year (1884), Great Britain took over southern-eastern New Guinea and the nearby islands (see Figure 1.1 South of the red dividing line). In 1905, Britain handed over this territory (southern-eastern New Guinea) to Australia, which named it the Territory of Papua, with no consultation or recognition of the important role of the indigenous people of Papua New Guinea. Similar to German New Guinea, control of indigenous communal life and their resources within the Territory of Papua was also through the use of force. Opposing sentiments and resentments by indigenous people attracted prison sentences, with hard labour, fines and the death penalty (imported from Australia and enforced, by law, on the indigenous people of this land). The fate of the indigenous resource owners on the Australian Papuan side was similar to the fate of those on the German New Guinea side. On the wings of the colonial powers came the Christian missionaries; Catholics of various Orders, Lutheran, Wesleyan Methodist Mission, the London Missionary Society, SeventhDay Adventists and others. Particularly, for the Catholics, the Society of the Missionaries of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus of Issodoun, were French, and drove a corridor for French culture and Christianity, from Yule Island to the inland regions of Goilala, now part of modern-day Central province. (Rowley, 1965)

German New Guinea

British New Guinea

Figure 1.1.

PNG Map Adapted from http://0.tqn.com/d/geography/1/0/w/5/pp-150 5

In 1914, during World War 1, Australian troops seized the areas held by Germany. In 1920, the League of Nations officially put these areas under Australian administration. Japanese forces invaded the New Guinea Islands in 1942, during World War 2. They held much of New Guinea and several other islands until 1944, when allied troops, from England, Australia and the United States of America, retook them. After the war ended in 1945, all the islands again came under the control of Australia. According to Reilly (2008), Papua New Guinea is a colonial construct. The strategically employed colonization process predominantly involved Germany, the Allied forces, the United States of America, Japan, Britain and later Australia. Colonization of Papua and New Guinea was brought about through a political conflict at the cost of indigenous culture, indigenous human suffering and indigenous deaths. According to Wolfers (1975): Many Papua New Guineans fought heroically on both sides of the Japanese lines for the Australians or the seemingly wealthy Americans. Generally, however, they tended to acquiesce – in a war that was never really ‘theirs’- to whom seemed to hold local sway (p. 110). Central to that effect, ‘forced intervention’ by the colonial masters was focussed on indigenous communal life, which in most cases contradicted cultural practices and therefore cultural practices were outlawed. In addition to applying force to working, and removing their resources, for example, their land, forced intervention affected the existing methods of conflict resolutions, cultural activities including singsing, customary marriages and divorces. Even indigenous movements and choices were regulated by the colonial masters. Designated places were prescribed for colonizers’ use only, certain privileges of food and beverages were for the colonizers only. Generally, the customs allowed for the indigenous people was subject to the rest of their (colonizers’) law, and discretionary powers. Every source of independent initiative and leadership of the indigenous people was demoralized and suppressed. Traditional leadership and chieftaincy were ‘hijacked’ and replaced with tultuls, luluais and kiaps (Wolfers, 1975), who became the figures of local authority, superseding traditional authority and cultural leadership, and outlawing any traditional authority rendering it subservient, powerless and illegitimate. The colonizers’ oppressive rule and extensive paternalism cultured the indigenous people to depend on them for advice and guidance, thus disestablishing their own traditional knowledge and doubting their own capabilities and that of their leaders. 6

Head-taxes (May, 1977), a further oppressive system, were also imposed on the indigenous population and accompanied the introduction of the western cash economy resulted in indentured labour (Wolfers, 1975) through the Migrant Labour System (Rowley, 1965). Nonconformers to the colonial imposed territorial regulations were jailed or forced to labour for a given period. Breaches of other colonial laws faced several misfortunes; indigenous people chained to objects, charged with a fine, jailed with hard labour, flogged or even beheaded. Even in German New Guinea, the treatment of indigenous people was hostile and brutal. It was the dawn of a ‘new culture’, which took the indigenous population by storm. Control of the indigenous people was mostly by force if a prompt response was desired. In the words of Dr (later Sir) William McGregor, first administrator to British New Guinea There is only one thing the Papuans respect, that is force. They have the most profound respect for that....... We never fight with them at all if we can possibly avoid it until we are in a position to make our final and decisive move. We hardly ever have to fight twice in the same district (Wolfers, 1975, p. 16). This statement was from the colonizers’ point of view, and this is the general belief held by them in establishing and enforcing (in their own words), their authority on Papua New Guineans. While indigenous Papua New Guineans were kind enough to allow them on their traditional land, the colonizers, in return, used the force described by McGregor. The McGregor view of respect connected to force is a very one-sided view, which begs the question: Was it really out of respect or was fear driven into the indigenous people of Papua New Guinea? The colonizers, with the missionaries on their wings, certainly came, by their own admission, with an attitude of superiority and force, because they wanted to claim territories. Such force could equally be called ‘violence’ which seems to be endemic in much of PNG culture today. Perhaps, the colonial past should share some blame for further practising the culture of violence which may have already been prevalent in traditional PNG society. 1.4.3

Structural Adjustments to the Lives of Indigenous Papua New Guineans

Economic interests in the minds of the colonizers including missionaries brought the cultivation of large cash crop plantations which forced indigenous Papua New Guineans to transition from their peaceful, subsistent lifestyle to the culture of western economics, placing the indigenous people continually on the back foot. Indigenous people were forcefully 7

migrated across the country, particularly to coastal plantations-plantations that were grown on indigenous land that were either obtained by force, deception or acquired through minimal form of payment. Similarly, indigenous Papua New Guineans were used as ‘indentured or slave labourers' either by force, rations, or a very minimal cash amount. The imposed ‘headtax’ also forced indigenous people to be labourers (rather than owners of their resources) and non-payment of the one sided head tax attracted tough penalties. Indigenous people thus, through the 'McGregor force', did not only lose traditional and cultural authority and leadership, they lost a whole lot more; they lost their land, all their resources and they lost most of their traditional cultures and norms. The indigenous people either had to adopt the new culture in a subservient position, or face atrocious punishments and even death. Traditional leadership, so highly esteemed before colonization, therefore lost its significance. Today, still prevalent, sadly, indigenous Papua New Guineans, because of the persistent ‘force’ have accepted the ‘abnormal’ as ‘normal’ and are still being forced by international organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Examples of such are the ‘Land Mobilization Programme’ and the ‘World Bank’s Structural Adjustment Programme’ (Hartford). Such force though has had a major impact on a pre-colonial Papua New Guinea, a repeat of what happened to indigenous people in Australia, New Zealand and around the world. 1.5 RATIONALE OF STUDY The title of this thesis is: ‘Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby?’ Several determining factors and observations prompted the conducting of this study: first, the researcher personally observed an influx of migrants settling into ethnic communities in Port Moresby. Second, the documented findings of other researchers about rural-urban migration (Haree & Knapman 1977; Yamauchi and Umezaki 2005); third, the settling of ethnic migrants on indigenous land (Albaniel-Evara 2012; Connell & Lea 2002; Batho et al., 1980; Morauta 1986); fourth, differing identity and value orientations (Barth 1969; Glaser 1994; Tretten 1977); fifth, anecdotal evidence of ethnic clashes in Port Moresby (Blackwell 2011; Haley & May 2011; Korugl 2011); sixth, the differing approaches to conflict resolution (Hassall 2006; Young 1998); and seventh, the complexities of acculturation and assimilation (Bandura 1977; Barth 1969; Funch 1995).

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1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY My own observation and anecdotal reports of considerable ethnic clashes in Port Moresby point towards a crisis in the city as more and more indigenous PNG move to Port Moresby. Yet there is a dearth of research done by indigenous Papua New Guineans on this critical matter that places PNG in a most negative light and being seen to be in crisis on the world stage. Most documented information and research are from a western viewpoint and some even from as far as an Asian viewpoint. This study will thus fill the existing research gap; provide useful information and research from an indigenous Papua New Guinean perspective, thus adding to the existing body of knowledge. The results of this study may provide useful information for shaping the future of PNG. 1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY For this thesis, a mixture of quantitative and qualitative research was undertaken in 2012 in two settlements (Nine-Mile Settlement and Vadavada Settlement), and two private companies, in Port Moresby. Detailed information about these quantitative and qualitative methods is presented in Chapter 3. 1.7.1 Study Site For the face-to-face interviews within Vadavada settlement migrants, the Apostolic Church hall was chosen while the Seventh-day Adventist church building was chosen for Nine- Mile. The twenty survey questionnaires were completed by employees of two companies - one located in Port Moresby North East electorate and the other located in the Port Moresby South electorate. 1.7.2 Timeframe The timeframe for data collection given for this study was approximately eight weeks. The prolonged duration was due to the rejection by the first and second choice companies for fear of losing production time. Significant time had already been lost when acceptance by the third choice companies was finally granted.

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1.8 LIMITATIONS The findings of all research need to be interpreted with due regard for the limitations. The limitation of this study is worth acknowledging: 

The small sample size for the number of face-to-face interviews and the questionnaire participants was unavoidable given the drawn-out ethical approval stage, difficulty in accessing the settlement, the safety of the researcher, obtaining permissions from company managers, budgetary constraints and the time limit of the study.

1.9 CHAPTER SUMMARY This chapter provides an introduction, background, purpose and significance of the study. Furthermore, the research questions are listed under section 1.3, the context outlined and the limitations stated. Chapter 2 covers the literature review for this study. As culture cannot be separated from ethnicity, a definition of culture is provided, followed by discussions of the nature of culture. A reflection and connection between culture, ethnic conflict and urbanization follows. Several conflict resolution strategies, from both Christian (PNG is a Christian country) and secular viewpoints are discussed. Chapter 3 outlines the methodology used in this qualitative and quantitative study including descriptions and explanations of how I collected and analysed the data. Chapter 4 analyses and summarizes the results from the survey questionnaires and interviews. The interpretations of the findings are discussed in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 contains the conclusion of the study and the recommendations for future study.

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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW For any conflict that touches us where we're vulnerable, where we make meaning or influence our identities, there is always a cultural component……Cultures shared by dominant groups often seem to be "normal" -- "the way things are done." We only notice the effect of cultures that are different from our own. Cate Malek 2.1 INTRODUCTION The purpose of this Chapter is to review some of the significant literature on a range of aspects related to culture, ethnicity, ethnic conflict and conflict resolution, especially in the context of PNG. Central to this study, particular focus is on the multi-cultural migrants’ population of Port Moresby, coupled with the impact of the process of modernization through urbanization. 2.2 ORIGIN OF CULTURE It may be appropriate to state that culture correlates with humans’ existence (Barth, 1969). According to Hoods (2012), ‘earliest references to culture can be found in Chinese history, Buddhist history, and the Holy Bible’ (p. 33). Hoods explained the significance of dragons during the Tang Dynasty relative to Chinese culture. The origin of culture can also be traced to the Holy Bible. The sin committed by Adam and Eve (Genesis 2), and their expulsion from Eden, required the construction of culture (Bradshaw, 2002, p. 70). Adam and Eve had to craft a culture out of nature to express the values that became central to humanity, and clothing was one of the first natural elements that mankind transformed into cultural artefacts. (p. 70) Batten et al., (2003) express that another account of culture was formed during the ‘rebellion at the Tower of Babel’ (p.90). Because of this dispersion, and the resulting splitting of the gene pool, different cultures formed, with certain features becoming predominant in each group’ (p. 90). Since ‘language’ is an element of culture, the Biblical account suggests the origin of new culture associated with the new languages.

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Culture has thus been inherent in human’s existence, as acknowledged throughout history. Now that the brief origin of culture has been stated, it is essential to define what culture is. 2.3 DEFINITION OF CULTURE Many scholars, including behavioural scientists and anthropologists, have different understanding of culture and therefore offer different definitions (Bradshaw, 2002). This observation is supported by Luzbetak (1963): “Anthropologists still argue among themselves about how culture is to be defined and what some of its essential characteristics are” (p. 59). Bradshaw (2002) acknowledges that the variety of definitions may range from ‘a total way of life of a people to a set of techniques for adjusting both to the external environment and to other people’ (p. 70). The definition of culture is therefore, according to Bradshaw, “a particular expressions of biblical concepts of the cosmos, the socially constructed matrix that serves as the arena in which people live, as a necessary response to the fall of humankind ” (p. 70). O’Neil (2006), on the other hand, defines culture as “that complex whole which includes

knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (p. 1). In the presentation of Christ and Culture, Niebuhr (1975) states that “Culture is the ‘artificial, secondary environment’ which man superimposes on the natural, and comprises language, habits, ideas, beliefs, customs, social organization, inherited artefacts, technical processes, and values” (p. 32). According to Glaser (as cited in Williams, 1994) Culture is a group which shapes a person's values and identity, and a single term used to define a particular culture is often exclusive. For example, the term "Hispanic" does not take into account cultural differences between Cuban-Americans and Mexican-Americans...and cultural identities can stem from the following differences: ethnicity, gender, class, religion, country of origin, and geographic region (p. 2). As expressed above, some definitions of culture are similar while others may be markedly different. Many scholars point out that there are more cultural similarities than there are differences but we tend to focus on the differences. Hoods (2012) adds an important reminder: ‘All definitions of culture carry one similarity, the clear polarization between two extremes: the one culture on the one hand and the other culture on the polar opposite’ (p. 34). 12

Notwithstanding the multiple definitions, O’Neil (2006) admits that culture itself is changing. Similar assertions are shared by Funch (1995), LeBaron (2003) Rosman & Rubel (1998), and Luzbetak (1963) who agree that, in addition to culture having an elastic nature, there are constant changes. Bradshaw (2002) adds that ‘culture is never neutral; it is always a strange complex of truth and error, beauty and ugliness, good and evil, seeking God and rebelling against him’ (p. 72). Luzbetak (1963) explains why culture is perhaps elastic and ever changing: ‘Culture is dynamic – dynamic because the individuals following particular design for living are very much alive and active’ (p. 115). Cultures change through time, and often there are ‘internal inconsistencies and contradictions in cultures forming sub-cultures’ (Rosman & Rubel 1998, p.7). Sub-culture, as described by Grunlan & Mayers (1988) is a ‘cluster of behaviour patterns related to general culture and yet at the same time distinguishable from it’ (p. 39). Essentially, in addition to the ever moving definition of culture, culture and sub-cultural practice and perceptions feature distinct differences relative to ethnic groups (Barth, 1969; Bradshaw, 2002; Batten et al., 2003).The nature of cultures and sub-cultures attribute to cultural differences in society. Perhaps, Luzbetak (1963) summed it up well by stating that ‘cultures are but different answers to essentially the same human problems’ (p. 61). It is evident from the discussion above that the definition of culture can be varied and complex based on how it is understood. However, regardless of such varied understanding, it relates to the social relationships of humans, which feature differences in culture. 2.4 CULTURAL DIFFERENCES Apart from ‘cultural universals, fundamental similarities shared by all cultures,’ (Rosman & Rubel, 1998. p. 6), cultural variations and differences co-exist with ethnic diversity (Barth, 1969, p. 9). This diversity may explain the variations in the common components of culture. These variations may include the differing ‘beliefs, literature, music, art, and food’ (O’Neil, 2006), including ‘values and identities’ (Williams, 1994). ‘What are Cultural Differences,’ (n.d.) explains that laws between different countries, religions, societies and people are also part of such cultural differences. Although it is generally perceived as ‘an all encompassing overview of large groups of people’ (see section, para. 1), it can also refer to minority groups and sub-cultures. 13

Even if a sub-culture is conceived as a cluster of behaviour patterns (Grunlan & Mayers, 1988), some patterns characterize members of subgroups within the society which may include occupation, social class, or one of the genders. Within subgroups, individuals are free to choose from a variety of ways of behaving, which is specialized for their particular culture. Thus, within a subculture, there are ‘specialized groups’. Such ways of behaviour by specialized groups are known as ‘specialities’ and the liberty to choose between several behavioural possibilities is known as ‘alternatives’ (Luzbetak, 1963, pp. 112 -113). Cultural specialities and cultural alternatives may contribute to cultural differences since ‘they are true elements of culture’ (Luzbetak, 1963, p.113). Barth (1969) asserts that ‘ethnic groups exist as significant units if they imply marked differences in behaviour, i.e. persisting cultural differences’ (pp. 15-16). Even within the same ethnic group, ‘ethnic demarcation between higher ethnic status and lower ethnic groups’ (Barth, 1969, p. 97; Avruch, 1998) do exist. For instance, inter-ethnic marriages of residents of the same village may not be sanctioned due to status differences. This infers that, despite the presence of mobility and social affiliation, the ‘ambivalence towards ethnic identification associated with stratification’ (Barth, 1969, p. 97) is definitely evident. It can be concluded that although there are some similarities in some cultures, there are yet some differences relative to its components. These cultural differences may create conflicts. 2.5 THE NATURE OF CONFLICT Conflict is an inbuilt trait of human nature, and according to Bradshaw (2002), ‘there is not a part of the world free from destructive conflict’ (p. 204). In support of Bradshaw, Avruch (1998) expresses that ‘conflict is a feature of all human societies, and potentially an aspect of all social relationships’ (see section 1, para. 1). Conflicts thus exist between groups or even within an individual. The root causes of conflicts differ widely. Avruch and Mazrui (as cited in Mamak, 1978), relates conflict to ‘competition’ which can be between ‘individuals or groups over incompatible goals, scarce resources, or the source of power needed to acquire them’ (p.1). Furthermore, Avruch (1998) is of the opinion that competition is determined by ‘perceptions of individuals or groups’, an inherent feature of culture, which may greatly differ (see summary, para.1). In translating culture, Avruch explained it as ‘socially inherited, shared and learned ways of living, possessed by individuals in virtue of membership in social 14

groups’ (see summary, para. 1). The author asserts that conflicts are thus not confined within cultural boundaries and may permeate across ‘cognitive and perceptual’ peripheries (see summary, para. 1), thus creating inter and extra cultural problems. Berghe and Smith, (as cited in Mamak, 1978) share similar thoughts about the overlapping boundaries of conflict. Although ‘pluralism’ was the focal point of reference for both Berghe and Smith, Berghe dismissed the claim that cultural differentiae should be a defining criterion of pluralism, since pluralism also exist within the same culture (p. 2). Smith made a point to distinguish between cultural, social and structural pluralism (p. 2). The inference drawn from Smith portrays conflict as ‘ambiguous’ since it embodies a blend of culture, social and structure. According to Berghe’s argument, it is incorrect, to attribute all diverse and differential activities of conflicts to culture.

Although conflict may be accorded with bias negativism due to its connection with hostility and violence (Warner, 2000), conflict ought to be viewed relative to its significance. Proponents of such a view include Williams (1994), and Carlson and Manktelow (n.d., para. 2 & 3), and Banks (2008). Williams asserts that the positive or negative experiences of conflicts are dependent on the outcomes. Carlson and Manktelow (n.d.) are of the opinion that conflict is not necessarily a bad thing as it can lead to personal and professional growth. Banks (2008) remarks that although there are obvious ‘differences relative to the nature and processes of conflicts and their resolution across the varied societies, there are some broad generalisations that are widely applicable’ (p. 25) in PNG. Banks indicates that particularly for traditional conflicts in PNG, these conflicts form part of the continual process of maintaining and renewing the social relationships that made people and groups, and hence, the war reparations paid to allies and enemies renewed the relationships between these groups (p. 31).

Cultural perceptions not only differ between cultures, they are also expandable. Such cultural divergence and stretchiness often filter through beyond cultural borders or even exist within homogenous cultures thus create conflicts. In order to view conflict relative to its significance, a discussion of ethnic and cultural conflict is necessary. Based on the discussion, although conflicts are intrinsic in humans’ existence and is widespread, it is unconvincing to attribute all conflicts to culture since culture is active and such awareness is stretchy. 15

2.6 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS The intricate correlation and complexity between ethnic groups and culture may often categorise either conflict as similar (Avruch, 1998). According to Warner (2000), cultural conflicts arise because of differences in values and norms of people’s behaviour. For instance, a person’s behaviour may be conventional to the norms and values of his or her own culture but a person having a different worldview might interpret that person’s behaviour from an opposite standpoint. Within these contexts, people often perceive their behaviour and beliefs as an ultimate norm forgetting the existence of other cultures. Such situations, according to Williams (1994), create misunderstanding and can lead to conflict.

Similarly, considering the correlation and complexities of culture, the spread of conflict is immeasurable and may permeate beyond generalised cultural borders. Such conflicts, according to Avruch (1998) may also occur ‘simultaneously at many different levels, and not just at higher levels of social groupings – for example, those that separate Japanese from American cultures’. (pp. 4-5) Avruch (1998) further elaborates on cultural conflicts: Conflict occurring between individuals or social groups that are separated by cultural boundaries can be considered “cross-cultural conflict.” But individuals, even in the same society, are potentially members of many different groups, organized in different ways by different criteria: for example, by kinship into families or clans; by language, religion, ethnicity, or nationality; by socioeconomic characteristics into social classes; by geographical region into political interest groups; and by education, occupation, or institutional memberships into professions, trade unions, organizations, industries, bureaucracies, political parties, or militaries (see section 3, para.1).

On cultural conflict, Glaser (as cited in Williams, 1994) remarks:

Cultural conflicts arise because of the differences in values and norms of behaviour of people from different cultures. A person acts according to the values and norms of his or her culture; another person holding a different worldview might interpret his or her behaviour from an opposite standpoint. This situation creates misunderstanding and can lead to conflict. (p. 2) 16

In support of Glaser, Warner (2000) believes that cultural conflicts arise because of differences in values and norms of people’s behaviour. Although the definition of value may be numerous and diverse, according to Barnhart and Barnhart (1978b), value relates to ‘the established ideals of life relative to objects, customs, and ways of acting that the members of a society regard as desirable’. (p.2311)

However, social inheritance and shared beliefs create alliances, and therefore, conflicts may not be purely ethnic-related. Sisk (2003) expresses a similar belief by inferring that conflicts may occur beyond cultural borders.

In support of Warner, Barth (1969) explains that organizational requirements are core to categorization on population sectors, relative to association of identities and value standards, and refers to both status categories and value standards when referring to value. These two organizational requirements (status categories and value standards) indicate the positions within a group, and that there has to be an acceptance of the principle that standards applied to one category of people can be different from that applied to another. Barth affirms this indication by stating that ‘The greater the differences between value orientations, the more constraints there are on inter-ethnic interactions’ (p. 18). It is evident from this definition that what is desirable to members of one society may not necessarily equate what is desirable to members of another society, in other words, differences do exist. Hoods (2012) cites Gramsci and Carter and describes these differences as cultural hegemony, defining cultural hegemony as the enforcing of one’s culture on another. Can cultural hegemony be a recipe for ethnic and cultural conflict?

Now that the relationship between culture and ethnic conflicts have been made, coupled with the components that can often elicit conflicts, it is essential to focus on cultural and ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea. 2.7 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA On many measures of ethno-linguistic diversity in Papua New Guinea, Reilly (2008) presents a conventional wisdom: ‘the level of diversity and conflict poses significant challenges to successful nation building and governance’. (p. 12)

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Ethnic conflicts in PNG have been widely documented by many observers, and scholars. In a brief coverage of ethnic conflicts in PNG, Reilly (2008) reveals some general observations and makes important distinctions between conflicts at various levels in PNG: 

National level – Colonial intrusion

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Regional level – Bougainville conflict and separatists campaigns of pre-independence periods

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Local level – Intertribal war-fares.

Given that the three levels of ethnic conflicts have been experienced in PNG, local level conflicts, according to Reilly, ‘take place exclusively and make up the vast majority of the country’s ethnic conflicts’. (p. 15) Although scholars acknowledge the fractured nature of PNG society, none of these authors connects the cultural and ethnic conflicts to McGregor’s use of ‘force’, and therefore cultural hegemony; totally destabilising and structurally adjusting the PNG society by ‘force’, which included violent laws introduced to punish indigenous people, head taxes, forced migration and forced removal of lands, rights, culture, ownership and resources. Although force is featured in today’s ethnic conflicts, it is vague to ascertain its root to the ‘McGregor force’ since such force was also an integral feature in traditional inter-tribal and ethnic conflicts.

Relative to resource conflicts in PNG, Banks (2008) made similar observations to that of Reilly’s regional and local conflicts: ‘The country has experienced many conflicts in areas around resource developments ranging from family disputes over distribution of compensation payments through to all-out civil war’. (p. 23)

On the current violence, political leaders within the PNG National Government (PNGNG) have made similar observations as Reilly and Banks. The late Honourable Bernard Narakobi, the then Speaker of the National Parliament remarked that:

Papua New Guinea suffers from a culture of violence which abuses all known human rights . . . these abuses often occur outside the accepted legal order, sometimes coinciding with wrong political and cultural practices that are now accepted as a way of life. (as cited in Kidu, 2000, p. 29)

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In reference to conflict in PNG, Narakobi excludes and absolves the colonizers, foreign governments, churches (that came on the wings of colonial governments) and westerners who now claim themselves as owners of PNG resources, of any wrong doing, despite the clear, continuous, obvious use of the McGregor ‘force’. Furthermore, Narakobi includes PNG government only to a ‘certain extent’. His focus therefore is mainly on the indigenous people, and mentions that these conflicts, ‘abuse[s] all known human rights’.

Without ascribing anyone, Carol Kidu (2000) also then a Member for Port Moresby South, and like Narakobi, attributes conflicts to differences that exist between ethnic groups:

Theory and reality are very different, however, and the reality is that violence and conflict have become major problems in our homes, villages and urban areas. It must be stressed, though, that there are marked differences between ethnic groups and between rural and urban areas. (p. 30) Kidu highlights ‘marked differences, ethnic groups, rural and urban areas’ - a yet complex combination of cultural aspects and society. Although cultural and ethnic conflicts are evident in PNG society, it is often naturally a perplexing puzzle to distinctly ascertain their root causes.

However complex or absurd it may seem, violence and hostility, in response to the continuous use of the brutal McGregor ‘force’, in the form of revenge, is significant within the Melanesian context. Historically though, and in accordance with traditional conventions, violence and hostility, as featured in revenge, are ‘obligatory and moral’ since they are bound upon in the ‘rituals and mythologies’ of local communities. (Trompf, 1994)

It is indicative that different authors have acknowledged the prevalence of cultural and ethnic conflicts in PNG. However, it is clear that the ‘force’ so aptly described and employed by McGregor, foreign governments, corporate organizations and churches to ‘force’ the indigenous people, is nearly always seen as ‘good’, while the blame for ethnic conflicts are almost always blamed on ordinary people. Conflicts, therefore, do not usually occur in a vacuum, and may be based on two interrelated factors.

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2.8 FACTORS BEHIND CULTURAL CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA Conflicts in PNG occur at three levels of society; the national, the regional, and the local level, and are factored on both ‘primordial’ and ‘constructed dynamics’ (Reilly, 2008, p. 14). Its impacts can be both beneficial and injurious to society. Many observers, including scholars, researchers and community leaders have identified several factors of ethnic conflicts – most of which are interrelated and often naturally indistinct. Bearing such knowledge in mind, the discussion on ethnic conflicts below is within the context of Reilly’s of primordial and constructed dynamics. 2.8.1 Primordial Factors

As discussed elsewhere in this thesis, Reilly (2008) highlighted that although ethnic conflicts in PNG appears in both primordial and constructed forms, the former features more prominently at all levels of society. Primordial factors according to Reilly (2008) relate to ‘ascriptive phenomena, based on socio-biological traits such as tribe and language’ (p. 14). Discussed below are three primordial factors that appear to cause conflicts in PNG. 2.8.1.1 Competition and Ethnic Conflict Competition or struggle, according to Rosman & Rubel (1998) can be ‘physical or mental’ (p. 64). Conflicts become inevitable when competition exists within society. This statement agrees with Avruch’s offer that conflicts occur between ‘individuals or groups over incompatible goals, scarce resources, or the source of power needed to acquire them’ (see section 1, para. 1). Eidhelm asserts that one root cause of ethnic conflict is attributed to humankind’s desire to compete with others for ‘economic and political dominance, inferring that ethnic conflicts do not exist in a vacuum but occur if it does not coincide with contrasting economic systems or with firm and enduring political groups’ (as cited in Barth, 1969, p. 39). Although Avruch uses the word ‘scare resources’ in line with ‘Malthusian thinking’ (the survival of the fittest) of portraying economics, PNG has an abundance of resources. However, natural resources are never geographically even in their distribution and so some communities will be blessed more than others. Given that reality, issues of access and power 20

are always superimposed on the basic geography, hence conflicts may then be directly related to the attempted power required to access or exploit such resources. Such may be in line with McGregor’s use of ‘force’, to remove ownership of resources and reduce indigenous people to workers.

In support of Eidhelm’s view, Reilly (2008) presents detribalizing of society, particularly in the Highlands of PNG, relative to competitions where clans compete with each other for access to resources – not only for jobs and other benefits provided by major resource projects, but also other goods and services and, perhaps most importantly, public offices which provide an entry-point to the resources of the state itself (p. 14). Reay concurs with Eidhelm: ‘Traditional contact in the highlands, for example, often took the form of intermittent tribal warfare between clan groups’ (as cited in Reilly, 2008, p. 13).

Other scholars share similar sentiments about conflicts in PNG, as it relates to tribal affiliation, which feature several other broad generalisations. Banks (2008) carefully draws the attention away from indigenous ownership of mineral resources and focuses on material resources:

Material resources such as land or pigs, including women were intimately entwined with the workings of the local societies and the pathways to personhood and identity formation….although conflicts in some areas were driven by resource scarcity, for the most part, the conflict and their resolution centred around creation, maintenance and restoration of networks of social relationships, all of which fed in the construction of individual and group identity (p. 27).

In response to determined distribution of public goods, several other authors including; Ferguson & Whitehead, Filer, and Strathern, support the claims that ‘Modernization, land pressure and competition for resources, have encouraged a retribalisation of society’ (all as cited in Reilly, 2008, p. 14).

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Given the accounts documented above, ethnic conflicts relative to ‘competition’ are as prevalent in PNG, as elsewhere. However, not all ethnic conflicts may be attributed to competition. Some ethnic conflicts may be caused by poorly- distinct boundaries, which are appropriately known as ill-defined borders. 2.8.1.2 Ill-defined Borders and Ethnic Conflict Generally, conflict, may also be associated with what Eidheim describe as ‘ill-defined borders’ and these ill-defined borders can be numerous and diverse and may include; ‘ethnic identity’ (as cited in Barth, 1969, p. 39), cultural hegemony (Hoods, 2012, p. 34), systems of belief (Bradshaw, 2002, p. 12), sorcery and witchcraft practices (Stephen, 1987, p. 23), McGregor’s ‘force (Wolfers, 1975) and cultural elasticity and perceptions (Funch, 1995; LeBaron, 2003). For the purpose of this discussion, the focus will be on ethnic identity. It is important to remember, though, that the elements of these ill-defined borders are interconnected.

2.8.1.3 Ethnic Identity Eidheim connects poorly defined borders with ‘ethnic identity’ and views it as social stigma. Such reproach can create problems relative to ‘social articulation and maintenance’ in societies where ethnic diversity persists (Barth, 1969, p.39). This statement by Barth is an appropriate description of the resource-related conflicts in PNG, which can be often misunderstood. Banks (2008) tries to minimize the retribalized indigenous ownership of resource conflict and the ‘McGregor force’: ‘While conflicts in PNG have always been, and still are, driven by disputes over resources, they are better understood as conflicts around identity rather than resources (p. 23).

Such contention by Banks, although not entirely true, necessitates deep understanding and recognition that conflicts over resources are profoundly entrenched in social works of society rather than the mere consideration of these elements as an ordinary part of the external environment. In addition, the introduction of ‘forced change’ can be frequently accepted or perceived to be useful or beneficial, in the same way that colonizers, corporate organizations and missionaries in the past and present view it as useful or beneficial to themselves, with total 22

disregard for the indigenous people. For the missionaries, some would argue that their motivations were slightly different and that they mitigated some negative behaviour. According to Trompf (2004)

they wanted to help the people; they wanted to turn people away from ways of darkness and savagery to the way of light (which, as a result of their cultural assumptions, included civilizing them), and to do so before the End of the World (p. 144).

The negative effects however occur if such changes are perceived to be in direct contradiction to the benefits or usefulness (Rosman & Rubel, 1998). ‘Imposed changes brought about by outsiders’ have already been identified earlier in this thesis (see section 1.4.2 & section 1.4.3). Such situations cause resistance and often in the form of ‘payback’. Engans, for example, practice ‘payback’ killing if a member of their ethnic group is murdered; a practice perceived to be inherent within their culture for sometime (Greenwell, 2003). The ‘payback’ system is what Greenwell calls ‘the notion of equivalence’ - satisfaction is achieved if a reciprocal consequence is suffered. This notion of equivalence featured in the Engan practice is ‘inextricably related to normative explanations of significant events’ (Trompf, 2005, p. 24), and ‘constitute powerful expressions and integral parts of tribal religious life’ (p. 29), which the ‘McGregor force’ completely undermines. Trompf (2005) adds that it is ‘not feasible to dissociate Melanesian war from Melanesian religion’ (p. 29).

2.8.2 Constructed Dynamics

Another form of ethnic conflict that features in Papua New Guinean societies is based on constructed factors. Constructed factors, according to Reilly (2008) are ‘adaptive ones of more malleable or constructed identities formed as reaction to external pressures and incentives’ (p. 15). In essence, traditions even amalgamate ‘practices, arguments, or beliefs that portray the identity of particular groups of people, delivered through generations over extended time’ (Bradshaw, 2002, p.28). Bradshaw claims that since traditions are established ‘independently from reason, they are historical and narrative in nature’ (p. 28). 23

Tradition, for instance, ‘perpetuates sorcery, witchcraft and warfare in the highlands of PNG’ (Stephen, 1987, p. 83), even if it appears to infringe on civil peace. Such traditions of cultures relative to its locality, provide ‘meaning and purpose’ (Bradshaw, 2002, p. 28). Bradshaw asserts that ‘meaning gives culture authority because people create it according to the way they construct and perceive reality’ (p. 72).

Culturally though, traditions are at times assumed to elicit conflicts, as in the cases of the Engans, and the Bardhoshises and Rrushis, discussed previously, the encroachment of Jewish rituals (Gruenwald, 2003), and the kwj (war) magic and sorcery of the Kalam in Simbai and Kaironk, in Madang, PNG (Stephen, 1987). Often systems of government can be a factor that creates ethnic conflicts as can be seen by the ‘McGregor force’. Reilly (2008) asserts:

the design of political institutions such as the electoral systems can have an impact on the incidence and expression of ethnic conflicts.... and the imposition of representative democracy has also played a role in formenting such conflicts (p. 16)……The most sustained ethnic violence occurs in relation to access to the state, and to the benefits in terms of money, jobs, prestige and power that state resources provide (p. 21).

Reilly (2008) makes no connection between the brutal McGregor force and ethnic conflict, yet admits it is often difficult to ascertain the forms of ethnic conflicts in PNG with precision since ethnic identities ‘tend to be manifested as a mixture of primordial and constructed factors, exhibiting a combination of both basic ascriptive ties and opportunistic adaptation to contemporary events’ (p. 15).

The extraordinary social structure of PNG, coupled with its many measures of ethnolinguistic diversity (Reilly, 2008) are not confined to cultural boundaries (Avruch 1998) and can blend social and structures of society (Mamak, 1978). Such amazing organization often makes ethnic conflict complex.

As discussed above, cultural conflicts within PNG can be categorised as either primordial or constructed dynamics. However, it may be appropriate to state that these conflicts are often indistinct since the factors are interrelated and complex. Such relationship and complexity of factors are commonplace, which may also be evident in urban areas, as discussed below. 24

2.9 URBANIZATION: LAND, CULTUAL DIVERSITY AND ETHNIC CONFLICT The four themes that are integral in this thesis are discussed here. First, the definition of urbanization is given. Second, the problems of land relative to urbanization are presented. Third, cultural diversity in an urbanized community is discussed, and fourth, experiences of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby are provided.

2.9.1

What is Urbanization?

Urbanization can be influenced by a ‘range of demographic, economical, political, historical and cultural criteria’ (Agyei, as cited in Batho et al., 1980, p.9). Such an array of characteristics makes urban areas a complex environment and that can be both beneficial and injurious. Particularly with culture, there may be a parallel dilemma between adaptation and adoption of introduced cultures, and the realities of maintaining the stereotype ethnic groups and boundaries as outlined by Barth (1969). Urbanization can vary in definition and is often connected with or relevant to modernization. Theoretically, Bissonette (2008) defines urbanization as

People movement from communities concerned chiefly with agriculture to other communities generally larger whose activities are primarily centred in government, trade or manufacture.

Although definitions such as Bissonette may be generally accepted, McCreay (as cited in Haree & Knapman, 1977) cautions against it and signals that social theories must be treated with great care especially if they are developed in one culture and applied to another. McCreay is particularly critical of the expectations that experiences between developing countries and western countries are similar. While urbanization in western countries was in response to industrialization, its growth in developing countries was impacted on by ‘capitalists on a subsistence economy’ (p. 11). Wolfers (1975) document such impact where indigenous Papua New Guineans were forced to forego resource ownership and a subsistence lifestyle in return for being mere labourers and for minimal cash payment. The colonial experiences (under German control) changed social lifestyle as described by Firth (1986) 25

The Germans exploited traditional rivalries in order to achieve political supremacy, obtained land by fraud, theft and purchase, recruited villages on three-year-indentures, imposed labour discipline based on corporal punishment, imposed a head tax and succeeded in constructing a low-wage plantation economy serving markets in Europe (p. 5). Agyei affirms the change from indigenous social control to colonial control; ‘the movement of rural underemployment to urban unemployment’ has been an attribute to urbanization, thus creating social problems (as cited in Batho et al., 1980, p. 8). One should not infer that only developing countries suffer from the ills of urbanization; a quick scan through daily newspapers, the internet and media news reports confirm that developed countries suffer too, and even more so than developing countries. The issues that make urbanization in PNG different are land, cultural diversity and cultural conflicts. 2.9.2

Urbanization and Land

In acknowledging McCreary’s concern, another major problem related to urbanization in the Pacific, including PNG, is land (Connell & Lea, 2002). According to Serero (1989) ‘land is marriage, land is history, land is everything. If our land is ruined, our life is finished’ (express.anu.edu). Although ‘land ownership is governed by traditional law and subject to tribal, clan or even ethnic mandate’ (pngembassy.com), its significance within indigenous worldviews seem to suggest that it is more than an economic commodity. Maclellan (2005) affirms that land is at the ‘centre of life, a source of security and identity’ (para. 14). Based on the Maclellan’s description of land, it includes all the resources tied to the land. Land shortages, as a result of immigration and population growth in Port Moresby, are problematic. Moving from their poor or non-existent infrastructure, vast lands blessed with natural resources in rural areas to urban Port Moresby, people are pressured by circumstances to move into squatter settlements, and settle without consent or approval from land owners. These indigenous people have been blamed for law and order problems and land shortages in Port Moresby. Connell and Lea (2002) claim:

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Landowners fear losing their land, due to government use, private holdings or even to migrants and often such develops tension and uneasiness between the indigenous landowners and migrants (p.130). Resource owners in urban areas are thus losing their land holdings due to the government’s intervention, privatization and migrants moving to urban areas. Relative to the maxim that conflicts in the highlands of PNG was always concerned with women, land and pigs (Chad & Yala, 2002), and given the influx of highlands migrants in Port Moresby, land in Port Moresby may yet be an issue. Added to the three main struggles connected to their land, in PNG, indigenous landowners are challenged by the government’s lack of institutional response’ (Connell & Lea, 2002, p. 27), and the ‘McGregor force’, which neatly paves the way, in particular, to ethnic conflict. 2.9.3

Urbanization and Cultural Diversity

Problems associated with urbanization are common, however, it is very diverse and complex, and may lead to conflict. In the Pacific, one feature of such diversity, according to McCreary, is ‘ethnic mixtures in their population’ (as cited in Haree & Knapman, 1977, p. 14). Ethnolinguistic units in some areas are relatively small (clan), and larger in other areas – merging of several clans to form tribes (Reilly, 2008). Such social structures, according to McCreary, create an avenue for ‘population groupings whose network is constructed on relationships which do not come from urban situations’ (p. 15). It is in these relationships where ethnic networks are established and reinforced. McCreary asserts that the groupings set the ‘basis for conflict as well as variables in the migrant’s adaptation to urban life’ (p. 15). Given that view and bearing in mind the constant presence and practice of the McGregor force’, coupled with the nurtured traditional conflict lifestyle in PNG, it may be perceived that urbanization influences the changes in the migrants’ attitudes, beliefs, values and behaviour patterns, which can often have an adverse effect on society.

2.9.4

Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby

The diverse ethnic composition of Papua New Guinea, and particularly, Port Moresby, is indicative of the number of the various different ethnic groups, including foreigner ethnic groups, who now reside within its borders. Currently, the asylum issue, introduced through the McGregor type ‘forced’ bi-lateral agreement with Australia (The National, Wednesday, 27

September 4, 2013, pp. 1 & 2), will now further develop conflict among indigenous Papua New Guineans; only this time it is against the asylum seekers and the ‘big brother force’, Australia.

Locally, customs and traditions in PNG, relative to different ethnic groups, are divided, with some having engaged in low-scale tribal conflicts with neighbouring tribes over time in their communities of origin (Haley & May, 2011). According to Henry (2005), this is the case between two neighbouring tribes in the Nebilyer Valley, Western Highlands province in PNG. Ripple effects of rural ethnic conflicts may be experienced elsewhere, including urban areas like Port Moresby thus affecting both suburb and settlement residents. Observers with such thoughts include Carol Kidu (2000):

with the increasing rural-to-urban drift, ethnic enclaves are developing throughout Port Moresby, and tribal customary law is regularly imposed outside the parameters of the legal system, sometimes blatantly ignoring the basic principles of universal justice that are needed in a cosmopolitan city…..In urban electorates such as mine, the incidence of ethnic clashes and senseless killings and destruction of property is growing with the increased rate of unmanaged urbanisation (p. 30). Authors like Kidu find killings ‘senseless’ and destruction of property ‘growing’, yet stops short of addressing the continuous ‘McGregor force’ which deeply affects the life of the very indigenous people who Kidu now associates with the current untenable situation. Lately, in Port Moresby, there have been accounts of severe conflicts. One ethnic clash was between two warring ethnic groups – the Tari group from Hela and the Engans group from Enga at Gordon market (Korugl, 2011). This clash resulted in five people being hacked to death and scores of others injured and hospitalized, affecting civil order. As land is one major issue faced by migrants in Port Moresby (Batho et al., 1980; Connell & Lea, 2002), migrants live on indigenous land that the government alienated from the indigenous owners; nothing is being done, despite concerns raised as far back as 1978 and 1979. As part of their resolutions, landowners agreed ‘not to allow new settlements’ (Connell & Lea, p. 354). The settlers counteracted by resolving to four alternatives, which included fighting the landowners to satisfy the amount of contribution that the migrants have made (Sea and Yeates, as cited in Batho et al., 1980). Is it possible that such sentiments still exist 28

and may escalate to crisis stage? Given that conflicts do arise, what form of conflict resolution strategy would be employed? The discussion below looks at the characteristics of some strategies of conflict resolution that may or may not be applied in Port Moresby. 2.10 CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES Human efforts to contain conflicts around the world have struggled, often escalating into wars. Yet others have used conflict resolution very successfully. Regardless, human effort has persisted, using conflict resolution approaches – even if some have been less-restorative. Relative to these approaches and those offered by other analysts or practitioners, Avruch (1998), referred to Hall’s seminal distinction between high context and low context communication styles. Low context cultures, according to Avruch (1998), are ‘based on instrumental, direct, and unembellished use of language’ while high context cultures are ‘oriented around expressive, indirect, and nuanced language use, with high reliance on paralinguistic cues’ (p. 155).

Given the disparity between high context and low context cultures, features of cultural hegemony are dominant as illustrated by the McGregor ‘force’ (Wolfers, 1975). Inherent within cultural hegemony is the practical imposition of the dominant group’s culture on every aspect of life, including the social life of other cultures. In addition, legal structures are enforced on those groups who do not want to conform (Wolfers, 1975). Such approaches are completely disrespectful, treat indigenous people ‘inhumanely’ and, as a result of superiority and acceptance of nothing less than total control and dehumanizing indigenous people, the dominant culture is completely inconsiderate of indigenous conflict resolution strategies, thus limiting its practice and making it appear inferior and subservient, which in some instances, may attract further resentment and other negative social repercussions. According to Hassall (2006) ‘the resolution of conflict is described as being deeply embedded in the culture in many societies’ (para. 5). Given the acknowledgement of diversity in ethnic groups, their cultures, and the different sources of conflicts, it would be appropriate to state that conflict resolution strategies would be equally diverse and varied. However, there exist proven strategies that have been devised, adapted, adopted, and applied to solve human conflicts. Some of these conflict resolution strategies discussed below.

2.10.1 Types of Conflict Resolution Strategies 29

The conflict resolution strategies reviewed include; the Alternative Dispute Resolution – ADR (Hassall, 2006), the Cross-Cultural Conflict Resolution - CCR (Williams, 1994), the Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Mode Instrument - TKI (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d.), the InterestBased Relational Approach – IBR (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d.), the Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches to Conflict Resolution – PEA (Young, 1998), the Strategies for Managing Conflict - SMC (Warner, 2000), the Narrative Approach - NA (Bradshaw, 2002), and Biblical perspectives (Batten, et al., 2003).

There are some similarities and differences featured in these strategies. For instance, negotiation appears in both ADR and in IBR, compromise appears in TKI and in SMC, accommodation appears in TKI and in SMC. The salient difference in SMC is the use of ‘force’, coupled with withdrawal, while competition and avoiding are featured in the TKI.

2.10.1.1 Force, Competitive and Withdrawal Approaches

These three conflict resolution approaches are distinct however interrelated. Force in particular, may denote a negative connotation, as pertinently reinforced by Wolfers (1975). However, some conflicts can be managed through this approach, as the McGregor ‘force’ illustrates, where one party has the means to win irrespective of other parties, or even if personal relationships are damaged. Such force may also be evident in the competitive approach (TKI) and is characterised by people who are steadfast, having full knowledge of desired goals and usually operate from a position of power, drawn from things like position or persuasive ability (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d.).

The force strategy and competitive approaches are directly dependent on the power one has relative to the other. This may be applicable in several situations like emergencies or in defence against selfish exploitation by inconsiderate parties. However, it can leave people feeling bruised, unsatisfied and resentful when used in less urgent situations, and may develop further conflicts as in the case with the McGregor ‘force’ (Wolfers, 1975). Thus, since personal and social relationships are curtailed, this approach, as clearly outlined by Wolfers, rather than solving the problem, has a potential to escalate into greater harms.

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The withdrawal approach (Warner, 2000) is ‘suited to those parties whose desire to avoid confrontation outweighs the goals they are trying to achieve’ (p.18).The power of withdrawal should not be underestimated, since it can be used as a threat to force reluctant and often powerful parties to negotiate in a more consensual manner. Force, in such cases is used in a non-violent fashion, quite opposite to the McGregor ‘force’. Withdrawal used as a threat to force for negotiation, may be assumed only as a transitional phase or a process in the conflict resolution strategy; not as a final resolution to conflict.

2.10.1.2 Avoidance The avoiding approach ‘Seeks to evade the conflict entirely and is characterized by delegating controversial decisions, and not wanting to hurt anyone's feelings ’ (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d., para.15). Among other situations, avoiding can be appropriate when victory is impossible, or when someone else is in a better position to solve the problem. However, the authors admit that in many situations this is a weak and ineffective approach to take, and does not actually resolve conflicts – the conflict is still present.

2.10.1.3 The Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches

The Prescriptive and Elicitive approaches (Young, 1998) are contrasting approaches. The prescriptive approaches generally ‘Assume universal models of conflict resolution which are then applied or adapted in particular cultural situations’ (p. 211). Features of the prescriptive approaches are themes typical of western conflict resolution models including transactional analysis, stroking theory, listening skills, assertiveness, negotiation, and mediation. The Elicitive approach, on the other hand ‘Recognizes the existence of distinctive cultural understandings of conflict and its resolution, which are then clarified, elucidated, and enhanced through reflection and dialogue’ (Young, 1998, p. 211).The Elicitive approach features three interrelated steps. First, it sanctions existing leaders by increasing their awareness of their existing nonviolent approaches to managing conflicts, and includes indigenous approaches including developing cross-cutting ties through intermarriage, traditional exchange payments, land and resource reallocation, face-saving reframing, and costing. Second, it offers other conflict resolution approaches for consideration. Third, it encourages local leaders to consider changes they might make in their existing methods. 31

2.10.1.4 The Narrative Approach

The narrative approach (Bradshaw, 2002) and the Biblical perspectives (Batten et al., 2003) provide reasons for and answers to how these conflicts could be addressed. Both sources refer to the Holy Bible and provide practical illustrations in support. It is envisioned that, if the suggestions are applied faithfully, a positive and enduring relationship may be achieved (Grunlan & Mayers, 1998). Only then, we can make the proclamation of Apostle Paul in Romans 10:13 (The Holy Bible) and as cited in Batten et al., (2003): ‘for there is no difference both of Jew and of Greek, for the same Lord over all is rich to all who call on Him’ (p. 167).The inference drawn from the content of both sources is relatively focused and specific to our Christian mission. Since One Blood cogently stress that humankind belong to only one race, issues relating to the McGregor ‘force’, discrimination, marginalization, problems and ethnic conflicts are indicative that the human nature is still a long way from realising the ideals of our CHRISTian mission (Bradshaw, 2002).

2.11 CHAPTER SUMMARY

The existence of and relationship between the McGregor force, cultural and ethnic conflict and diversity, coupled with cultural perceptions has been confirmed in this chapter. In relative existence is the confirmation of cultural and ethnic conflicts, including contrasting ideals between worldviews and biblical truth. Conflicts assumed to be cultural in nature are often in reality, associated with other factors but easily identified as cultural due to the inseparable and often ambiguous link with ethnic groups. Importantly, within the same context, cultural hegemony was, and, in the PNG as an independent country case, is often superimposed on indigenous cultures by other dominant cultures; whether under the cloak of laws, structural adjustment programmes of under the semblance of modernization, creating resentment.

Sources of conflict are numerous but may be related to competition, ill-defined boundaries, ethnic identity, and cultural perceptions. It is definitely connected to the Wolfers, 1975 description of ‘force’. Some conflicts are amalgamated results of these often interrelated sources. In humans’ effort to contain conflicts, not necessarily confined to culture, several 32

mechanisms and approaches have been devised and applied in various human situations. These approaches sometimes exist in amalgamated form; however most of it is lessrestorative than others. We often wonder why we are yet to achieve enduring outcomes, as conflicts continue to escalate and disintegrate society after society, mostly fuelled by cultural hegemony. The call for the re-examination of Christian missions (Bradshaw, 2002), Biblical perspectives (Batten et al., 2003) and integration of the authority and how cultures relate to Christ (Grunlan & Mayers, 1988), should form the cornerstone to conflict resolution strategies, especially in a Christian country. Such re-examination may revolutionize cultural practices of humankind. Given the process of urbanization, where multiculturalism and pluralism are evident, such a revolution may impress upon it a positive outcome.

This thesis is interesting given the cultural diversity of Port Moresby, the existence of cultural and ethnic related problems, evidence of ethnic conflicts, conflicts associated with urbanization and, the different approaches to conflict resolution. The research methodology used in this study is now described in Chapter 3.

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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts; but if he will be content to begin with doubts, he shall end in certainties. Francis Bacon 3.1

INTRODUCTION

Attempting to unravel the complexity of defining ethnic and cultural conflicts and understanding the chaotic atmosphere they create in societies, requires some tailor-made approaches. This study therefore uses an adaptation of both the Cooperrider and Whitney Appreciative Inquiry Method (1999), incorporating the terminology of Kroth and Peutz (2009) and the Sikes & Gale’s Narrative Method (2003). The research design, implementation and analysis combine both monitoring and interrogation data collection methods. The General Inductive Approach of Thomas (2003) is used to analyse the data. The research questions, significance and research design used in this study are discussed in this chapter. Furthermore, the ethical issues taken into consideration before, during and after data collection are elaborated on. For the purpose of this research, migrant settlers in Port Moresby form the main sample. The raw data was collected between July and September, 2012. 3.2

RATIONALE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

3.2.1

Rationale

The title of this thesis is: ‘Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby? Several determining factors and observations prompted the conducting of this study: first, the researcher personally observed an influx of migrants settling into ethnic communities in Port Moresby. Second, the documented findings of other researchers about rural-urban migration (Haree & Knapman 1977; Yamauchi and Umezaki 2005); third, the settling of ethnic migrants on indigenous land (Albaniel-Evara 2012; Connell & Lea 2002; Batho et al., 1980; Morauta 1986); fourth, differing identity and value orientations (Barth 1969; Glaser 1994; Tretten 1977); fifth, anecdotal incidence of ethnic clashes in Port Moresby (Blackwell 2011; Haley & May 2011; Korugl 2011); sixth, the differing approaches

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to conflict resolution (Hassall 2006; Young 1998); and seventh, the complexities of acculturation and assimilation (Bandura 1977; Barth 1969; Frye 1991; Funch 1995). 3.2.2

Significance of this study

Port Moresby has been identified as the fourth most dangerous city to live in, according to AAP (2010). My own observation and anecdotal reports of considerable ethnic clashes in Port Moresby points towards a crisis in the city as more and more indigenous Papua New Guineans move to Port Moresby. Yet there is a dearth of research done by indigenous Papua New Guineans on this critical matter that places PNG in a most negative light and in crisis on the world stage. Most documented information and research are from a western viewpoint or a far eastern viewpoint. This study will thus fill the existing research gap; provide useful information and research from an indigenous Papua New Guinean perspective, thus adding to the existing body of knowledge. The results of this study may provide useful information for shaping the future of Papua New Guinea.

3.3

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The research questions for this study are:

3.1 What is the history of conflict in Papua New Guinea? 3.2 Do cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port Moresby city? 3.3 Do these cultural differences and perceptions, including associated attributes, initiate ethnic conflicts, encompassing the impacts of urbanization? and 3.4 What conflict resolution mechanism would be appropriate to contain these cultural conflicts, coupled with sustainable solution strategies? 3.4

RESEARCH DESIGN

3.4.1 Data Collection Design After the literature review was completed, there was a need to complete primary research in order to fill the identified gap in the research. For this study, both qualitative and quantitative data were collected through face to face interviews to identify the main themes and focus areas for this study. Once qualitative data were collected, the main themes were extracted. Thereafter, a survey questionnaire was developed to gather quantitative data. The quantitative 35

and qualitative collection methods are based on the Cooper and Schindler model (2001) as shown in Table 3.1. Table 3.1 Method of Data Collection and Communication Processes Based on Cooper and Schindler Model (2001) Method of Data Collection

Communication Process

Interrogation

Prior to data collection: consultation with organizations and churches Face-to-face interviews and questionnaires

The experiences and perceptions of Port Moresby migrants were captured through the faceto-face interviews and the survey questionnaires. 3.4.2 Sampling Design In this study, simple random sampling were used to obtain a sample of s = 20 for the survey questionnaires and quota sampling, based on gender as used for the face-to-face interviews. The initial sample size for the face-to-face interviews was s=10. Simple random sampling is ‘whereby each element in the population is given an equal and independent chance of selection’ (Kumar, 2005, p.174). Quota sampling features ‘convenience, and is guided by gender’ (Kumar, 2005, p.178). Both the survey and interview questionnaires were developed using an adaptation of the Cooperrider and Whitney Appreciative Inquiry Method (1999) and Kroth and Peutz (2009), and Sikes and Gale’s Narrative Method (2003). Fifteen employees from two companies formed part of the sample for the qualitative component of the study. Six participants, 4 males and 2 females were interviewed after contact was made through church pastors in the settlements. The involvement of the church pastors was for access to the two settlements, since that could have been problematic. 3.4.3 Time Frame and Sampling Sites The study was carried out over a period of three months, from July to September 2012. The survey questionnaires were completed by personnel at two companies between the 6 th August to 13th August 2012. Two companies were approached in Port Moresby, based on the ethnic make-up of their personnel. Then once the companies agreed, they were sent an information sheet and question sheet to randomly identify which employees fitted the quota of the ethnic make-up. Simple random sampling, which then used the fish bowl draw, was used to select the participants. The interviews were conducted in two settlements in Port Moresby, namely 36

Nine-Mile settlement and Vadavada settlement from the 7 th August to 29th September, 2012. The two settlements were chosen due to their distinct composition of ethnic migrants. Vadavada is located on indigenous Motuan land and hosts mostly coastal migrants, while Nine-mile is located on indigenous Koiari land and is predominantly occupied by inland ethnic migrants. Other coastal migrants, including those from the New Guinea Islands are sparsely settled within these two settlement areas. The Motuans and Koiaris are the two indigenous ethnic groups that lay claim to the land on which Port Moresby is located. 3.4.4 Face-to-face Interviews From the 6th August, 2012 to the 13th September, 2012, face-to-face interviews (see Appendix B, p. 103) were conducted in two settlements in Port Moresby: Nine-Mile settlement and Vadavada settlement, involving six participants (s=6) to establish the main features that connect cultural practices and perceptions to ethnic and cultural conflicts. As soon as the main themes were established, the interviews were discontinued. Some of the information that was used to construct the interviews was used in the questionnaires. The main themes and the rest of the information were set aside for analysis. One of the criteria for selecting the settlements was based on the researcher’s knowledge of the ethnic cluster settlements. Initially, contact was made with the respective church pastors of the two settlements, and the information sheets were delivered. Known locals were used to assist the researcher and ensure safety during visits in the settlements. Once the pastors agreed, the criteria for quota sampling and the consent forms were sent to them. The quota included both males and females, with over 5 years of tenancy in the particular settlement. After the consent forms were signed and returned, the researcher conducted the pre-arranged interviews, one hour in duration, with the participants at the church premises in the respective settlements. To ensure the validity of the face-to-face interviews, a copy of the transcribed information was shared with the participants after the transcription process were complete, at the same venue were the interviews were held. 3.4.5 Survey Questionnaires Once the survey questionnaires were constructed (see Appendix C, p.107) using some of the main themes from the face-to-face interviews, it was piloted for validity with two subjects: will the answers be valid and answer the research question for this study? After the test, it was refined in the light of the pilot and then handed out to the two private companies for their employees to fill out. The two private companies were identified and consent was sought 37

firstly through phone conversation, followed by personal face-to-face contact with the respective Chief Executive Officers (CEO). One company administered and collected the questionnaires overnight. The second company held the returned questionnaires in a locked drawer, and in sealed envelopes. Once all the questionnaires were returned to them, they contacted me to collect it. 3.5 APPROACHES USED 3.5.1 APPRECIATIVE INQUIRY APPROACH The Appreciative Inquiry Approach (Cooperrider & Whitney, 1999) features appreciating what is good and valuable in the present situation, and enabling the discovery and learning of ways to effect positive change for the future. It is often referred to as the 5D Approach as it features five phases, each commencing with the letter ‘D’; ‘define’ phase, ‘discovery’ phase, ‘dream’ phase, ‘design’ phase, and ‘ deliver’ phase. Kroth and Peutz (2009) use the following terms; constructionist, simultaneity, poetic, anticipatory and positive principles. For the purpose of this study, the Kroth and Peutz terminology is used. 3.5.1.1 Constructionist Principle The constructionist principle involves making meaning out of our lives and experiences in conversation with others. This implies that the descriptions of things actually shape how we see them. 3.5.1.2 Simultaneity Principle The simultaneity principle relates to the set direction we take when we are genuinely curious, and ask positive and powerful questions. Depending on the type of questions we ask, the questions point us in the direction of our thinking and action. 3.5.1.3 Poetic Principle The poetic principle relates to the stories of our past that we can rewrite in view of new experience. These experiences in story form, enhances our growth, experiences and development. 3.5.1.4 Anticipatory Principle The anticipatory principle acknowledges the concept that what we expect or anticipate about our future may influence what actually happens to us. This perhaps relates to our sense of belief and vision. 38

3.5.1.5 Positive Principle The positive method features support and respect of people thus enhancing their sense of identity and not compromising their sense of control. This method is often perceived as difficult as it requires sound empathetic and communicative skills for effective implementation. The five principles were integrated and employed in the development of the questionnaires. 3.5.2 THE NARRATIVE APPROACH The Narrative Method (Sikes & Gale, 2006) primarily focuses on people’s expression of their life experiences. White (1995) explained that these Expressions are of people’s experiences of a world that is lived through, and all the expressions of lived experiences engage people in interpretive acts that give meaning to their experiences of the world. The method involves the description or recounting of experiences by the interviewee while the interviewer records what is being expressed. During the interviews conducted for this study, the interviewee’s responses were recorded and, if the interviewee mentioned something interesting, the interviewer jotted it down. After the interviewee’s answer, the interviewer looked at the information jotted down. If there was a gap in the information, the interviewer used prompts to allow the interviewee to express themselves. 3.6 PARTICIPANTS A total of six migrants were interviewed: Barry, Scott and Sandra, reside at Vadavada settlement, while Philip, Michael and Mary live at Nine-Mile settlement. Quota sampling was first applied, followed by simple random sampling to determine who the participants would be. The first criterion was that all interviewees were internal migrants from within PNG. The second criterion was that all the interviewees should be above eighteen years old. The third criterion was that the interviewees would include an array of ethnic diversities within the two settlements. Finally, to avoid criticism for being gender-biased, the inclusion of one female participant from each of the settlements was essential. The sample included mainly men, as anecdotal evidence suggests that men were the main instigators of conflict, however with both genders being victims of such conflicts.

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3.7 DATA ANALYSIS Preliminary data analysis started during the recording of each interview using a field journal and small voice recorder. By recording the interviews, I could remain attentive to the body language, while making eye contact with the participant, as well as paying attention to the to the overall mood during the interview. When the interview was complete, I listened to the recordings and typed the interviews. This transcription of the raw data included my observations and word-for-word participant’s responses. Thereafter, the transcription was reviewed by the respondents to see whether the transcribed data represented what the respondent actually said. Data analysis included systematically coding and categorizing the interview transcripts to clarify what was recorded and perceived in the different interviews. For the qualitative part of this study, I used the general inductive approach of Thomas (2003) to analyse the data. This approach features categorizing the data, forming themes and patterns from the data. Thereafter, the themes are collapsed until 3-8 main categories emerge. For this thesis, six themes emerged. Each interview was coded. I first made a content analysis that involved identifying, coding, categorizing, and labelling the primary data patterns with themes. I then searched the themes for similarities. Once similarities and consistencies were found, the number of themes was collapsed. For the quantitative study, I avoided the use of intricate statistical tools, as the sample was relatively small: s = 20, Simple means, median, standard deviation and a range of graphs were used to analyse the data. 3.8 MEMBER CHECKING Once the data were collected and transcribed, I showed the transcripts to the participants and asked for commentary to determine the accuracy of the transcripts. Since one participant was interviewed in tok pisin, I had to discuss the translated English version with her, and amendments were made accordingly. I then addressed the issue of congruence and trustworthiness between participants’ views and the reconstruction and representation of their views and experiences during the study and gave assurances that I would incorporate their critiques into the findings (McMillan & Schmacher, 2010).

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3.8.1 RESEARCH AND SAMPLING BIAS To avoid research bias, I remained as neutral as possible even if I had my own personal perspectives about ethnic and cultural conflicts in Port Moresby. I reminded myself of the influence that I can have and therefore used an interview protocol, validated by my first supervisor and accepted by the PAU ethics committee; and a field journal. In addition, I recorded any decisions made and actions observed during the interviews in the field journal. Sampling biases often occur in research and should be avoided as it can call the credibility and validity of the data collected into question. Both judgement and simple random sampling were used in identifying individual participants. 3.9

ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Because of the nature of this study and the current volatile situation in the settlements of Port Moresby, I took extra care with regards to ethics. Anticipating that in research environments such as this, ethical issues could arise in the process and considering the fact that apart from the company employees, six participants lived in two settlement areas, safety and security was paramount. In addition, two of the interviewees were females, which could be an issue in the Melanesian context, as the researcher is male. Extensive and continuous consultations continued with the respective church pastors of the two settlements throughout the study. Furthermore, throughout this study, I was mindful of the impact of such a study on participants, since it concerned participants from different ethnic groups, who may already have had conflicts with others. I ensured that consent was sought prior to me being introduced into the process and that the identities of the participants were protected throughout the study. As the ethical considerations for such a study in Port Moresby was substantial, I elaborate on these considerations by dividing it into three sections: ethical considerations – pre-research, during research, and post data collection. 3.9.1 Ethical Considerations: Pre-Research I was granted ethical approval to conduct this study by the Pacific Adventist University Research and Ethics Committee (PAUREC). Included in my ethical application was the information letters meant for the participants and the companies involved. After ethical approval was granted, the Chief Executive Officers of the two private companies were contacted through a brief phone conversation, followed by face-to-face confirmation. The face-to-face meetings gave them the assurance that the research process was well thought through and would not have any adverse effect on their employees during the study period. 41

Through constant consultation with the respective church pastors, similar procedures were employed for the six interviewees.

The companies provided approval through face-to-face verbal consent. One of the initial issues with the companies was the reluctance to grant permission if the study appeared to investigate the propriety of their operations and impact on the production time. The concern over company propriety information was settled during the face-to-face meetings, and permission was granted. Since the questionnaires remained with the participants over-night, the concern of impacting on production time became a non-issue.

The face-to-face interviewees for this research were organized through the church pastors. Verbal consents were given by the participants through the church pastors, and thereafter, written consents were signed, prior to the researcher conducting the interviews.

3.9.2 Ethical Considerations: During the Research Often when participants are involved in an interview, they feel pressured and nervous, particularly in a study of this nature, which may affect their everyday life. It is therefore paramount that calm is maintained all throughout the interview process and that the interviewees know that they are not obliged to answer a particular question if they feel some sense of discomfort. In the case of interviewing the female participants, it was important to conduct the interviews in an open area (bearing in mind that the interview must continue uninterrupted) for cultural acceptance and transparency. In addition, prior to the interviews, consent was sought from the spouses of the female interviewees, through the church pastors, and re-confirmed by the researcher.

Generally, all the interviews were conducted as planned. Although it was a first-timeexperience for five of the participants, the ‘small talks’ before the actual interviews were worthwhile. They were relaxed and spoke as they would do in their normal day-to-day conversations.

42

3.9.3 Ethical Considerations: Post Data Collection Since my study involved a small sample of respondents, I allowed my first supervisor to draw a random sample, code it, then compare the main themes, and validate my finding to answer the research questions that connect ethnic conflict to cultural practices and perceptions.

Once the data was verified, all contact information of the participants was stored by the researcher separately from the interview data and pseudonyms were used to protect the identity of the respondents, which was particularly important to protect them, given the nature and location of this study. After analysis, it was important to think of what should be done with the data; should I dispose of it immediately or retain it for a period of time, in order to answer some questions regarding the study that may arise in the future. Whatever decision I take, it is important that the participants in the research be informed if, in the future, I want to utilize the data. All hard copies of the consent forms were stored in a locked drawer at PAU. In addition, all computer files associated with the study were stored using password protected files.

Ethical issues during the write-up are as critical as ethical issues during and before data collection. In particular, I have ensured that I write what the participants intended when they gave their responses without plagiarising. Throughout the write-up stage, I was thus careful to place in parenthesis any direct responses from the participants. I took care right from the onset and was in contact with my supervisor throughout the write-up process.

3.10

CHAPTER SUMMARY

This chapter provides step by step documentation of the objectives, significance, rationale and background of this study. I outlined the research process followed, including the research approaches used. A composite approach integrated the Appreciative Inquiry Method and the terminologies of Kroth and Peutz. A second approach, the Narrative Method was expanded upon. Furthermore, I defined the sample size, the different measuring instruments, validity of the instruments and how it was used. The General Inductive Approach was introduced in Chapter 3 and will be further discussed in Chapter 4. For such a study, the ethical considerations were paramount. I outlined it step by step to enable future researchers to replicate such a study. In chapter 4, the findings of the study are documented.

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CHAPTER 4 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS Life is mostly froth and bubble; two things stand like stone. Kindness in another’s trouble, and courage in your own. Adam Lindsay Gordon

4.1 INTRODUCTION The aim of this study was to explore the experiences and perceptions of migrants in Port Moresby with regards to cultural practices and ethnic conflicts. This focus required an examination and analysis of the face-to-face interviews of migrants from two settlements in Port Moresby and the survey questionnaire responses from two companies. Each source was studied separately in the initial data collection stages but then the data was collectively restudied during the analysis stage. The transcribed interviews were analysed and categorised into six themes that emerged from the participants’ responses, and the findings are documented in this chapter. The themes are; significance of indigenous cultures, cultural practices and ethnic conflicts, causes of ethnic conflicts, settling ethnic conflicts, ways to approach and avoid conflicts, and acculturation, assimilation and urbanisation. A discussion of the results of both the face to face interviews and the survey questionnaires is presented in Chapter 5, while Chapter 6, the final chapter of this thesis, outlines the recommendations, opportunities for future study and provides a conclusion to this thesis. 4.2 INTERVIEWS & QUESTIONNAIRES The general inductive approach was used to analyse the qualitative data and draw out the main themes. According to Thomas (2003) the rationale for using the general inductive approach is threefold: 

first to condense the extensive and varied data into a summary format;



second, to establish links between the research objectives and the summary findings derived from the primary data; and



third, to develop a model or theory about the fundamental structure of experiences or processes evident in the primary data (Thomas, 2003, p. 2).

44

After condensing the information through coding, categories were created. Thereafter, the categories were collapsed until 3-8 main themes emerged. For this thesis six main themes emerged. Table 4.1 The Coding Process in Inductive Analysis Initial

read Identify

specific Label

through text data segments information

of segments information

the Reduce of and

Many pages of Many text

redundancy incorporating

to among

create categories

segments 30-40 categories

overlap Create a model

the most

important

categories

categories

15-20 categories

3-8 categories

of text Thomas, R. D. (2003) Adapted from Creswell, 2002, Figure 9.4, p.226

4.3 FACE-TO-FACE INTERVIEWS 4.3.1 Demographics and Interviewee Background Philip is thirty-eight years old, and comes from one of the highlands provinces. He is currently an elder in the community. He now assumes the leadership role of his ethnic group since his late father was also a leader within the same community, here in Port Moresby. He is married with seven children and has been living in this settlement for seven years since moving to Port Moresby nineteen years ago to study, and he found employment immediately after completing his study. Five years ago he left formal employment, and is now a fulltime elder in his community. He accommodates three of his relatives who are formally employed while his wife conducts small informal activities to earn some money. Philip views other cultures to be better than his however still admires his own traditional attires. Michael is thirty-five years old, also from a highland’s province and is currently an employee at a private firm. He is married with two children and has been living at this settlement for six years since moving to Port Moresby in 1994. Prior to that, he was employed and living in Popondetta, Northern Province. He migrated to Port Moresby to look for better education opportunities and employment. He has special admiration for the yam festival in the Trobriand Islands, particularly the activities and processes involved. Mary is twenty-nine year old, and comes from the same province as Michael. She came to Port Moresby in 1998 and has been in this settlement together with her husband, for fifteen 45

years. She currently assumes the role of a housewife. Being away from home since she was very young, her recollections of cultural practices back home is vague. Her reason for leaving home was due to fear of being a victim of tribal conflicts. Barry is a former public servant having served his career years both in Port Moresby and in the highlands. In total, he has accumulated about twenty years in Port Moresby. He is fiftyseven years old, and originates from the New Guinea Islands. Currently, he is employed as an Operations Manager with a local firm. Apart from his formal employment, he assumes the role of consultant and assists indigenous landowners within the settlement with legal aspects relating to their land. Back home, he is the leader of his clan however his younger brother assumes that role now, in his absence. He is married with two children and has been living at this settlement for four years now. Although he respects other cultures, he still thinks that his culture is the best, particularly, the aspects of conflict resolution. Scott is thirty-four years old and comes from a mixed parentage: from the Highlands and the New Guinea Islands. He is married with four children and has been living at this settlement for three years now. He is currently formally employed. He migrated to Port Moresby twentyfour years ago to pursue further education which then led to employment, and has been residing at the settlement ever since. His wife’s ethnic group is one of the major groups and have been living there for longer than most of the rest of the groups. He has been having a few issues with his wife since he had an extra marital affair. Sandra spent most of her life in the settlement in Port Moresby since she was one year old. She migrated here from a nearby province to the settlement when her father secured employment with an international company in Port Moresby. She was educated in Port Moresby. She has just completed a Diploma programme from a tertiary institution but is yet to secure employment, despite several work-related applications and interviews. She has opted to join the army if further job applications are unsuccessful. She is now twenty-two years of age and still residing with her parents. 4.4 MAIN THEMES After the data was analysed using the Thomas’ (2003) general inductive approach, six themes emerged. These six themes are presented below.

46

4.4.1 Significance of Indigenous Cultures All interviewees acknowledged the importance of indigenous cultures. Barry preferred his own culture. I grew up with it and it is my custom. I was born with it and I will die with it because it is my tradition. Scott, who by birth and through life is bi-cultural, explained that: My culture is important because it defines who I am and it distinguishes me from other people. It identifies me and my origin. Sandra appeared perplexed considering her minimal exposure to her own indigenous culture: Well, every province in Papua New Guinea has their own customs and cultures, and these are important to them so I reckon, it is also important to me. Philip appeared sympathetic about indigenous cultures: Culture is very important. It shows where I come from – it shows my identity. I think our culture (indigenous) is also dying away in our country now. Culture is important because it helps to raise a person. Michael, who left home in search of better education and employment, made a short statement: Yes, culture is very important. Mary’s recollections of cultural practices are what she has been taught by her parents: Yes, culture is important. It is important where I live. There is some goodness in my customs, so I follow it. 4.4.2 Cultural Practices and Ethnic Conflicts When asked if there is any connection between indigenous cultural practices and ethnic conflicts, Barry and Philip remarked the following: I don’t think there is any relationship. It is one of the odd things that come up once in a while. It comes and goes out. After they solve it, and then, it goes off. (Barry).

47

I think culture doesn’t really create problems. But these problems are basically to do with the ethnic groups that are living here in Port Moresby – they are viewing and perceiving people differently. Not like we are one type or group of people live here. I think the main problem is that. There is no problem with culture. Generally, many of our cultures in Papua New Guinea, including my own culture, there is no culture associated with violence. Even if you have a responsibility to protect your tribe when you make bows and arrows but unless somebody comes along and starts a fight. Otherwise those fights serve the purpose of protection. So culture does not necessarily start problems – it is just the attitude of people that creates problems. (Philip) Scott thought otherwise: You can always put them together. Cultural practises in terms of how we do things. It is different practices so when you come across another culture, you are bound to have a clash somewhere. It will clash when your practices go into another persons’ line of practice. Sandra continued to provide her answers with a smile: That is where misunderstanding comes. Yes, definitely, like I have mentioned earlier, different people from different provinces, have their own customs. So one’s custom may not be acceptable to other people from the other provinces. Michael interjected with his answer even before I completed the question: Yes, sure. It will bring up conflict. When there is an argument between different cultures, there is always a conflict there - we end up with a conflict. People from different cultures have arguments, and if there is no understanding, and an attitude towards people from different cultures, we end up with conflicts. Mary, disturbed by her son (who has just become bored) started to throw a few stones during the interview, quickly remarked: If others see that some practices are in violation of their own practices, then yes. Such violation may cause them to be angry and cause problems or conflicts.

48

4.4.3 Causes of Ethnic Conflicts According to Mary: Conflicts and fights are caused by reasons; they cannot just fight for no reason. When one ethnic group sees that another group is causing problems for their own group, fights break out. Michael’s response was specifically related to an ethnic conflict that occurred within the settlement a few years back: It won’t exist but due to criminal activities. That time, someone attempted to grab a woman who had some money – just K 100.00. The woman resisted in giving the money, but then the man was murdered. From there, that was the problem and many lives were lost. And it is still an ongoing conflict. He further added that some of the conflicts are related to drunkard behaviour and attitudes to drunkard behaviour. Sandra attributed the causes of ethnic conflicts to three factors: I’ll say cultural practices are one cause, misunderstanding one another is the other, and lack of communication. Scott’s response to the question was lengthy but made particular reference to the lack of basic infrastructure in the settlements: Where a group of people living in a particular area where there is lack of basic services such as water and basic infrastructure, and leave them to fend for themselves, they tend to intrude into another’s property, that is when conflict arises. He highlighted another aspect of social reality that is conducive to ethnic conflicts: People in the settlement live in groups as a form of security... If anything happens and you are in large numbers, you are able to repel anything. That is why people live in groups. He hinted settlement situation as analogous to rural lifestyle:

49

So if anything happens, that is easy for them because they are in one group. Sort of like, you go back to the tribal days, where it is inbuilt in Papua New Guinea. So we live in groups to protect ourselves. Philip mentioned that origin and attitude is a determining factor: I think the main reason for ethnic conflict is like, where I see you from this place, what type of person you are from there, and I am from this place. That is the type of attitude. In answering the question, Barry hinted a cause, relative to approaches to conflict resolution: Ethnic conflict arise when things don’t work out right for the other parties, meaning, they have their own ways of solving things, and the other groups have their own. In our case, when things get out of hand. We try to sort it out in a way. But where the two groups or cultures are having a conflict, this is where problems arise. 4.4.4 Settling Ethnic Conflicts Philip, whose society is patrilineal, clarified cultural practices of settling conflicts, and pertinent issues like land and other resources: Initially, the father of any family is supposed to sort out land and other resources to members of his family when he is still alive. If this doesn’t happen and members of the family enter into conflict, then the matter goes before tribal elders. Land and resource differences are settled by elders in the men’s house. Tribal elders deliberate on the issue and make decisions accordingly. Barry, a clan leader back in his village, from a matrilineal society explained: It is not a matter of getting axes and fighting each other. We sit and talk over it and at the end of the day, we fix the problem. We don’t jump the gun to go and fight like other conflicts that comes up in other regions. We ask people to tell us the story and from there we come to a decision. At the end of the day, the chief makes the decision. He lets other people to talk about it, and then he says, ok, this is my decision.

50

According to Scott, ethnic conflict: goes back to the normal village court with land mediators and magistrates. The normal way of solving issues is through a consultation process or mediation, where both sides discuss and make assessment. That is where things can be solved. Sandra remembered how knowledge of ethnic conflicts was explained by her parents: Ok, this will have to go back to the village elders. They are the ones that know the issue, or land, properties and boundaries of the clan. Michael and Mary come from the same area. Mary remarked: On land, they will have to establish the ancestral owner of the land. How the ancestor or family members came and settled on the land to ascertain the claims made by parties involved, even to the extent of inter-tribal fighting. Michael’s response was extensive: If two people from the same tribe have a dispute, the elders within the tribe will deliberate and decide on the issue after establishing facts from historical accounts. If there is a conflict between two neighbouring tribes, then another two neighbouring tribes will convene a mediation to try and resolve the conflict. The leaders will discuss to establish solutions and settle the tribal boundaries. Tribal fights will obviously erupt if the conflicting parties are not satisfied. This is part and parcel of tribal activities. After enduring with the period of tribal fighting, pigs are killed, money is contributed and a compensation ceremony is conducted to settle the conflict through mediation. 4.4.5 Ways to Approach and Avoid Ethnic Conflicts The interviewees were asked to suggest ways and approaches to avoid ethnic conflicts. Michael’s suggestion and approach tackled the issue head-on: We have to appoint good leaders, leaders who are honest from the different cultural groups that are living in Port Moresby. We also have to have good law enforcement like the police, and posted where settlements are located. Our government should also look at the problem of population increase. We have to appoint good leaders to clean up the settlements, and the community where we are. And we have to have churches, 51

good church leaders, and that’s part of life, they have to preach and give speeches and run the settlement in a good way. Keep up with the modern way of life with investments coming from developers, go along with them, work with them and be discipline. Mary suggested: If we mind our own business, live our own lives and do our own things; we will avoid conflicts and problems. When you interact with others, you can easily be influenced by their different ideas and thoughts, good or bad, and sharing these ideas and thoughts, creates some problems. Religion is one of the best ways. Going to church and listening to the Word of God between families and communities, is one way we can avoid all sorts of problems. Leaders should be involved by formulating rules for people to follow with specified penalties. Because we don’t have these in place, we are faced with all these problems. Rural-urban migrations increase population and can create problems for the city. Scott stated that ethnic conflicts may probably be hard to avoid: Stop the urban drift, probably educating and creating awareness to people that these conflicts don’t benefit anyone; nobody is a winner when you have these types of conflicts and everyone loses out. Educate them on issues of conflicts. And how to solve these conflicts... and conflicts between two individual doesn’t need to take everybody to come and it affects everybody... it’s similar to tribal fight, nobody wins. According to Philip: Those of us coming through rural-urban drift seem to bring with us our rural ethnic perception and ways with us. That makes it difficult to change. A lot of the current migrants are not properly educated to a point where they will appreciate each other’s culture. So they are still thinking between this cell of ethnic groups and they come through, so this generation is difficult but perhaps the next generation may be able to initiate and cause some appropriate change through proper education.

52

Sandra stated: Laws and regulations needs to be amended and strictly applied including imposed laws on migration. When questioned further about people living in ethnic-group in settlements: We seriously can’t leave them together in the settlement. Probably provide employment for them to keep them occupied rather than leaving them as they are. Unemployment will lead to doing extra-ordinary things like crime. 4.4.6 Acculturation, Assimilation and Urbanization The interviewees were questioned about adopting other cultures, practice of own culture, and urbanized culture. Their responses varied. Those whose responses were favourable include; Michael, Mary, Philip and Scott. Michael stated: Yes, sure, definitely. I will adopt the culture of those I come into contact with. I will adopt their way of life; I will definitely change to their lifestyle. I will be with their culture and practice. Mary’s remarks were relative to perceived desires and virtues. Yes, I can follow other cultural practices but it will be challenging and hard. If I see that some of their things about their culture are good, I can practise it, otherwise it would be difficult for me to practise their culture. If it is good, I will use it but if it is not good, I wouldn’t use it. When asked the same questions, Philip shared similar sentiments to Mary. I think I can easily adopt another ethnic group’s culture if I consider it to be better than mine. Given the nature of cultural adoption, Philip however stated that his ethnic group may have reservations if the culture he intends to adopt is a bit of concern: Accepting your new adoption may face some resistance.

53

Scott appeared liberal and adaptable when providing a response to acculturation and assimilation in Port Moresby. Although his answer was lengthy, he directly replied: There is nothing hard about it. I think we can adopt each other’s culture and understand it. Barry and Sandra were the other two interviewees that were not favour of adopting other cultures. Barry commented: I stick onto my own custom... that is my identity. When asked about application of his cultural practice, he said: Yea, it is applicable everywhere. He was adamant about acculturation: It will never work till I die. People stick to their own custom. They reckon they have a better way of solving a problem. Sandra had this to say when asked if she prefers adopting another culture: Definitely not. My custom identifies me, and I am a different entity altogether from some people out there even though I am residing somewhere else, I still have to stick to my custom because it identifies who I am and where I come from. The interviewees where then asked if cultural adaptation was possible in Port Moresby. They offered the following responses. Sandra remarked: It will definitely work out for some people but some they stick to their cultural practices. I’ll say, it is working for example in music and language. If someone is living with me, he will learn to speak one word in my language. Mary answered the question in the following statements:

54

We have now adopted urban life that has caused these changes, we have adopted urban lifestyle. When we go back home, we will try our best to follow these cultural practices again in the eyes of our tribal leaders and chiefs. Michael’s opening remarks to on the question was: Yea, sure I can. Ok, if I am with a different culture, and a different way of doing things, then I will practise what they do. If it is bad well I will just have to assess it myself. When he was asked the question on cultural application, he said: Ok, if I am alone, I can’t practise my culture. If I go with my family, I will practise some aspects of my culture. Scott shared the same sentiments as Michael. His response was: I’d rather stick to mine but if I go to another place, probably adopt their custom or practices. If I am on my own, then I cannot really practice it, unless I have a group from my particular area or region. Relative to cultural practices, Philip offered the following statements: If those people who don’t practise tribal fighting get involved with those that practise tribal fighting, maybe they’ll start tribal fighting. 4.5 QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY The survey questionnaires (see Appendix C, p.107) were administered to staff personnel from two different companies in Port Moresby. Twenty questionnaires were completed based on self-selection after the quota for each category was fulfilled. All the participants were fulltime employees and above eighteen years old, with some of them assuming leadership roles within their respective divisions and departments. The results of the questions are documented in this section. Both qualitative and quantitative questions were included. 4.5.1 Survey Questionnaires It is notable that the population of male respondents are dominant in the surveyed organizations (see table 4.2). The ratio of male respondents to female respondents from the

55

private companies is 7:3. Further notable differences are evident in age range, marital status, and qualification, with only 1.5 years average difference of residency in Port Moresby. Table 4.2 Demographics of Respondents (sample size: s= 20) Age group in Years/categories

18 – 23

23 - 28

Number of respondents

5

8

Qualifications

*HSC

3

4

Diploma

1

1

Bachelor degree

1

3

28 – 33

33 -38

2

4

2

4

38 -43

Post graduate

1

1

degree Marital status

Married Single

2

4

5

8

1

Average years in POM

11

14

16

18

5

Gender

Males

3

6

1

3

1

Females

2

2

1

1

Note: * HSC means Higher School Certificate All respondents are literate with half having obtained a university degree. The majority of the respondents are fairly young adults between the age categories of 18-23, and 23 to 28. The average period of residence in Port Moresby for the age categories 23-28, 28-33, and 33-38, has a fairly consistent difference, perhaps indicating the age range of Port Moresby’s migrant population. 4.5.2 Attitudes of Respondents The respondents were required to choose one of five options on a Likert scale, provided for each of the attitudes towards ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. The options were; strongly agree, agree, neither agree or disagree, disagree, and strongly disagree. For the purpose of this analysis, the responses were combined and are shown in percentages. Column 1 shows Strongly Agree and Agree, Column 2 shows Neither Agree or Disagree, and Column 3 shows Disagree and Strongly Disagree (see Table 4.3 below).This section is divided into three parts; Section A: Port Moresby – Diversity and Ethnic Conflicts, Part B: Respect and Ethnic Conflicts, and Part C: Cultural Practices 56

Attitude of Respondents towards Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby Table 4.3 Port Moresby – Diversity & Ethnic Conflict Responses Strongly Agree / Agree

(%)

Residing and working in an urban area can change our perception and behaviour in a positive way Different ethnic groups can co-exist without problems Multicultural diversity prevents ethnic problems Urbanization can create ethnic problems Conflicts may occur in Port Moresby if land issues are not culturally addressed due to urbanization

Neither Agree or Disagree (%)

Total (%) Disagree / Strongly Disagree (%)

50

35

15

100

55

30

15

100

30 75 65

30 25 30

40 5

100 100 100

The responses show that 75 percent of the respondents strongly agree and agree that urbanization can create ethnic problems; with another 65 percent also in agreement that urbanization may create conflicts if indigenous resource (land) issues are not addressed.

Table 4.4 Respect and Ethnic Conflict Responses

Better education can positively influence cultural perceptions, behaviour and practices Migrants in Port Moresby respect each other’s cultures Respecting and understanding other cultures prevents ethnic conflicts

Total (%)

Strongly Agree / Agree

Neither Agree or Disagree

Disagree / Strongly Disagree

(%)

(%)

(%)

95

100

-

5

100

50

50

100

-

-

100

All the respondents generally agree that ethnic conflicts can be prevented through better cultural understanding and respect. Such, according to 95 percent of the respondents features perceptions, behaviour and practices can be realized through better education. Currently though, respect among migrants in Port Moresby is perceived generally to be low 57

at 50 percent, while another 50 percent of the respondents are indecisive about the existence of such etiquettes. Table 4.5 Cultural Practices Responses Strongly Agree / Agree

Total (%)

Neither Agree or Disagree

Disagree / Strongly Disagree

(%) Moresby 25

(%) 35

(%) 40

95

5

-

100

55

35

10

100

40

55

5

100

55

40

5

100

90 95

-

10 5

100 100

Current cultural practices in Port promote indigenous cultural harmony Different cultural perceptions and practices can cause ethnic problems My cultural practices changed since I moved to Port Moresby Other ethnic groups accept and tolerate my cultural practices and perceptions I accept and tolerate the cultural practices and perceptions of other ethnic groups My cultural practices are unique to my culture Every ethnic groups have different cultural practices

100

The result in this section on cultural practices shows that 90 percent of the respondents indicated that their cultural practices are culturally unique. Such uniqueness is exhibited by cultural differences between ethnic groups, as pointed out by 95 percent of the respondents. The results also show that given the cultural differentials in practices and perceptions, an equal percentage of 95 respondents generally agree that such can create ethnic problems. 4.5.3 Ethnic Conflicts Experiences in Port Moresby Given the number of years the respondents from the two companies have been living in Port Moresby, each of them indicated if they had noticed, witnessed, experienced or been affected by ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Except for one who skipped this question without answering it, nineteen participants responded. This information is shown below.

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Figure 4.1 Respondents’ Experiences with Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby 4.5.4 Respondents’ Perceptions of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby Ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby have been numerous and their causes diverse. However, several main causes have been identified by nineteen respondents through the survey questionnaires. One respondent did not record any response for this particular question. The respondents identified several factors as the causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby based on their own recollections. These factors are; misunderstanding, superiority issues, market space, jealousy between the haves and have-nots, land issues back home, conflict resolution, alcohol related harassment of a female, revenge and compensation. Some respondents indicated that some of the conflicts were a combination of several of these factors. The results are shown in Figure 4.2 below.

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Figure 4.2 Causes of Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby As shown in figure 4.2, ‘revenge’ is the main perceived cause of ethnic conflict in Port Moresby. It has a much higher percentage (about three times the next highest) compared to misunderstanding, superiority issues, and conflict resolution approaches, which are recorded as just over 10 percent. 4.5.5 Frequency and Involvement: Ethnic Conflicts by Region in Port Moresby 4.5.5.1 Frequency of Occurrences The respondents were asked to indicate the frequency of the occurrence of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. There were two categories: frequent and not frequent. Occurrences that were more than three times within the last five years were categorised as frequent, while occurrences less than three times within the last five years were categorised as not frequent. Three respondents however did not provide any information.

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Figure 4.3 Respondents’ Record of Ethnic Conflict Occurrence in Port Moresby 4.5.5.2 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts by Region The respondents were asked to identify and specify the involvement in ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby by regions. The four regions in PNG were listed and the respondents were required to place a tick that correspond each region. Relative to the number of participants and their responses, the conflicts usually involve different regional ethnic groups, or even between ethnic groups from the same region. The results for perceived involvement by regions in ethnic conflicts are shown in the graph below.

Figure 4.4 Respondents’ Identification of Involvement by Conflicting Parties by Region

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4.5.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices The respondents were asked to state a self-measure of their awareness of the cultural practices of other ethnic groups, considering their general knowledge, and experiences of recent episodes that have transpired within Port Moresby city. Most of the respondents provided more than one written response. Several broad insights were categorized and collapsed into main themes using the Thomas Inductive Approach (2003). The four main themes are; cultural beliefs, cultural significance, cultural identity, and cultural borders. These four main themes relate to the six main themes (see section 4.4), as determinants of conflicts in Port Moresby. The respondents’ views are presented in the Table below. Table 4.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Percentage Cultural Practices Cultural Beliefs

65

Cultural Significance

20

Cultural Borders

10

Cultural Identity

30

4.5.6.1 Cultural Beliefs 65 percent of the respondents indicated that other ethnic groups perceive themselves relative to their own cultural beliefs and practices against the cultural beliefs and practices of others (see table 4.4 above). Among the written responses were statements made about ways of life, attitudes towards others, the presence or absence of etiquettes, and ethnic beliefs. Inclusive were statements shared about values, which often refer to highly regarded thoughts, and are the established ideals of life. Such value differentials often portray ethnic identity. Two respondents’ remarked: Some ethnic groups value respect and they see themselves as a group rather than as individuals – they never do anything to intimidate or provoke anger. Instead they promote peace Every ethnic group practice what they believe so who are we to judge?

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4.5.6.2 Cultural Significance One-fifth of the respondents (see Table 4.4) perceived that the cultural practices of other ethnic groups are important since meaning is inherent. Such meanings therefore serve certain purposes of the lives of people. Although such claims may seem valid, one respondent appeared sceptical about two cultural practices that thrive in some parts of PNG: They all have reasons for the type of cultural practices they have but some tend to abuse these practices and making them lose their meaning, for example bride-price. Some practices are even unnecessary, for example, compensation. Another respondent however remained adamant: Every individual has the right to be part of an ethnic group whose practices may be unique, and must perform these practices to prevent them dying out. 4.5.6.3 Cultural Borders The results in Table 4.4 show that only 10 percent of the respondents perceived cultural borders to be a feature that some ethnic groups possess of themselves, relative to other ethnic groups. Two respondents highlighted examples of such: Ethnic groups are different from each other with one often claiming to be superior to the other ethnic groups Highlands plus Momase, especially Sepiks are more aggressive and want to be on top all the time 4.5.6.4 Cultural Identity 30 percent of the respondents perceive that the cultura l practices of ethnic groups symbolize cultural identity (see Table 4.4). Almost all the respondents acknowledged the uniqueness of cultures, with one of them protesting against change: The cultural practices are unique so they (cultural practices) must be left alone to operate as usual Interestingly, another respondent stated: Their cultural practices are unique. I have great respect for that and always want to learn and find out more about other cultures.

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4.5.7 Preventative Mechanisms to Ethnic Conflicts Each respondent was asked to suggest two possible ways to either reduce or avoid ethnic conflicts caused by cultural differences and perspectives. Twelve broad suggestions emerged and were collapsed into six strategic themes using the Thomas Inductive method (2003). These six main strategic themes are shown in Table 4.5 below. Table 4.7 Ways to Reduce or Avoid Ethnic Conflicts Strategies

to

Reduce/Avoid Percentage (%) of

Ethnic Conflicts

Respondents

Education & Awareness

55

Legal & Social Control

40

Social Interaction

25

Opportunity Creation

10

Etiquette Application

55

Leadership

5

4.5.7.1 Education and Awareness Over half of respondents indicated that there exists a relationship between ethnic conflicts, education and awareness. In other words, ethnic conflicts are evident due to the lack of appropriate cultural education and awareness. Even amidst tension, one respondent remarked that there has to be dialogue aimed at reaching positive outcomes. Two respondents stated that attitudinal change can also be realized through such initiatives. One other respondent suggested formalizing such education and awareness programmes through the National Capital District schools, with the possibility of extension to other parts of the country. Participant 9, in particular made reference to alcohol abuse as a cause of most fights, and suggested that community awareness on alcohol-related problems is essential. 4.5.7.2 Legal and Social Control Legal enactment of current laws by authorities was suggested by 40 percent of the respondents. Two respondents recommended the re-introduction and amendment of the Vagrancy Act to regulate the movement of people. Another two respondents favoured the initiation of a repatriation exercise on unemployed internal migrants. One of them even suggested the introduction of temporary provincial visas. Law enforcers were recommended by yet another respondent to thoroughly deal with ethnic fights so to avoid retaliatory 64

practices. Interestingly, respondent 14 contended that the main cause is not cultural practices but alcohol and drugs. The respondent stated that ethnic conflicts will be minimized through legislation to eradicate such substances. Respondent 3 was critical of ethnic clustering within settlement areas: Ethnic groups should not live in the same area 4.5.7.3 Etiquette Application Lack of good manners has been identified by over half of the respondents, as an area that needs to be addressed. Although the respondents did not detail the processes to achieving such, they collectively but generally stated that ethnic conflicts are often caused by lack of such decorum as respect, appreciation, understanding, tolerance, humility and acceptance within society. Nearly all the respondents highlighted that respecting each other and their cultural differences, practices and perspectives, would contribute to the reduction and or avoidance of ethnic conflicts. Inclusive among the generalized suggestions, respondent 17 remarks: The ethnic groups must have respect for each other and not criticize each other’s cultural practices and beliefs 4.5.7.4 Investment and Opportunity Creation If unemployment is to share some blame for ethnic conflicts, 10 percent of the respondents mentioned that the creation and engagement in some form of economic activity may be conducive to the reduction of ethnic conflicts. Two respondents felt that The government should invest more money on Agriculture to keep people in their provinces Another respondent empathized with the marginalized: Inclusion of minorities in development and employment opportunities by the government According to 20 percent of the respondents, social institutions and the leadership of society needs to be engaged or involved if society is to free itself from ethnic conflicts. One respondent suggested maximizing intermarriages or cross-marriage arrangements. The other three respondents mentioned petitioning authorities to intervene. The final respondent felt that 65

More awareness to be done by political leaders and religious leaders on the need to create harmony 4.5.7.5 Social Interaction 25 percent of the respondents suggested that maximizing amiable interactions promotes peaceful societies, among those; respondent 2 (inter-marriage arrangement), and respondent 16 (bonding). One respondent suggested that social dispersal of ethnic groups, instead of allowing them to congregate in the same area, while the other respondent opted to maximize social interaction and association through Mixing and spending time with each other (open up to them to understand them), and respect each other 4.5.7.6 Leadership Although insignificant compared to other strategic areas, 5 percent of the respondents expressed the need for a collective and collaborative effort by leaders relative to social interactions. Respondent 4 put it this way: More awareness needs to be done by political and religious leaders on the need to create harmony 4.5.8 Predictions Regarding the Future The respondents were asked to state whether they foresee the future of Port Moresby as progressive and peaceful or problematic, considering its diverse population and given its recorded incidences of ethnic conflicts. Their forecasts were categorised into two groups; progressive and problematic. The graph below shows their responses. Supporting comments made by the participants are also listed.

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Figure 4.5 Forecasts for Port Moresby Relative to Ethnic Diversity

4.5.8.1 Problematic Views Given the experiences relative to rural-urban migration, urbanization, ethnic diversity, cultural practices and perceptions, and experiences of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, 65 percent of the respondents provided written statements that Port Moresby City would still experience some problems in the future. Three respondents stated that issues with rural-urban migration will not only continue but increase (including uneducated minorities), and thus cause land issues, as reflected in figure 4.5 above. Such statement was also supported by another three respondents who made the following claims: Not until landowners are respected and experience benefits. The future of the city in terms of the migrants’ population would be a problem; land space shortages, ethnic conflicts, and other social problems would definitely increase. It depends on how the government address land issues in the city. One respondent stated that Port Moresby will still experience ethnic conflicts because some ethnic groups have this, ‘I don’t care attitude’. Another respondent suggested to ‘change the mindset of young people’ however did not explain the process. One respondent suggested instituting ‘tougher measures’ as a deterrent to ‘ethnic conflicts’. Yet another respondent viewed that Port Moresby will ‘progress’ however simultaneously ‘experiencing some problems’. Such experiences, according to another respondent, ‘regress positive development’. ‘Culture clash’ was highlighted by another respondent, with the other asserting that problems will be evident if the ‘issue of ethnic conflicts is not addressed’. Inferring leadership and indecision, and blaming the government for neglect, yet another respondent claims:

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Since independence, very little attempt were made by the state to deal with the issues near the heart of the National Capital District’s residence 4.5.8.2 Peaceful and Progressive Views Interestingly, only 30 percent of the respondents viewed Port Moresby City as peaceful and progressive (see figure 4.5). Two respondents attributed such peaceful progression to education. One of them stated that ‘education will change our way of thinking’, while the other said: More young people are given opportunities to be educated to build a society that is smart, intelligent, respectful and honest and thus we can reduce conflicts between ethnic groups by using better ways of solving problems Another respondent referred to the creation of ‘equal opportunities by business-minded people’. ‘Adoption of western ways’ and being ‘tolerant to other cultures,’ was viewed by another respondent as a way forward. The other respondent hinted that the ‘multi-cultural population’ of Port Moresby will work to its advantage since ‘people are learning about other cultures from each other’, thus peaceful progression will prevail. Respondent 12 hinted progression relative to positive changes with the remark: Change starts with us (individuals), and then we can continuously help our tribesman and communities to respect other people. Introducing the gospel of Jesus Christ can also have enormous impact in changing lives One other respondent however stated that foreseeing Port Moresby city as either progressive or problematic depends on the nature or purpose of individual migrants. 4.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY Cultural differences and perceptions are the realities of human nature and may create conflicts, as revealed by the study respondents. Ethic conflict does exist in Port Moresby between migrants, and is perceived to be more prevalent among certain ethnicities, compared to others. The results show that ethnic groups are perceived relative to their belief; their practices and their identity. The respondents in this study have highlighted some suggestions that may be appropriate strategies to prevent or avoid ethnic conflicts (see Table 4.5). The significance of these findings is discussed in Chapter 5.

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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION Not that the past has any magic about it, but because we cannot study the future, and yet need something to set against the present, it reminds us that the basic assumptions have been quite different in different periods and that much which seems certain to the uneducated is merely temporary fashion. C S Lewis 5.1 INTRODUCTION This study shows that the McGregor force (Wolfers, 1975) has had a significant impact on the indigenous people of PNG during the period of colonial rule. This study also shows that traditional ethnic conflicts have been a feature of establishing, maintaining and renewing social relationships through hostilities and reciprocity (see section 2.5), and were centred on primordial factors and constructed dynamics. Much of these traditional ethnic conflicts have been experienced at the local level however small-scaled by comparison to world standards, courtesy of Papua New Guinea’s ethnic and cultural diversity. Most recently though, according to this study, incidences of ethnic conflicts have been frequent in Port Moresby. Although geographically varied, such ethnic conflicts still characterize hostilities and cooperation, in the form of revenge and reciprocity, which were integral features of traditional relationships (Reilly, 2008). Essential within these traditional relationships and still in practise are conflict-resolution strategies such as peaceful compromise, consultation, negotiations, compensation, and or exchanged marriages (Trompf, 1994). Such aspects of traditional relationships were and are on many occasions, based on Melanesian ‘world views’ however connected to ‘community rituals and mythologies’ (Trompf, 1994, p. 30), and may be in response to modernization. Within this context, Chapter 5 discusses the findings of this study and the literature review in reference to the relationship between perceived cultural differences and practices, and ethnic conflicts of migrants in Port Moresby. Although this is not a question of this research, will the discussion validate the claim stated in Chapter 2 by Glaser, as cited in Williams (1994) & Warner (2000) that ‘when values and norms of certain cultures are different from the host culture, they pose an environment for conflict and enforcement of cultural hegemony?’

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5.2 INTEGRATED DISCUSSIONS OF FINDINGS Cultural differences in practices and perceptions, and ethnic conflicts are portrayed in the literature reviewed for Chapter 1 and Chapter 2. Such cultural differences in practices and perceptions are also evident in Chapter 4 as revealed by the respondents. The discussion in this chapter integrates aspects of both the literature review from Chapters 1 and 2, and the findings of the respondents from the Chapter 4, relative to urbanization in Port Moresby to address the research objectives. 5.2.1 Rural Urban Migration in Port Moresby The indentured labour programme of the colonial era introduced two significant changes; internal migration and the cash economy. Today, this practice of migration continues, due to the impact of the cash economy. This has resulted in the form of rural-urban migration, and Port Moresby city is one recipient of this practice. The impact of the cash economy on rural-urban migration is significant (see section 4.3.1). The findings revealed that 83.33 percent of the study respondents migrated to Port Moresby in search for better education and employment. Such a finding seems to infer a contrast in rural communities where such opportunities are lacking. Within the same context, anecdotal evidence show that a significant number of indigenous Papua New Guineans come into Port Moresby from resource rich areas in PNG, in pursuit of viable investment opportunities. Apart from the impacts of the cash economy which may be a dominant factor in migration, as shown in this study, there may be other reasons that dictate the movement of people from one geographical location to another. According the findings of this study, the remaining 1 out of 6 persons of the migrants moved to Port Moresby due to safety and security issues (see section 4.3.1). Mary claimed that her reason for leaving home was that she didn’t want to be a victim of tribal conflict. Such a claim may seem to suggest that ethnic conflicts may be prevalent back at her home community. Whether such a movement is permanent or temporary, may yet be a subject of another study. 5.2.1.1 Residence and Land The process of urban development poses extreme challenges to both migrants and indigenous resource owners in Port Moresby (see section 2.9.2). The literature reviewed in Chapter 2 reveals that 3 factors seem to be central to ethnic conflicts in the highlands of which land is one of them (see section 2.8.1.1). Connell and Lea (2002) acknowledge that challenges in urban areas in the Pacific Regions, which includes PNG, involves land loss by resource 70

owners (see section 2.9.2). Although these challenges may reflect on the government’s socioeconomic incapacity, the rapid impact of urbanization is obvious. Anecdotal evidence in Port Moresby shows that adequate and decent accommodation is a problem, and some people resort to affordable housing in the settlement areas, as in the case of the respondents involved in this study. While Nine-mile settlement is located on state land, Vadavada settlement is predominantly customary land. Regardless, these two settlements have seen rapid growth of squatters over the last few years. Although this study is not able to ascertain the fate of the two settlements including the squatting migrants, 65 percent of the survey respondents – not including interviewees, view the future as problematic (see Table 4.3 & Figure 4.5). It is unclear what the state may decide to do with the land and the settlers at Nine-Mile, while the settlers at Vadavada are at the mercy of the indigenous land owners. As two respondents put it: Not until landowners are respected and experience benefits It depends on how the government address land issues in the city Particularly for those migrants squatting on the customary land at Vadavada, this study is not able to establish whether their residential status is permanent or temporary. However, given that some migrants choose to settle permanently, anecdotal experiences in PNG can often be problematic, and people make life sacrifices to defend their land. Only time will tell the outcome of the current trend of land grab in Port Moresby. 5.2.1.2 Ethnic Clustering in Settlements It is evident from this study, that ethnic groups live in close proximity with members of the same ethnic group. Philip, for instance, identified several different ethnic groups that reside together among other ethnic groups at Nine-mile settlement. Scott made the same revelation about the ethnic groups at Vadavada settlement. Since most of the respondents in this study claim that they still adhere to their cultures and cultural practices irrespective of the location, in association with members of their own ethnic group, cultural identity is one cornerstone value. The findings of this study confirm the statement by Barth (1969) that being together through hostilities or cooperation is integral for continual existence of ethnic groups as ‘significant units’. However, the hostilities and cooperation inherent within ethnic groupings have been to establish, maintain and renew social relationships (Banks, 2008). Perhaps, a significant 71

concept that is central to ethnic clustering within the settlements relates to survival, hence security, which is paramount. Anecdotal evidence confirmed by Scott (see section 4.4.3) and Sandra (see section 4.4.5) show that when an ethnic group is together and have a good support base, they are able to withstand and ward off intruders or potential enemies, both from within the residential communities and, according to one respondent, maybe from the fallouts of rural-based conflicts (see section 4.5.4). Ethnic clustering, in this case, may be a silent proclamation of ethnic defence, and the right to survive, in the midst of adversity. However, ethnic clustering may pose a negative outlook in Port Moresby, relative to social harmony, as testified by Scott (see section 4.4.3). Ethnic conflict is easier to perpetrate when you live in an ethnic cluster with your ethnic peers. Since there is sufficient ethnic support within the settlement, the impulse to exercise retribution by one ethnic group on another is phenomenal. This action may parallel the assertion by Trompf that ‘retributive logic is endemic to humanity’ (p. 2). The inference is that retribution is in response to sustained injustice, which may often have other social ripple-effects. 5.2. 2 Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby The evidence provided in Chapter 4 suggests that ethnic conflicts have been frequently experienced in Port Moresby (see Figure 4.3). One such incident of ethnic conflict in Port Moresby is confirmed by Korugl (2011) in Chapter 2 (see section 2.9.4). Such incidences have been experienced by 95 percent of the respondents involved in this study (see Figure 4.1). While there appears to be some consistencies about the occurrence of ethnic conflicts between foreign and local reports, local background knowledge on these conflicts provides a profound understanding, which may often be vague to foreigners. The respondents involved in this study presented their understanding and perspectives from an indigenous ethnic and cultural environment, and added their daily experiences of the ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. 5.2.2.1 Involvement in Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby It is evident from this study that all ethnic groups from the four regions of PNG have been involved in ethnic conflict in one way or another. However, according to Figure 4.4, the ethnic groups from the Highlands of PNG have been the most involved in these ethnic conflicts. It is clear from the data that the indigenous people from NGI, Papua (Southern), and Momase regions are not as often involved in ethnic conflict as the Highlanders of PNG. According to Barry, such a result may be indicative of the type of conflict resolution 72

strategies the Highlanders employ within their cultural settings, coupled with their worldviews (see section 4.4.4). Given such a situation, a fertile atmosphere for cultural hegemony may be looming if migration from that region is unabated (see section 2.6). Some respondents attributed the Highlanders involvement in conflict to their perceived superiority mentality and attitude towards other indigenous Papua New Guineans (see section Table 4.2). 5.2.2.2 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby Ethnic conflict, in the physical sense, which is central to this thesis, is historical, as the literature review pointed out by Banks (2008), Reilly (2008), and Wolfers (1975), and must have a legitimate rationale for engagement, according to Mary (see section 4.4.3). These claims validate the assertion by Eidhelm that ‘conflicts do not exist in a vacuum’ (as cited in Barth, 1969). Acts of violation, injustice or even misconception can be sufficient to create conflicts, as asserted by Trompf (1994), and confirmed by the respondents involved in this study (see section 4.4.2). Some of these acts may attract immediate response while others may be tolerated with reprisals prolonged or deferred until when the moment is convenient, after which action then eventuates. The Trompf (1994) claim that ‘Resentments may be harboured in the breast for many years...may bide their time until an opportune moment’ (p. 3) is consistent with Mary’s response (above). The factors that incite ethnic conflicts may be diverse, interrelated or may even be multifacetted. The respondents in this study have identified nine factors (see Figure 4.2) that have contributed to the frequent ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby; land issues, market space, harassment, compensation, revenge, misunderstanding, superiority issues, jealousy, and approaches of conflict resolution. Land Issues As discussed in Chapter 2 (Connell & Lea, 2002; Maclellan, 2005) and confirmed by the respondents in Chapter 4 , land and land issues are central to indigenous life and people sacrifice their lives to defend it, among other resources (see Figure 4.2 & section 4.5.8.1). Intermittent tribal fighting in PNG has often been associated with land disputes (Banks, 2008; Ferguson & Whitehead; Filer; Strathern, all as cited in Reilly, 2008). This is particularly evident when indigenous land is acquired and possessed through force, deceit or other fraudulent avenues.

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One of the ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, according to the respondents, was factored on unresolved land issues back in their own home province (see section 4.5.4). However, in Port Moresby, given the experiences of land-loss by the indigenous Motuan and Koiari people through the process of urbanization and land-grabbing, and the resource grab by corporate organizations elsewhere in PNG, the future of conflict in Port Moresby maybe yet set to escalate. Land, according to Maclellan (2005): ‘is the centre of life, a source of security and identity’ and such may be on the balance. Based on the responses in Chapter 4 (see Table 4.3 & Figure 4.5), indigenous resource-owners in Port Moresby may find themselves displaced or alienated from their land and resources, given the current trend of land-grabbing, and competition over scarce resources (see section 2.8.1.1 & section 2.9.2). Market Space The literature review in Chapter 2 reveals that conflicts are often due to competition over scarce resources, which may include inadequate service facilities (see section 2.8.1.1). The findings in Chapter 4 ( see Figure 4.2) show that six percent of the questionnaire respondents, independent of each other, identified disagreements over market space to sell as the cause of one of the ethnic conflicts at Gordon, Port Moresby, where several people were hacked to death (Korugl, 2011). Anecdotal evidence from this study show that due to the high competition among vendors, there exist unwritten claims by certain vendors or group of vendors to preferred and strategic market space locations. Such preferences may be motivated by customer access, comfort and daily sales returns. This scenario neatly illustrates that competition can be over incompatible goals and scarce resources, however accompanied by ‘force’ - the source of power needed to acquire them (see section 2.5). Anecdotal evidence suggests that certain ethnic groups dominate the market facility at Gordon, Port Moresby, and seem to regulate and manipulate other vendors thus forcing them into submission. Other groups or individuals are therefore relegated to sell their produce at the least-preferred sections of the market, and thus may create conflict. Given the current situation at Gordon market, the claim that competition is often over scarce resource (in this case, market space), is evident. Harassment The harassment issue cited by 5 percent of the respondents was alcohol-related (see section 4.5.4). This situation was deemed provocative thus a revenge attack followed. Such an act is consistent with the maxim central to conflicts in the Highlands of PNG (Banks, 2008) that 74

ethnic conflicts can be over resources which include material wealth, land, pigs and women (see section 2.10.2). The harassment act, although blamed on alcohol abuse, demonstrates lack of respect (see Table 4.3). The reprisal acts portray an act of identity (see Table 4.4) and retributive justice (Trompf, 1994), and inherently perceived in culture, according to Greenwell (2003). Compensation Compensation in some parts of PNG is one way of maintaining social relationships (Banks, 2008). It is generally a ceremony or occasion where an exchange of material wealth which can include pigs, land, food and money are used to settle disputes, claims, demands, debt or damages. One party recompenses the other, or in some cases, a system of exchange of wealth occurs. It is general knowledge that all those who have suffered one way or another, in an ethnic conflict receive an ‘appropriate equivalence’ (Trompf, 1994, p. 106) in quantity and quality of the wealth being distributed during such ceremonies. Failure, even by a single member of an ethnic group, to receive such within a given time frame or if the quantity or quality is below expectation, that is sufficient to create a physical ethnic conflict. Such a situation was the cause of one of the ethnic conflicts that occurred in Port Moresby over the past five years; according to five percent of the study respondents (see section 4.5.4 & Figure 4.2).

This traditional approach of indigenous people of PNG is perhaps a fairly humane way, and in line with the restorative view of Bradshaw (2002). Such an approach is, according to Trompf (2004) ‘considered as aspect of Melanesian religious life, since it involves ethical decisions and because intentions to make war or peace are expressed ritually’ (p. 63). Although, some form of injustice has been caused, social justice can be re-established and sustained through the practise of compensation, and simultaneously establishing new relationships.

Misunderstanding PNG, given its ethno-linguistic diversity should celebrate diversity; however diversity is also accompanied by challenges. Such diverse societies as PNG represent many different ethnic groups with often distinct cultural practices, according to Barth (1969). Such representations may portray what Luzbetak (1963) referred to as ‘cultures are different answers to essentially the same human problems’ (p. 61). Since different ethnic groups co-exist, particularly in Port 75

Moresby, it often creates a situation where understanding each other can become a concern, as expressed by Sandra: I’ll say cultural practices are one cause, misunderstanding one another is the other, and lack of communication. Such situations may develop conflicts, especially if one ethnic group perceives their own culture or behaviour as the norm, and is inconsiderate of other ethnic groups (Warner, 2000; Williams, 1994).

According to this study (see figure 4. 2), five percent of the respondents identified that lack of cultural comprehension can contribute to ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Since such lack of knowledge exists, often what is practised by ethnic groups is misrepresented or misunderstood by other ethnic groups. In some cases, external perceptions may form the basis for cultural analysis which can often create errors, since they not only differ, but may also have an elastic characteristic (see section 2.6). According to Philip:

Those of us coming through rural-urban drift seem to bring with us our rural ethnic perception and ways with us. That makes it difficult to change. A lot of the current migrants are not properly educated to a point where they will appreciate each other’s culture. So they are still thinking between this cell of ethnic groups and they come through, so this generation is difficult but perhaps the next generation may be able to initiate and cause some appropriate change through proper education. It is obvious that Philip ascribes misunderstanding to lack of appropriate education and awareness as confirmed by 55 percent of the respondents (see section 4.5.7 - Table 4.5). Revenge The notion of equivalence as portrayed by the Engans (see section 2.8.1.2) is a classical example of ‘payback’. Although controversial, the Engans’ actions ‘constitute powerful expressions and integral parts of tribal religious life’ (Trompf, 2005, p. 29). Although this may appear absurd, vengeance and reciprocity are integrally related to Melanesian worldviews and it is often ‘not feasible to dissociate Melanesian war from Melanesian traditional religion’ (p. 29), and ‘rituals and mythologies of their communities’ (p.30).

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The assertion by Trompf is perhaps consistent with findings of this study as depicted in Figure 4.2. Compared to the other causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, it is significant that 35 percent of the respondents identified ‘revenge’ as the major cause of ethnic conflict in Port Moresby. According to Michael, ‘payback’ over the murder of an ethnic member caused one of the more recent ethnic clashes in Port Moresby (see section 4.4.3). Ideally, retribution may not necessarily be immediate but harboured until a convenient moment and place, as perhaps, in this case. Logically, it must however be realized that harbouring of retributive justice may serve several purposes, among the obvious; to allow divine intervention to exercise punishment (see section 2.8.1.2); for the ‘residue’ of the initial conflict to settle and giving a chance for the process of compensation to take place and when both have deemed to fail, the period allowed is used for strategizing ‘payback’. ‘Payback’ may also be an act to demonstrate inequality over deserved entitlements. This may be evident when a population of people is deprived of their basic needs and services, and are forced to fend for themselves, in the case of settlement migrants, as highlighted by Scott (see section 4.4.3). Such situations set a stage for revenge which can also be harboured until an opportune time arises and may appear in other forms like vandalism, theft or other criminal activities – the logic of retributive justice (Trompf, 1994).

However, retributive justice may be perceived from polar opposites of the conflict relative to values and meanings of the parties involved (see section 2.8.1.2). Unless such ethnic conflicts are amicably resolved, the dangers of creating enduring cyclic-ripple effect are fertile. There may also be no guarantee that the ‘hall-mark’ process of compensation will establish absolute satisfaction and enduring peace, as evident in this study (see Figure 4.2). Considering the contrast that exists between Melanesian traditional religion and Christianity in PNG, since the latter denounces the use of aggression and violence, a non-contentious religious shift may be essential. Conflict Resolution Strategies Among the causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, five percent of the respondents in this study identified that the types of ‘conflict resolution strategies’ employed by some ethnic groups in attempting to resolve conflict, are in itself provocative thus escalate the conflict. Barry condemns the use of violence and aggression to solve conflicts. He asserts:

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It is not a matter of getting axes and fighting each other. We sit and talk over it and at the end of the day, we fix the problem. We don’t jump the gun to go and fight like other conflicts that comes up in other regions. We ask people to tell us the story and from there we come to a decision. At the end of the day, the chief makes the decision. He lets other people to talk about it, and then he says, ok, this is my decision (see section 4.4.4). The strategy described by Barry contrasts those applied by the Engan tribal warfare (see section 2.8.1.3), since it features elements of retributive justice. The logic of retributive justice however, considers the variation proportionate with personality and culture, and parallels the assertion by Trompf (1994): ‘The rationale for vengeance in one social setting may be entirely unacceptable in another’ (p. 3). However, the inference drawn by Barry contends that the conflict resolution strategies of some cultures are less restorative than others, and poses detrimental impact on society.

What makes the conflict resolution strategies complex is the intrinsic traditional Melanesian religion (see Revenge above) that may justify such approaches according to how reality and meaning is perceived, relative to value and systems of belief. With some fairness though, due to the pacification process through the Christian missions, anecdotal evidence shows that most sectors of society in Papua New Guinea have adopted and embarked on appropriating approaches to conflict resolutions, amidst the persistence of differing value, systems of belief and cultural practices. A glimpse of such transformation is testified by Mary, who originates from a community where intermittent tribal fighting is prevalent. She asserts: Religion is one of the best ways. Going to church and listening to the Word of God between families and communities, is one way we can avoid all sorts of problems (see section 4.4.5) However, although PNG has been ‘Christianised’ for over 200 years, the indigenous people continue to embattle with the natural phenomena of conflict and conflict resolution strategies, coupled with modernized social, political and economic changes. Other attributes may often include the differing and elastic perceptions of ethnic diversity. Despite, these challenges, the longing for better approaches to conflict resolution is desired. Such generalized sentiments are shared by Michael, who although originates from the same community as Mary, is liberal about assimilating other cultures. Michael offered: 78

I will adopt the culture of those I come into contact with. I will adopt their way of life; I will definitely change to their lifestyle. I will be with their culture and practice (see section 4.4.5) 5.2.3 Ethnic Conflict Resolutions Section 2.11.1 provides a few of the many conflict resolution strategies that could be used to settle conflicts. In addition, the respondents acknowledged the successful use of indigenous conflict resolution strategies within their local communities of origin (see section 4.4.4), some of which are universally applied.

It is remarkable that the types of conflict resolution strategies presented by the respondents are almost identical. The strategies feature a ‘general sense of tribal and community leadership’, and ‘responsibility in addressing pertinent issues that may otherwise escalate to greater conflicts’. Since Papua New Guineans predominantly have an oral culture, the narratives provided by the respondents are significant. The responses indicate that conflict issues are resolved through several interrelated processes like negotiation, consultation, compromise, and mediation, and often these interrelated processes are synthesised. Michael indicated that, in some cases, a third-party negotiator, perhaps from another, neutral tribe, assumes the role of arbitrator. Sometimes the conflict in focus may not be resolved, or the resolved outcome may not be satisfactory to one or either parties. Such a situation is potentially chaotic and may escalate to full-scale tribal warfare. Having suffered the aftermath of the tribal warfare though, a return to the negotiation process is repeated, however, with additional obligations through reciprocity (Trompf, 2005). The ‘return to the negotiation process’ is characterized by the exchange of pigs, money and other valuables through a compensation ceremony, where both allies and enemies are recompensed for their assistance or for the inflicted damages. Such activities are consistent with Bank’s (2008) assertion: Part of the continual process of maintaining and renewing the social relationships that made people and groups, and hence, the war reparations paid to allies and enemies renewed the relationships between these groups (p. 31).

There is another important aspect to indigenous conflict resolution that perhaps serves as a mechanism in PNG. Voluminous literature portrays the heterogeneous ethno-lingual diversity of PNG, and publicise its ethnic conflicts from an often disfigured perspective to the world. 79

One aspect is however clearly apparent: Papua New Guinea’s diversity is an advantage to its unity. Since PNG comprises over 800 different ethnic groups, ethnic conflicts are mostly confined within a local setting although there may be instances of manipulation to solicit political coalition and support from others. The indigenous way of conflict resolution is thus consensually fair, and should be promoted and popularised. 5.2.4 Ways to Prevent Further Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby Chapter 2 (see section 2.10.4) and Chapter 4 (see section 4.5.5 & Figure 4.3) show that Port Moresby has experienced ethnic conflicts within the last five years, and has addressed conflict however the outcomes have not been sustainable as revealed by the frequency with which ethnic conflicts occur (see Figure 4.3). The respondents outlined a few suggestions which they perceive may prevent further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby: Education and Awareness, Etiquette Application, Legal and Social Control, Social Interaction, Opportunity Creation, and Leadership. Among the six broad categories, Education and Awareness, and Etiquette Application were featured as the most favoured approach to preventing further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby (see Table 4.5). 5.2.4.1 Education and Awareness The high percentage of 55 recorded for Education and Awareness perhaps is central to the fact that although universal education is one of the Government’s priorities, cultural content within the curriculum is often exclusively minimal compared to foreign ideals and concepts (see Table 4.5). While westerners continue to impact on the education system of PNG, an independent country, such overwhelming responses from this study imply that indigenous cultural knowledge, which is critical and important, is lacking and should be addressed. In silence, through the PNG education system, foreign influence continues to enculture Papua New Guineans on a path of indigenous cultural injustice and destruction. While the Bradshaw view of creation is that of oneness, such foreign influence may produce contrasting outcomes. The strategies silently ushered in by foreigners may focus on formalized education, yet it is crucial that all agents of education and change, which includes educational institutions, parents, the community, churches and other social organizations, and government departments, need to embark on an approach similar to the Bradshaw creation model (see section 2.10.1.4). Such may necessitate the inception of an ‘indigenous cultural justice’ programme which addresses the significant strategies used in the past and that fosters the values and norms of indigenous PNG culture, which has several significant parallels with 80

Bradshaw’s creation model (see section 2.10.1.4). The significant existing ‘wantok’ social media network could be a great vehicle to create awareness of such a programme. Even more so, the historical- verbal nature of PNG’s society, coupled with its high rural population and low literacy rate, makes social narratives (see section 2.10.1.4) a formidable approach. 5.2.4.2 Etiquette Application This study parallels between the lack of indigenous cultural knowledge and the decline of appropriate etiquette application (see section 4.5.7.3 & Table 4.5). Traditional PNG societies had within their establishments, constructs and systems that instilled and nurtured values, which were essential in the maintenance and sustenance of social relationships. An example of a men’s house was portrayed by Philip. This poignant loss was in part, due to colonial intervention and today’s modernization, which is a ‘force’ in disguise. Equivalent to Education and Awareness, 55 percent of the respondents indicated that resolution of further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby can be achieved if people apply and demonstrate good manners towards one-self and others within the midst of their social interactions. The respondents thus called for a return to indigenous values and systems to maintain social relationships. Despite the change in the form of modernization engulfing society, good manners, according to the respondents, are still essential for harmonious human progression, something that has historically been lost and is lacking, today. However, given the continuous presence and shifts in socio-ethnic complexities and challenges within society, etiquette application may be a monumental struggle. Etiquette application may be a prominent feature of the ‘indigenous cultural justice’ programme highlighted above. Having implemented and consolidated the cultural justice programme, where indigenous cultural practices are taught and popularized through locally initiated institutions, an inception of a sister programme, ‘indigenous social justice’ may be essential. Such programmes may feature community- initiated programmes that focus on participating in community projects, and basically doing things for others. Such a programme may be conducive to promoting the social virtues of appreciation, respect, consideration, humility, acceptance, among others, and henceforth create a change of mindset, behaviour and attitude. Although this may be a vague impression, its legacy could be enduring and in fulfilment of the proclamation by Apostle Paul and the message conveyed by One Blood which infers that

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the human kind is only one race and treatment of each other should be fair and just (see section 2.10.1.4). 5.2.4.3 Legal and Social Control The suggestion for legal and social control has also been offered as a strategy to prevent further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. The suggestion by the respondents is however based on their assumption that ethnic conflicts within Port Moresby city are caused by unemployed ethnic migrants, those who live in the settlement areas, including vagrants. The proponents’ central focus relates to the re-introduction and enactment of the Vagrancy Act, which was thrown out of the PNG Parliament a few years back since it was deemed to contravene freedom of movement, as enshrined in the Constitution of Papua New Guinea. The call to repatriate all vagrants and unemployed migrants and the issuance of temporary urban visas to rural visitors, are characteristics of the legal and social control strategy. Although the intention of such a strategy may have good merits, its legality may impede the constitutional rights of indigenous citizens and instead of being a solution to the problem; it may add more predicament to the current situation. Furthermore, the employment of such a strategy may replicate the resentments experienced during the period of colonial intervention, where force was used to control indigenous life. However, one may ask, how could 40 percent of the respondents choose to have their social life regulated? Is it not surprising that such a response may be inferred to demonstrate the frustrations caused by a society that desires amicable progression and change? Perhaps, provided that the cultural narratives relative to the conduct and organization of society is well-grounded on indigenous values, inclusive of ethical and moral principles, such a strategy may be deemed unnecessary. Meanwhile at least, Papua New Guineans should have acquired some invaluable lessons from PNG’s history. Perhaps, the C. S. Lewis quote at the beginning of this Chapter is appropriate: it reminds us that the basic assumptions have been quite different in different periods and that much which seems certain to the uneducated is merely temporary fashion. 5.2.4.4 Social Interaction Interface contact and communication was suggested by one quarter of the respondents as another strategy to prevent further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Instead of formulating new approaches, the current setting already sets the fundamental pillars for ‘just social dealings’ with the addition of Education and Awareness, and Etiquette Application as pre82

requisites. The respondents added ‘mixing together’ and living among other ethnic groups as a practical possibility. Such a suggestion infers the disintegration of the current ethnic clustering within the settlement areas (see section 4.4.3). This suggestion may however negate current ethnic solidarity, and expose certain individuals to vulnerability in the face of retributive justice and payback, under current conditions. In contrast though, anecdotal evidence shows that individuals from most other parts of PNG outside the Highlands region are not as vulnerable or involved as others (see Figure 4.4). It is also interesting that employed individuals from origins known for tribal-fighting, and now residing amongst other suburban dwellers, are less-vulnerable than their ethnic relatives in the settlement areas. Ideally though and with optimism, if such is any indication of attitudinal change, perhaps the process of assimilation through modernization may contribute some enduring cultural significance. Those who share such optimism include Philip, who also originates from a community previously known for tribal-fighting: I think I can easily adopt another ethnic group’s culture if I consider it to be better than mine (see section 4.4.6). However, inherent within such adoption, there are often some negative realities – one of which can be the reversal impact or ‘back-flow’ of such association, in which violent and other anti-social behaviour are either assimilated or performed as a reactionary response. Again Philip remarks: If those people who don’t practise tribal fighting get involved with those that practise tribal fighting, maybe they’ll start tribal fighting (see section 4.4.6). Although the possibilities of Philip’s remarks may be substantial, there are some variables that determine such outcomes. This study reveals that certain practices that characterize specific ethnic groups can only remain persistent when there is a population of this ethnic group living together or within close proximity to each other. Scott asserts: If I am on my own, then I cannot really practice it, unless I have a group from my particular area or region (see section 4.4.6). The inference drawn from Scott’s assertion may suggest that certain practices and behaviour could only be persistent through maximum exposure coupled with a sizeable ethnic population. Provided that the majority of the population is socially sound, and has a 83

dominating effect, positive outcome may be viable thus minimize or prevent physical ethnic conflict. 5.2.4.5 Opportunity Creation Chapter 2 reveals that one of the root causes of conflicts is competition (see section 2.5) According to Avruch & Mazrui, as cited in Mamak (1978); such competition may be related to incompatible goals and scarce resources – an impact of the cash economy on indigenous lifestyle. Anecdotal evidence seems to show that a fair population of indigenous migrants in Port Moresby are unemployed and they may easily get involved in ethnic conflict. The inference drawn within this strategy implies that these migrants need to be given employment so that they are able to meet their basic needs and sustain themselves, as suggested by Sandra (see section 4.4.5). According to Scott, when such opportunities are not forthcoming, disillusionment and frustration can be translated into involvement in ethnic conflicts or other anti-social activities (see section 4.4.3). Anecdotal evidences however show that some of these migrants have limited education or have no formal skills training, so formal employment may yet be difficult, as revealed by Philip (see section 4.4.5). Given such realities, the PNG Government has been accorded some blame for either lack of opportunity provisions, and or neglecting rural economic development, as pointed out by two respondents. Major investment on agriculture in the rural areas, plus the inclusion of minority groups in development and employment opportunities were suggested as ways to maximise people’s potential. Such purposeful engagement may have a positive impact on the rural population and thus prevent rural-urban migration (see section 4.5.7.4). The sentiments shared above may infer that opportunities created by both past and present governments have been largely unequal or perhaps centralised in urban areas like Port Moresby at the expense of rural communities. The influx of internal migrants into Port Moresby and other urban centres may be a direct indication of such inequality as indicated by 83.33 percent of the interview respondents (see section 4.3.1). Within Port Moresby, like most other urban areas in PNG, the problem of unemployment is a major issue and even educated migrants like Philip (Nine-mile respondent) and Sandra (Vadavada respondent) have difficulty in securing formal employment. However, if opportunities are created as recommended by 10 percent of the study respondents, ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby may be prevented. As lack of opportunity is an issue, may be a shift 84

in approach is needed where initiatives to create self-employment is cultivated instead of being dependent on the government, which is already struggling to address PNG’s unemployment problems. 5.2.4.6 Leadership Chapter 2 and the introduction to this chapter reveal that traditional leadership were suppressed during the period of colonial intervention, thus indigenous social relationships and order became disintegrated (Wolfers, 1975). Despite the past, Michael and Mary have suggested the need to have honest, responsible, and assertive leaders in all sectors of society (see section 4.4.5 and Table 4.5). Such a suggestion may infer several assumptions; people have certain expectations of their leaders; past and current leaders across society lack appropriate leadership skills; and both past and present leaders have not been able to address some of the fundamental issues of society. The leadership strategy may imply that all these leaders (Government, church, community) should cooperate with each other, serve as good role models, and maximise their attention to the needs of their indigenous populations. Papua New Guinean leaders are often portrayed by newspapers, the media and on the streets as associated with corruption, and therefore are undeserving of respect, although they are figures of political authority. Again, anecdotal evidence through the media on countless occasions have published, broadcasted or televised articles questioning of the dignity and integrity of PNG leaders, relative to millions of Kina of unaccounted public funds through misappropriation or fraud. Through effective, assertive, accountable and responsible leadership, ethnic conflicts may be minimised as indigenous populations will experience and appreciate tangible development. Such virtues are also acknowledged by Abyad (nd), as essential elements of intercultural leadership and communication in global business (Abyad (nd) para, 1). 5.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY The results of the data collected (see Chapter 4) and the literature review in Chapter 2 show that real and perceived cultural differences exist amongst the urbanized migrants of Port Moresby. Furthermore, the results show that these real or perceived cultural differences, coupled with associated attributes of urbanization, could initiate ethnic conflicts, as revealed by the study respondents in Chapter 4. Given that ethnic conflicts can often be inevitable, Chapter 2 provides some conflict resolution strategies, while the respondents in Chapter 4 presented some applicable approaches that are employed locally. Despite such applications, 85

the occurrence of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby have been rather frequent thus requiring endured strategies, as suggested by the study respondents in Chapter 4 (see section 4.5.7). Chapter 6 presents some of these suggested strategies in the form of recommendations that needs consideration.

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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding. Einstein Albert 6.1 INTRODUCTION This thesis confirms that in Papua New Guinea, known as one of the ‘last great places’ on the earth, cultural perceptions and practices can cause ethnic conflicts. Ethnic conflicts are therefore real and do exist in the settlements of Port Moresby and often lead to destruction of properties and violent deaths. Furthermore, this thesis highlights that ethnic conflicts may be in part, a legacy of colonial construct, and based on traditional Melanesian religion. Relative to such bearings, some indigenous Papua New Guinean societies have engaged in localised intermittent tribal and ethnic conflicts as part of the continual process of establishing and maintaining the social relationships that made people and groups. Integral after these ethnic conflicts, the indigenous people do however perform reciprocity through reparations to both allies and foes. This is remarkable, as reparations are valued and meaningful to indigenous social life. Instead of continually pointing a finger and portraying indigenous people with prejudice, they should be commended for holding on to at least one part – forgiveness and reciprocity through reparations. Such acts of forgiveness are Biblical and something that Jesus Christ himself used: Father, forgive them. Forgiveness and reparations thus, in Papua New Guinea and throughout Melanesia, renew and consolidate the social relationships between groups. Forgiveness is an integral part of religion and traditional religions have always been connected to community. However, although there is an intrinsic correlation between Melanesian traditional religion with mechanisms of establishing, maintaining and renewing social relationships, the impacts of such practices can have enduring excruciating aftermaths and negative social repercussions, today. Particularly, in an urban environment like Port Moresby, ethnic conflicts may hinder and jeopardize PNG’s progression of modernization. The research questions of this study as previously outlined are: 1. What is the history of conflict in Papua New Guinea? 2. Do cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port Moresby city? 87

3. Do these cultural differences and perceptions, including associated attributes, initiate ethnic conflicts, encompassing the impacts of urbanization? and 4. What conflict resolution mechanism would be appropriate to contain these cultural conflicts, coupled with sustainable solution strategies? The conclusion below provides documentary evidence from Chapter 1 to Chapter 5 which answers these four questions. The literature review in Chapter 2 argues that colonialism exacerbates pre-existing tendencies towards violence. Furthermore, Chapter 2 confirms that cultural differences and perceptions exist (see section 2.4 & section 2.6). Chapter 4 focuses on the results of the study done in two Port Moresby settlements and two private companies and also confirms that cultural differences and different perceptions of other cultures do exist (see section 4.4.2 & section 4.5.2). Furthermore, with rapid urbanization, these cultural differences and perceptions do lead to ethnic conflicts. The conflict resolution strategies featuring negotiation, consultation and mediation are acknowledged as integral in communal life. Chapter 4 also presents sustainable approaches to the prevention of further ethnic conflicts since these ethnic conflicts have been frequently experienced in Port Moresby over the last five years. 6.2 CONCLUSION 6.2.1 Injustices by Colonial Intervention The literature findings reveal that colonial interventio n, which included corporations and missionaries, forced changes upon indigenous cultures. The processes in introducing these changes were at times brutal and had a negative impact on indigenous culture and social relationships (see Chapter 2 and section 5.1). 6.2.2 Ethnic Conflicts: Featured by Colonial powers and traditional relationships The literature findings in this study show that, the Colonial ‘force’ became parallel with traditional ethnic conflicts - the latter being an integral part of indigenous Papua New Guinean society (Banks, 2008; Trompf, 1994). Banks (2008) shows that ethnic conflicts otherwise generally known as resource conflicts are better conceived as conflicts around identity and social relationships. This thesis confirms the claims by Trompf and adds that the main purpose for the ‘force’ was complete submission, a total disregard for other human beings and dehumanizing the indigenous people of Papua New Guinea. Furthermore, this thesis reveals that ethnic conflicts were part of maintaining and establishing social relationships, as documented by Banks. 88

6.2.3 Frequent Occurrences & Experiences of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby Chapter 2 shows the extent of ethnic conflicts on the lives of indigenous people and the rationale for such engagements. Such conflicts were an aspect of social traditional relationships in some parts of PNG. With this practice still etched in the mind of some indigenous people, Figure 4.3 shows that ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby over the last five years have been frequent. Both male and female respondents in this study have shared their perceptions on these occurrences and experiences of ethnic conflicts relative to cultural practices and perceptions in Port Moresby. Although there is substantial literature about ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea, there is a dearth of literature been written about Port Moresby, especially by indigenous Papua New Guineans. 6.2.4 Cultural Differences and Perceptions This study reveals that apart from certain fundamental similarities shared by all cultures (cultural universals); there exist cultural variations and differences among the population of migrants in Port Moresby. These diversities are in line with the creation account, as everybody is uniquely created and, out of billions of people, creation points out that no two people are exactly alike (Bradshaw, 2002). Such differences consist of language, systems of belief, music, food preparation, rituals, values and identities. Although these are the general differences and similarities of culture, the respondents acknowledged that behavioural characteristics of some ethnic groups are often distinct thus create differing interpretations and perceptions that may cause conflict (see Table 4.4). 6.2.5 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby Although ethnic groups from all the four regions of Papua New Guinea have been involved one way or another, the most prominent ethnic conflicts have been from the Highlands region (see Figure 4.4). 6.2.6 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby There were nine causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, as identified by the respondents involved in this study; misunderstanding, superiority issues, market space, jealousy, land issues, conflict resolution strategies, harassment, revenge, and compensation. Some of these factors are interrelated, however, ethnic conflicts as an act of ‘revenge’ has been identified has a major cause (see Figure 4.2). 6.2.7 Traditional Conflict Resolution Strategies The respondents in this study acknowledged that traditional ways of solving conflicts exists within their local communities. Their responses revealed some similarities including 89

negotiation, consultation, and mediation, are common. Two other respondents identified tribal fighting and compensation as their strategies used in conflict resolution (see section 4.4.5). 6.2.8 Prevention of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby The respondents perceived that ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby can be prevented. They provided six broad suggestions; Education and Awareness, Legal and Social Control, Social Interaction, Opportunity Creation, Etiquette Application and Leadership (see Table 4.5). Chapter 2 provided the Narrative Approach suggested by Bradshaw (2002) and the Biblical perspective (Batten et al., 2003), as considerations (see section 2.10.1.4). 6.2.9 Migration and Urbanization The findings in this study revealed that migration is a trend that has increased rapidly since its introduction during the colonial era through blackbirding and indentured labour. Such a trend has continued with rural-urban migration in response to modernization and urbanization. The respondents in this study attributed their motive for migration as the need for better education and employment. Such motives seem to show the influence of the modern cash economy compared to the subsistence-based economy. Despite the motivation for better education and employment in urban areas, particularly in Port Moresby, some respondents are disillusioned as they are faced with associated urban challenges and problems (see section 4.4.5). 6. 3 RECOMMENDATIONS Based on this study and the addition of new knowledge as a result of this thesis, I recommend that: 6.3.1. More indigenous researchers need to be engaged in conducting cultural studies in Papua New Guinea Cultures for better cultural knowledge, and to ascertain if a return to indigenous values and systems of maintaining social relationships can have a positive impact on society. 6.3.2. The various different indigenous ways of solving conflict be highlighted, popularised and utilised to deal with ethnic conflicts and ethnic perceptions. 6.3.3. There be formulation and inclusion of ‘Cultural Justice’ programmes, featuring cultural narratives, based on the indigenous models of conflict resolution in the Papua New Guinea Education Curriculum, as a compulsory area of study. 6.3.4. Educational institutions and social organizations engage in ‘Social Justice’ programmes based on the indigenous model.

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6.3.5. An Integrated Approach to Community Development by Leaders and Agents of Change. 6.3.6. Diversity to be celebrated and that cultural awareness be maximized through Community Development programmes. 6.3.7. The participant suggested mechanisms for preventing ethnic conflicts; Education and Awareness; Social Interaction; Opportunity Creation; Etiquette Applicatio n; and Leadership be considered. 6.4 AREAS FOR FUTURE STUDY This study raises a few unanswered questions. Future related studies could help provide indepth understanding of the dynamics of lifestyle of migrants within the Port Moresby urban community. 6.4.1 Assimilation of Ethnic Conflicts by Migrants This study highlighted that ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby are more prevalent among the highlands’ migrants. The new study should establish why they are moving en masse into settlements in Port Moresby. Are the movements permanent or temporary? What are the likely influences of ethnic conflicts on other more pacified ethnic groups? 6.4.2 Christian Churches and Ethnic Conflict It is documented in this study by Trompf (2005) that the practice of ‘revenge or pay-back’ was part of traditional Melanesian religion. Furthermore, this thesis perceives that Christianity came on the wings of Colonization. The root word in ‘Christianity’ is Christ. How is Christianity different or is it the same as the practices of the colonizers? What is the premise of Christianity in PNG? How is Christianity practiced? Are the practices the same as the practices of Christ, who gave Christianity that name? Are Christians’ interpretations of God’s Word consistent with the Bible? 6.4.3 Parental and Community Obligations This document presented that appropriate etiquette application is lacking within the Port Moresby urban community. How much parental and community effort is invested in culturing and nurturing appropriate etiquette? Are parents aware of their roles and do communities know of their social obligations? 6.4.4 Indigenous Leadership Given that our communities have numerous leaders in various capacities and occupy different roles in different organizations, why are people not responsive to their leadership? How was 91

indigenous leadership viewed during the past compared to the present? How can leadership positively impact on indigenous society? 6.4.5 Indigenous Historical Leadership and Traditions The ‘force’ used in the colonial era disestablished the indigenous leadership with its own constructs of tultuls, luluais and kiaps. Documenting our real indigenous heritage and indigenous traditions would greatly benefit our future. 6.5 LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY The findings of all research needs to be interpreted with due regard for the limitations. The limitations of this study, as previously noted are as follows: The survey questionnaire sample size of 20 participants from two companies and the six faceto-face interviews may lead to oversimplification of the findings in this thesis. However, this limitation does not detract from the validity of the findings as an interpretative approach was applied and the literature reviews completed suggest that the findings are not limited to the participants. Furthermore, since Papua New Guinea is an oral culture, the narratives provided by the respondents are significant. 6.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY This study showed that cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port Moresby city. It also highlighted that these cultural differences and perceptions, central to primordial factors and constructed dynamics have been the causes of ethnic conflicts. Such cultural differences and perceptions may be inclusive to the process of urbanization, and the incapability of culture to address such challenges. Furthermore, the study revealed that despite common approaches to conflict resolutions that have been employed, the results have not been enduring or sustainable, since practices and perceptions often determined such approaches. The study suggests that cultural fluency and adoption of biblical principles may be positive initiatives for addressing differences in cultural practices and perceptions, and ethnic conflicts.

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rejected

by

Papua

New

Guinea

people.

Sikes, P. & Gale, K. (2003). Narrative Approaches to Educational Research. University of Plymouth. http://www.edu.plymouth.ac.uk/resined/narrative/narrativehome.htmreTR. 11/09/12. Sisk, D. (2003). Power Sharing. Conflict Information consortium. University of Colorado. Retrieved from: http://www.beyondintractability.org. Stephen, M. (1987). Sorcerer and Witch in Melanesia. Carlton: Melbourne University Press. Ukaha, J. (2013, Wednesday, September 4). Locals Fed Up: Manus Landowners Close Dump Due to Health Risks. The National, pp. 1-2. Thomas, D, R. (2003). A General Inductive Approach for Qualitative Data Analysis, Auckland: University of Auckland. Tretten, R. W. (1977). Cities in Crisis. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Trompf, G. W. (2004). Melanesian Religion, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Trompf, G. W. (2005). Payback – The Logic of Retribution in Melanesian Religions. New York, Cambridge University Press. Warner, M. (2000). Conflict Management in Community-Based Natural Resource Projects: Experiences from Fiji and Papua New Guinea. Retrieved from: http://www.odi.org.uk/resources/docs/2738.pdf 30/08/12. What are Cultural Differences, (nd.). Retrieved from: http://www.blurtit.com/q965148.html. White, M. (1995). The narrative perspective in therapy. The Family Journal 2: 71-83. Also Chapter 1 of Re-authoring lives: Interviews and essays. Adelaide: Dulwich Centre. and New Zealand Book Co. Brookvale. Williams, A. (1994). Resolving Conflict in a Multicultural Environment. MCS Conciliation Quarterly Summer, 1994, pp. 2-6. Retrieved from: http://www.colorado.edu/conflict/peace/example/will5746.htm 17/08/12 11am. Wolfers, E. P. (1975). Race Relations and Colonial Rule in Papua New Guinea. Sydney, Australia and New Zealand Book Company.

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Yamauchi and Umezaki (2005).Rural-Urban Migration and Changing Physical Activity among Papua New Guinea Highlanders from the Perspective of Energy Expenditure and Time Use. Environmental Sciences, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp155-166.F. Young, W. D. (1998). Article Summary of Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches to Conflict Resolution: Examples from Papua New Guinea. Negotiation Journal 14:3- pp. 211220. Retrieved from: http://beyondintractability.colorado.edu/articlesummary/10628/.

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APPENDICES APPENDIX A: RESEARCH DESIGN APPENDIX B: SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL APPENDIX C: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE: CULTURAL PRACTICES APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM APPENDIX F: APPLICATION FOR EXTENSION OF STUDY

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APPENDIX A: RESEARCH DESIGN

Research design (the procedures for recruitment and selection of participants, data collection and analysis methods, dissemination)

1.

Survey questionnaires

For the survey questionnaire the sample size is s=30, and simple random sampling and quota sampling (based on gender) will be used. A total of 15 females and 15 males (Down-Town Port Moresby and Waigani) will participate in the survey questionnaire. 2.

The participant recruitment process – survey questionnaires 

I will make an appointment and had a short interview with three different companies in Down Town Port Moresby and Waigani for permission to allow their employees to participate in this survey.



During this meeting we will establish a suitable protocol, e.g. when and where to drop the questionnaires, when and where to collect it, without impacting on the production hours of the employer.



Between Monday and Thursday afternoon, I will paste the information sheets on the notice board with these companies. These sheets have my contact details and interested parties are invited to contact me.



I will use simple random sampling to draw the names of the participants.



The list that I will write their names on, is split into gender ( quota sampling)



Once I have 15 males /15 females, my participant list will be complete.



Once I have the list of possible participants, I will hand deliver the questionnaires and the consent form in a sealed envelope to their workplace on the following Monday or Tuesday. I will collect the consent forms immediately once the employee has signed it. 99

The date than I will collect the survey questionnaires (by Friday of the same week) will be clearly stated on the envelope. Furthermore, clear instructions of where participant should leave the completed questionnaire will also be written on the envelope. 

Once completed, the participant will place the completed questionnaire in a sealed envelope and leave it at their reception desk as per instruction on the envelope.



At the appointed time (written on the envelope) I will collect all the questionnaires from the three companies’ reception desks.

3.

Face-to-face interviews

The sample size for the face-to-face interviews is s = 6. Purposive sampling will be used to recruit four community leaders and two ordinary citizens from Vadavada settlement and Nine-Mile settlement. An adaptation of the appreciative inquiry approach (Lehner &Hight, 2006) will be used for the face-to-face interviews. Lehner and Hight describes the appreciative inquiry approach as revolving around five principles; namely (a) the constructionist principal, (b) the simultaneity principle, (c) the poetic principle, (d) the anticipatory principal and (e) the positive principle (p.142). This method allows participants, during the interview, to share their stories. Therefore, especially given the storytelling context of PNG, the appreciate inquiry approach is most suited. The face-toface interviews will be transcribed and the main themes and categories will be identified using the general inductive approach (Thomas, 2003). This approach allows main themes to emerge without the rigidity of theoretical frameworks, which often result in important information being discarded. 4.

The participant recruitment process – face-to-face interviews 

I will make an appointment with Vadavada and Nine mile settlement leaders to discuss the research with them and provide them with an information sheet with my contact details.



Once the leaders decide to participate, they will contact me directly so that we can schedule for them to sign consent, and thereafter arrange the face-to-face interview.



Leaders will also be asked to provide the information sheets to residents of the settlement. Once the residents contact me and express their willingness to participate, I will schedule a time and place convenient for both the participant and me to conduct the face-to-face interviews.

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

For both categories of participants, the health clinic and a church have been organized where the interviews can be conducted in a safe and quiet environment.



It I receive more than two names for the settlement participants; I will use simple random sampling to draw the names of the two participants.



Thereafter I will contact the two prospective participants to arrange a suitable place and venue and gain written consent.



I will still keep all the names of possible participants, in case of any eventuality which will require me to use another participant.



Once the interviews are complete, I will thank the participants and arrange for them to have access to the transcripts of the interviews to ensure that the information has been transcribed correctly.



When we meet, I will show them the transcripts and do any amendments, if necessary.



Once the amendments are done, I will remove their names from the transcripts. This is important as anonymity has been assured. Instead of their names, I will use either numbers or pseudonyms on every transcription.

The final bound thesis will be held in the PAU library. Furthermore, chapters of this thesis may be presented at conferences or published in journals. Travelling arrangement for the fieldwork research will be personally arranged. Dr Cecile Hoods and Dr Lalen Simeon will be the contact persons, should there be concerns or issues relating to the study. At PAU, the researcher will work under the guidance of the two appointed supervisors during the data analysis, write-up stage and until the final submission of the research thesis is complete. 5. Has the research been given ethical approval by any other body? If so, by whom? No. 6. Please summarise how the following ethical issues will be dealt with? a.

How will you ensure informed consent of participants?

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The community will be sent an information form, and, should they want to participate, they will signal their intention by letting texting me the words ‘I want to take part’ to the researcher’s mobile phone. Once they have signalled their intention, the researcher will contact them, answer any questions that they may have and provide them with a consent form (face-to-face interviews). Once this form is signed, the researcher will set up interviews and conduct the interviews. For the Survey questionnaires, the information sheets will be displayed at the companies and prospective participants will contact the researcher. Any questions regarding the research will be answered. The researcher will drop off the consent and survey questionnaire in a sealed envelope at the employee’s workplace. Once the consent form is complete, the employee hands the consent form to the researcher in a sealed envelope. The researcher will be completing the data collection during May – July 2012. b.

How will data be stored and disposed of?

Collected raw data will be kept in a secured, locked cabinet in the supervisors’ office and will be disposed of after five years. c.

What is the potential harm to participants, the researcher, organisations or others? How will this be dealt with?

•

Cultural insensitivity: Cultures and time agreed by the participants will be strictly respected and observed respectively.

•

Discouragement during the data collection process (researcher): The researcher will be in touch with the Dr Cecile Hoods and Dr Lalen Simeon. Any difficulties will be discussed with the supervisor during that period.

Ethnical issue: Issues of traditional and cultural nature will be respected at all times.

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APPENDIX B: SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

Differences in Cultural Practices of Port Moresby City Residents and Migrants in the National Capital District, Papua New Guinea. Note: Respondents are male and female residing in Port Moresby, including settlement areas.

Company: ____________________________________________________________________ Interviewee (Title and Name): ____________________________________________________ Interviewer: Miskus Lapan Sections Used: _____ A: Demographics (no specific questions) _____ B: Interview Background _____ C: Differences in Cultural Practice _____ D: Changing face of POM _____ E: Cultural Practices and Ethnic Conflict Other Topics Discussed: ____________________________________________ _____________ ________________________________________________________________ _____________ Documents Obtained: _____________________________________________ ______________ ________________________________________________________________ _____________ ________________________________________________________________ _____________ Post Interview Comments or Leads: _____________________________________________________________________________ Key Words: Perceptions, Differences, Port Moresby, Conflict, Ethnic, Culture, Land, Urbanization, Practices and Conduct. All participants have already received information sheets on the purpose of the interview.

Cultural Practices and Ethic Differences Introductory Protocol To facilitate our note-taking, we would like to audio tape our conversations today. I will record your permission. For your information, only my-self and my supervisor will be privy to the tapes which will 103

be eventually destroyed after they are transcribed. In addition, you must sign a consent f orm. This document states that: (1) all information will be held confidential, (2) your participation is voluntary and you may stop at any time if you feel uncomfortable, and (3) we do not intend to inflict any harm. Thank you for your agreeing to participate. I have planned this interview to last no longer than one hour. During this time, the re are several questions that I would like to cover. If time begins to run short, it may be necessary to interrupt you in order to push ahead and complete this line of questioning.

Introduction You have been selected to speak with us today because you have been identified as someone who has ideas and information to share about cultural practices and ethnic differences in Port Moresby. My research project as a whole focuses on whether there are any differences in cultural practices, and whether these differences can lead to possible ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. This study does not aim to evaluate your cultural knowledge or experiences. Rather, I am trying to learn more about different traditional cultural practices and whether there is a relationship between the differences in practices and ethnic conflicts.

A.

Demographics

How old are you? __________________________________________________________________ How many children do you have? _____________________________________________________ How many people live with you in the same house? _______________________________________ Do they come from the same area as you? _______________________________________________ State the particular tribe or clan you belong to____________________________________________ Are you from a matrilineal or patrilineal society? _________________________________________

B. Interviewee Background How long have you been …? _______ in your POM? _______ at this location (where you are presently living? Interesting background information on interviewee: What is your tribal role in the area that you come from? ___________________________________ Can you explain ownership of any land/resources where you come from? ____________________ __ How do you settle any differences where you are from? ____________________________________ Are there ever any differences that are left unresolved? ____________________________________ How long have you been involving in customary matters? __________________________________ Why did you come to POM? _________________________________________________________ What type of life do you experience in POM? ___________________________________________ 104

What activities do you do in order to support yourself? ____________________________________ What activities do the people who live with you do, to support themselves? ____________________ Briefly describe your role in this community ____________________________________________ From your knowledge of land tenure and resource acquisition and entitlements, in Papua New Guinea, where do you place (land) resource owners? _____________________________________________

C: Differences in Cultural Practices Briefly describe your cultural practices ____________________________________________ _____ How important is your culture or custom to you? _________________________________________ Describe the cultural practices of the other people who live in your household__________________ Which different cultural groups live in your area? ________________________________________ Are there any differences between the way you do things and the way they do things? ___________ Can you describe these differences? ___________________________________________________ How important are these differences? __________________________________________________ How is your daily life affected by these cultural differences in POM? _________________________ Do you apply your customary practise everywhere you live or settle? ________________________ _ Do you perceive other customs to be better or worse off than others? _________________________ Would you like to adopt and practise another ethnic group’s custom or culture? ________________ Describe to us your cultural practice of how you deal with issues relating to land and community resources ________________________________________________________________________ Describe your cultural practice of settling conflicts and pertinent issues like land and other resources. ________________________________________________________________________________ Describe how the other cultural or tribal groups settle conflicts, especially those arising from land and community resources? ______________________________________________________________ Do you believe that the cultural practices of other groups violate the cultural practices of your own group? ________________________________________________________________________________

D: Changing face of POM Can you describe to me the extent you have known that life in Port Moresby has been affected due to the differences in cultural practices? ___________________________________________________ What are the ways that differences in cultural practices have changed life in Port Moresby? _______ What are your daily observations, encounters and experiences, relating to the behaviour and conduct of the diverse ethnic population of Port Moresby? _________________________________________ To what extent does life in Port Moresby differ from what it used to be considering the numerous groups of people that live in and around the city? __________________________________________ 105

Comment on any changes that you have noticed in Port Moresby relating to buildings, roads or the ways in which the different cultural groups interact with each other. ___________________________ Do you think the changes happening to Port Moresby; will make it better or worse _______________ Are differences in cultural practice, a threat to your existence in Port Moresby? __________________ What significant difference has different cultures (from other parts of Papua New Guinea) made to Port Moresby? _____________________________________________________________________ Do you believe that life in Port Moresby is fast-changing, and that more land will be needed for expansion? ________________________________________________________________________ At present times, development projects, including new buildings, even settlements and re-settlements, and the signs of rural-urban migration, are evident in Port Moresby. In your view, are there any connections between resource ownership, behaviour and lifestyle? Do you think life in Port Moresby is improving for you and your family/group? If life is improving, explain how or in what ways? If life is not improving, what has got worse? _________________________________________________________________________________

E: Cultural practices and Ethnic conflict Is there any ethnic conflict in POM that you are aware of? ___________________________________ Why do you think there is ethnic conflict in POM? ________________________________________ Is there a connection between cultural practices and ethnic conflict? ___________________________ In your view, can differences in cultural practices lead to ethnic conflict? _______________________ If all ethnic groups practiced the same culture, do you think ethnic conflicts will still exist? __________________________________________________________________________________ How do you think Port Moresby city can avoid possible ethnic conflicts, and maintain law and order? __________________________________________________________________________________ Thank you so much for your time and for taking part in this research.

Is there anything else that you would like to add?

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APPENDIX C: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE: CULTURAL PRACTICES

My name is Miskus Eadique Lapan. I am a student on the Master of Leadership and Development at the Pacific Adventist University. I am currently completing a piece of research related to cultural practices and perceptions of Port Moresby Migrants.

Aim of the project: The primary goal of this research is to add to the existing of knowledge on cultural practices and perceptions and its impact on people in Port Moresby. This study will add to the body of knowledge.

Throughout this research project, your privacy would be ensured and no reference will be made to you personally. Your data will only be used for the purpose stated above. The results of this research forms part of a thesis and may be used for conference presentation and publication purposes. Your interview records will be freely available to you at all times. The findings of the project will be available in the PAU library and via electronic journals.

Consent to Participate: Your involvement in this research is entirely voluntary. By completing the questionnaire, you consent to being a participant in this research. If you complete the paper questionnaire, you will be given a consent form to sign before starting this questionnaire.

Confidentiality: The information of personal details such as name and address is not required in this questionnaire. In adherence to university policy, the collected data will be kept in a locked cabinet for five years before it is destroyed.

Further Information: This research has been reviewed and given approval by PAU Research Ethics Committee. If you would like further information about the study, please feel free to contact me on 7023 2171 or by 107

email: [email protected]. Alternatively, you can contact my supervisor Dr Cecile Hoods on 328 0200 or email: [email protected]. Thank you for your involvement in this research. Your participation is greatly appreciated. 1. Demographics What is your sex? Male

Female

2. What is your age group? Age Category

Please tick

18 < 23 23 < 28 28 < 33 33 < 38 38 < 43 43 < 48 48 < 53 53 and Above

3. What is your marital status? Status

Please tick

Single Married

4. What is your highest qualification? Award

Please tick

HSC Diploma Degree PGD Master Degree PhD Others: Specify

5. How long have you lived in Port Moresby? ________________________________ 6. These questions are about cultural practices. Tick where appropriate. 108

Questions

1

2

3

4

5

Strongly

Agree

Neither

Disagree

Strongly

Agree

Agree or

Disagree

Disagree

Every

ethnic

groups

have

different cultural practices My cultural practices are unique to my culture I accept and tolerate the cultural practices and perceptions of other ethnic groups Other ethnic groups accept and tolerate my cultural practices and perceptions My cultural practices changed since I moved to Port Moresby Different cultural practices and perceptions can cause ethnic conflicts Respecting and understanding other cultures prevents ethnic conflicts Migrants

in

Port

Moresby

respect each others’ cultures Better education can positively influence cultural perceptions, behaviours and practices Current cultural practices in Port

Moresby

promote

indigenous cultural harmony Conflicts may appear in Port Moresby if land issues are not culturally addressed due to the process of urbanizations Urbanization can create ethnic 109

problems Multicultural diversity prevents ethnic problems Different ethnic groups can coexist without problems Residing and working in an urban area can change our perceptions and behaviour in a positive way

7. Since your initial time of residence in Port Moresby, state if you have noticed, witnessed, experienced, or has been affected by any ethnic conflict. Please specify: ___________________________________________________________________________ 8. In relation to the question above, state the nature of the ethnic conflict, if you know! ___________________________________________________________________________ 9. Comment on the frequency of these ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, over the past five years. ___________________________________________________________________________ 10. Identify and specify the involvement of ethnic groups in these conflicts (if any) by regions. Region

Please tick

New Guinea Islands Papua (Southern) Momase (Northern) Highlands Others: Specify

11. What is your perception of the cultural practices of other ethnic groups? ___________________________________________________________________________ 12. Suggest at least two possible ways to prevent or avoid ethnic conflicts caused by differing cultural practices and perceptions. ___________________________________________________________________________ 13. Considering the diverse composition of Port Moresby’s migrant population, do you foresee the future of the city as progressive and peaceful or problematic? Please comment and explain. _____________________________________________________________________ 14. Is there any other information you would like to share? _____________________________

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Thank you so much for your time and for taking part in this research.

APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET

TITLE:

Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby?

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Miskus Eadique Lapan, student of Master in Leadership and Development Programme, School of Business, Pacific Adventist University. The main aim of the study is to determine whether there are differences in cultural practices amongst the urban population of Port Moresby city. The findings of this study will be used for completing my Masters degree. After completing this degree, the findings may be presented at symposiums, conferences or published in papers. I would appreciate your participation in this study, although it is entirely voluntary. There are no known or anticipated risks from participating in this study because all the given information will be treated confidentiality and your name and personal details will not be given to anybody or used in the study. Please send a text message to me on 731 83653 with the words ‘I want to take part’. If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact me on 328 0200 or by email: [email protected]. If you have any concerns or questions about this study, you can contact Cecile Hoods, Convenor and supervisor of the Masters in Leadership and Development programme at PAU by telephone extension 227 and via email: cecile.hoods@ pau.ac.pg. You can also contact the Post Graduate Director of Research, Dr Lalen Simeon via email: [email protected]. It is important for you to know that any information that you provide will be totally anonymous and confidential. All of the data will be summarized immediately once you complete the interview/survey. The questionnaire will take approximately 20 minutes of your time. Thank you so much for participating in this study. 111

APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM

I hereby consent to participate in a study of the Differences in Perception in Port Moresby. Please sign and return this page I agree to be interviewed by the researcher

Yes

No

I understand that my participation is voluntary, that I can choose not to participate in part or all of the project, and that I can withdraw at any stage of the project without being penalised or disadvantaged in any way. I understand that any data that the researcher extracts from the interview for use in reports will not, under any circumstances, contain names or identifying characteristics. I understand that none of the information that I provide will be used against me. I understand that any information I provide is confidential, and that no information that could lead to the identification of any individual will be disclosed in any reports on the project, or to any other party. I understand that reports based on the interview(s) will be kept in a secure storage and accessible to the Unit examiners only.

I also understand that the reports held by the

university will be destroyed after the completion of the Unit. Participant’s name : Signature : Date : Interviewer’s name :

Miskus Eadique Lapan

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APPENDIX F: APPLICATION FOR EXTENSION OF STUDY

The Pacific Adventist University Private Mail Bag Boroko National Capital District 05th, May 2013

The Coordinator Post-graduate Studies The Pacific Adventist University Private Mail Bag Boroko National Capital District Papua New Guinea

Request for Further Extension for Thesis Completion

Dear Dr Lalen Simeon As per our discussion, I Miskus Eadique Lapan, student number s41355, a Post-Graduate Student in Masters and Leadership and Development, hereby apply for a further extension to complete my thesis. I am working through Chapter (4) four, Chapter (5) five, and the Conclusion. I also need the extension for re-editing and proof-reading of all Chapters, prior to final submission. My delay has been due to a few issues, which have not improved since my last request for a second extension. In particular; 1. 2. 3. 4.

Accommodation is still a crucial issue Financial constraints No designated allocation of computer in the Post-Graduate room My computer crashed and was just repaired on Saturday, 04th May, 2013

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I am really eager to complete my thesis within the time given and qualify for graduation at the end of this year, and perhaps a further extension would be of great assistance. I thank my supervisors, Cecile Hoods and Harwood Lockton for their tireless effort and professional support. I also thank you, Dr Lalen Simeon, for your inspiration, and encouragement. I thank the Pacific Adventist University for this opportunity. Yours Sincerely, Miskus Eadique Lapan

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