American Muslims Engaged: Political Advocacy as Civic Education

Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

American Muslims Engaged: Political Advocacy as Civic Education Introduction

At the end of the Cold War geopolitical realignments spurred an ongoing debate about whether Islam and democracy are compatible, which only intensified after the attacks of 9/11 (Abou El Fadl 2003; Esposito & Voll 1996; Huntington 1993; Lewis 2002; Mernissi 2002). However, social science research on immigrant Muslim minorities in the US (Baretto & Dana 2008; Jamal 2005) follows a trend in studies demonstrating the positive relationship between attending religion services and civic and political participation among immigrants, as well as ethnic and racial minorities and majorities (Cadge & Ecklund 2007; Clark 1998; Jones-Correa & Leal 2001; Kniss & Numrich 2007; McClercking & McDaniel 2005; Smidt et al. 2008). That said, Muslim youth are registered to vote at a significantly lower rate than youth from other religious communities in the US (Mogahed 2009), which indicates less political participation. This paper will analyze how a Muslim advocacy organization addresses this discrepancy by providing Muslim youth with the skills to participate in civil society.

Research on the intersection between religion and civic and political participation tends to focus on places of worship as sites for civic education and training, as noted above. In contrast, this paper argues for greater attention to religious advocacy organizations in civic education programs regarding political participation. Although research on religious advocacy emphasizes encounters with governing institutions (Cleary & Hertzke 2006; Hertzke 1988; Hofrenning 1996), I contend that more attention needs to be given to their education initiatives, especially given the increasing importance of advocacy organizations to the political process in

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Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

the US (Skocpol & Fiorina 1999). This paper suggests that Muslim advocates contribute to the political integration of Muslim youth within American political practices and processes.

This paper is based on preliminary ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the summer of 2012. I engaged in participant observation for three months at the Los Angeles office of the Muslim Public Affairs Council (hereafter referred to as MPAC). MPAC was founded in 1988 in Los Angeles and established an office in Washington DC in 1999. It is affiliated with one of the oldest immigrant mosques in Los Angeles, which claims to have the largest Muslim youth group in southern California. In this paper I draw on participant observation field notes and informal interviews regarding MPAC’s training of interns, as well as a two day civic summit for Muslim youth in Los Angeles co-hosted by MPAC.

Civic Skills: Social Capital, Communities of Practice & Civic Enskilment

While much research focuses on voting, civic and political participation includes many other activities besides voting. For this reason, social scientists focus on civic skills in order to understand what enables citizens to become active. This paper focuses on civic skills in order to bridge two gaps in research on civic engagement and political participation: acquisition and application. Political scientists and sociologists such as Fredrik Harris (2003) and Robert Wuthnow (1999), two prominent exemplars, utilize quantitative data derived from survey research to demonstrate the importance of places of worship for developing civic skills. In doing so, they have highlighted the accumulation of social capital by those who acquire such skills, what the skills consist of, and where they are acquired.

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Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

So what can anthropology contribute to research on civic skills? One of the central figures of modern statistics, Ronald Fisher (1948:5), emphasized that quantitative research often leads to further research questions that can only be answered by qualitative methods. Thus, anthropological participant-observation does not just provide empirically grounded anecdotes or anomalies—it can answer questions that quantitative surveys cannot: in this case, how and why civic skills are learned.

Caroline Brettell & Deborah Reed-Danahay (2012) have recently developed a theoretical framework to address the acquisition and application of civic skills among immigrant communities in the US. They draw on a community of practice model in order to emphasize modes of socialization whereby more experienced immigrants impart knowledge and skills to newcomers as apprentices (2012:8). Yet, what is most important is not the accumulation of specific skills, but the formation of mentor-like relationships for the transmission of skill. In this sense, the practices of relationship-building are more important to understand than the quantification of acquired techniques. To supplement their focus on informal sociality for transmitting language and organizational knowledge, I focus on an advocacy group that provides direct access to a learning environment based on a relational approach to skill development situated at the intersection of religion and politics.

Taking the community of practice framework as a general theoretical orientation, I will supplement it with Tim Ingold’s (2000) articulation of skill development, what he calls enskilment. He problematizes the distinction between acquisition and application, mentioned above, by emphasizing that a skill is learned through a more complex development of attentiveness to self, others, technology and environment. I will demonstrate below how focusing

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on civic enskilment has larger implications for understanding the following that I will address in separate sections: 1) the semiotics of collective identity; 2) scriptural reasoning for formulating a political engagement strategy; and 3) the role of affect and value for deliberative democracy.

American Muslim Identity: Diagrammatic Relations of Faith and Nation

In this section I will analyze the role of a diagram in shaping the relationship between immigration, religion and nation. I do so by emphasizing the importance of pedagogy for cultivating the skill of attention regarding American Muslim identity formation and mobilization. During my summer fieldwork, each week more than a dozen MPAC interns, high school and college students, met with a staff member to learn about the organization and develop professional skills (such as networking, career planning and op-ed writing). Midway through the summer internship program we met with the Senior Adviser of MPAC who is also the leader of the oldest immigrant mosque in Los Angeles. He discussed his biography and told us about the historical and sociological bases for MPAC’s model of civic and political engagement. The following discussion of American Muslim collective identity is not just a product of MPAC, but is regularly taught at its affiliated mosque as well as the largest Islamic school system in greater Los Angeles.

The Senior Adviser—himself an elderly Egyptian immigrant—drew a diagram consisting of x and y axes in order to visualize the tensions faced by previous Muslim communities. He drew a bubble at the corner where the x and y axes intersected to show why each immigrant wave devolved into atomized families and individuals and descendants ceased to practice their faith after two to three generations. The Senior Adviser then drew arrows indicating a “field of action” within the same diagram as the collective goal to break out of the bubble by moving 4

Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

outward in both directions of social integration and religious transmission. For him, immigrant waves are typically more interested in insular sectarian and ethnic issues, which he called “back home syndrome.” According to him, the only way to ensure that youth remain practicing Muslims is to pursue both generational transmission and societal integration. It is worth noting that his conclusions align with qualitative sociological research on religious diasporas in the US (Ebaugh & Chafez 2000; Warner & Wittner 1998) wherein communities that do not appeal to the shift in language and societal concerns of the younger generation tend to lose membership.

The most striking feature of the usage of a diagram for American Muslim religious transmission and integration is that it simultaneously situates Muslim youth within their own immigrant religious communities and American society. In this sense, the diagram aligns well with Clifford Geertz’s depiction of religion as a model of and a model for society (1973). Geertz discussed charts and diagrams as models that enable the identification of relationships as “the essence of human thought” (1973:94). The diagram certainly helps to establish a relationship between an immigrant Muslim community and American society. It is also a model of what is and what ought to occur in order to ensure the continuation of a collective religious identity.

That said, the diagram is more than a cognitive function of thought. Talal Asad (1993) critiqued Geertz’s discussion of symbols as oscillating between cognitive and communicative levels. In response, Asad (1993:31) sought to overcome Geertz’s division between representation and reality by adopting the semiotics of Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky in order to make conceptual signs the products of social practices. Yet, my account above renders Asad’s argument tautological since the diagram is already embedded in intersubjective communicative practice. Instead, the semiotics of Charles Peirce allows me to specify the practice of enskilment.

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Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

Peirce’s (1998) approach agrees with Geertz regarding diagrams as representational, what he termed an icon. In addition, Peirce emphasized the role of the diagram in developing jointattention, which I suggest applies to the relationship between religion and nation. More broadly, the enskilment of attention extends Benedict Anderson’s (2006) conception of the nation as an “imagined community” by emphasizing an embodied relation between religion and nation that cannot be grasped strictly by analyzing the circulation of media. As such, the diagram produces a reflexive mode of attention and sense of collective purpose to religious and civic participation among Muslim youth. Faith-Based Political Strategies: Qur’anic Principles & Diplomatic Politics

My analytical focus on the diagram in the previous section highlights the importance of attentive orientation to the relationship between immigration, faith, and nation. This section emphasizes the skill of scriptural reasoning in the formation of a political project of engagement. With ongoing threats to Muslim civil liberties, I was surprised to discover that MPAC does not primarily engage in a politics of difference and demands. If identifying mutual interest is the starting point then what might be an alternative mode of engagement? I will now sketch what I term a prophetic politics of cooperation that circumvents the transposition of warfare into the realm of the political, which has characterized a strand of political philosophy stretching from Thucidydes and Machiavelli to Carl von Clausewitz. I first began to contemplate these issues during a weekly Qur’an class where MPAC’s Senior Adviser emphasized reconsidering scriptural hermeneutics and political engagement from within the context of cooperation instead of conflict, since that is how most of life is experienced, he noted. During my second week of fieldwork I was surprised that the Senior 6

Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

Adviser opted to focus on a controversial Qur’anic passage on violence. The beginning of sura 9 outlines the rules of engagement concerning warfare and is cited by critics of Islam who depict the religion as intrinsically violent, as well as by advocates of violence within Islam itself. The controversial quote from 9:5 calls for Muslims to “kill the polytheists wherever you find them.” However, as the staff and interns worked through the verses the Senior Adviser led us to the identification of political engagement and negotiation embedded within the preceding verse (9:4), which reads: “Excepted are those with whom you made a treaty among the polytheists and then they have not been deficient toward you in anything or supported anyone against you; so complete for them their treaty until their term [has ended]. Indeed, Allah loves the righteous [who fear Him].”

The Senior Adviser contextualized the verse to show that violence was only permissible after polytheists had frequently broken their peace treaties with Muslims. Rather than whitewashing, sidestepping or reasoning away the passage on violence, advocates utilized such verses to demonstrate the validity of their approach to conflict resolution and negotiation across differences. The Qur’an class deliberations paralleled MPAC’s pedagogical approach to political engagement in other contexts, as well. In another weekly meeting, a staff member outlined the national landscape of Muslim organizations for interns. She showed how each organization filled a different niche for the Muslim community in the US and stated that they should cooperate along the lines of “unity, not uniformity” to “work toward the same goal from different directions.” Citing the Qur’anic injunction to negotiate and uphold oaths, she quoted Muslim Minnesota Democratic representative, Keith Ellison, “if you’re not at the table you’re on the menu.” Some Muslims criticize MPAC, saying it forsakes solidarity in order to have a seat at the negotiating table, but for MPAC negotiation is a part of a sacred repertoire of political 7

Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

engagement. She then cited the Qur’anic example of Allah instructing Moses to “speak gently” (20:44) when confronting the Egyptian Pharaoh. Not only do MPAC advocates find negotiation where others read violence, they also identify the polite speech of diplomacy at the heart of the most iconic myth of protest politics: the liberation of Jews from Egypt. In another context, the Senior Adviser operationalized these Qur’anic principles as he advocated a political ethos grounded in Islam but oriented to American politics. He contended that integration was equally crucial for community survival as it was for effective advocacy. The key to advocacy, according to him, was to articulate an American Muslim perspective as “a domestic issue” in order to resonate with the broader public. An intern asked him why this approach was better than trying to get the American public to understand the plight of Palestinians, for example. He responded that the history of settler colonialism in the US makes it unlikely that most Americans or US politicians will be open to the alternative perspective. As such, MPAC and other Muslim advocacy organizations collectively decided to adopt a domestic position on their political activities in 2002 as a response to the post-9/11 backlash (Akhtar 2011:772), despite their disagreements over what type of domestic political engagement to pursue.

After emphasizing the domestic approach of MPAC to policy issues, the Senior Adviser outlined a step-by-step guide to socio-political change by building relationships that require cultivation and not pressure. He identified four points for successful and effective relationship building: 1) recognition, 2) respect, 3) acceptance and 4) influence. Rather than pursue a model of multicultural politics that gains a public recognition of difference, I suggest that MPAC enacts a “politics of similitude” (Boellstorff 2005) that privileges similarity without negating difference,

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by aligning the mutual concerns and interests of being both American and Muslim. One way MPAC advocates articulate similarity is by emphasizing that Muslims face the same basic concerns and problems as all Americans, and that they also share the desire to be part of the solution to common problems rather than perceived as a problem.

Now that I have sketched how scriptural reasoning connects American Muslim identity and advocacy, I will finish this section by showing how Muslim youth utilized the pedagogical scaffolding provided to them by MPAC. Interns began to think like “MPAC’ers” after attending meetings with government officials. The day after attending a contentious Muslim community forum on the suspicious activity reporting program of the Los Angeles Police Department, interns and staff discussed the event. One intern remarked that engagement is only possible when anger is channeled into constructive dialogue. What this example indicates is that through observation and participation interns began to apply MPAC’s political model to new situations.

Affective Democracy: from Mutual Interests to American Values

This final section focuses on a two day civic summit where MPAC created a mobile civic learning environment for Muslim youth to practice communicating effectively with authoritative figures. This summit is the local version of MPAC’s national Muslim young leader summits that introduce youth to careers in entertainment, government and media. By focusing on communication training I will argue that the importance of affect and value challenges the primacy of reason in deliberative democracy.

The civic summit consisted of a cosmopolitan group of two dozen high school and college students (mostly young women) from East African, South Asian and Middle Eastern

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Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

backgrounds. MPAC’s commitment to relationship building through its conception of diplomatic political engagement provided Muslim youth with access to interact with influential personages in Los Angeles, such as newspaper editors, the mayor, city council representatives, and survivors of Japanese internment camps. Here are a few issues that Muslim youth discussed with authoritative figures: media bias in coverage of Islam and Muslims, how to lobby governing institutions effectively, and what Muslims can learn from the Japanese American community about stigmatization and political mobilization. Just as important was meeting Muslim staffers and interns who work in City Hall on a range of issues that were not necessarily about Muslim interests—a further indication that politics need not solely be about faith-based self-interest.

We spent half a day in the mosque the following day for training sessions in order to think about how to influence authorities once we have access to these institutional centers. Our facilitator emphasized that the vast majority of listeners respond more to affective rather than factual communication. For this reason, she advised us to always begin a conversation with a shared American value such as equality, freedom, or justice. She then noted that we should follow the value by identifying our advocacy issue and finish by suggesting a solution in the interest of all. The goal was that the affective connection would sustain the deliberation process when the more contentious aspects arose.

We broke into groups to practice the technique of value-based communication. Our task was to formulate responses to difficult issues of the day: gun control, abortion, Israel-Palestine, surveillance and indefinite detention. I was selected to speak on behalf of the Israel and Palestine group. While pretending to address a group of conservative Christians, I boggled the order by placing the issue before the value of peace. The group applauded my attempt as a non-Muslim

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Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

speaking highly of Muhammad and Jesus, but our instructor corrected my academic style of beginning with controversy instead of shared sentiment. My blunder demonstrates the importance of enskilment through socialization and professionalization in an apprentice-based model of learning by doing.

A Habermasian (1984:172) version of deliberative democracy contends that value unifies actions through means and ends planning. MPAC certainly instructs and enacts value in this instrumental sense of rationalization, but it does not fully account for how value-based communication elicits an embodied response. We must also acknowledge the role of affect in reconfiguring self-other perception through value alignment (Graeber 2001:45). As Nira YuvalDavis (2006) has argued, values often rank and mediate the relationship between emotional attachments and national belonging by altering the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. A shift in empirical location that reconsiders national belonging from within a Muslim advocacy organization reveals a greater degree of political inclusion than we might expect from hegemonic media and political discourse at the scale of the nation.

Conclusion

This paper argues for greater consideration of Muslim advocates in developing programs for integrating Muslim youth into participatory democracy. It has done so through an analysis of civic enskilment, by approaching skills less as a set of tasks on a checklist and more as an embodied semiotic technology for diagramming collective identity, deriving political strategies from scriptural exegesis, as well as transmitting value in an affective register. As such, this work speaks to anthropological work on the contributions of Muslim civic organizations to democratization in Muslim majority societies (Hefner 1998; Walton 2013), but from a Muslim 11

Garrison Doreck The Florida State University Dept. of Religion 12th Annual Graduate Student Symposium February, 23, 2013

minority context. Moreover, this essay also addresses the anthropology of democracy (Paley 2002; 2008) and citizenship (Brettel & Reed-Danahay 2012; Levinson 2008; Ong 1996; Rosaldo 1999). To quote Bradley Levinson (2008:336): “The study of citizenship education for democracy is therefore the study of efforts to educate the members of a social group to imagine their social belonging and exercise their participation as democratic citizens.” This parallels how John Dewey (2012:93) defined democracy as “the recognition of mutual interests,” and “readjustment through meeting the new situations produced by varied intercourse.” Based on the account I have presented above, it is almost impossible to distinguish between these notions of democracy and MPAC’s civic education programs geared towards faith-based political participation. What is distinct is not so much the functionalist recognition and readjustment of democratic practices, but the cultural codes and modes through which democratic participation is conveyed and embodied.

Finally, this study requires a reassessment of how we think about citizenship and political incorporation through participation. Aihwa Ong (1996) argues that immigrants become citizens through a process of subjectification, of self-making and being made, through disciplinary control. Similarly, Andrew Shryock (2008; 2010) attributes American Muslim political incorporation to disciplinary inclusion. He (2010:20) contends that “phobic and philic sentiments” towards, and among, Muslims in the US operate as a form of “disciplinary inclusion” in which “sameness can be just as coercive as antagonistic difference.” I contend that MPAC’s model of political engagement along the lines of diplomatic negotiation articulates forms of similarity and difference without exercising control or coercion, but is rather one political strategy among others within the Muslim community in the US. As such, anthropologies of Islam, citizenship, and democracy must not just reckon with the contextual and controlling 12

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conditions of a socio-political milieu at the expense of the institutionalized forms of creativity and construction that religious communities formulate (Brettel & Reed-Danahay 2012:213; Rosaldo 1999). Rather, research must remain attentive to the dynamism of the alternative meaning of milieu—the middle—which orients us to alternative currents flowing through religiopolitical institutional activities that obviate stale distinctions (e.g. Islam and democracy) and attributions of their activities to coercive forces (Deleuze & Guattari 1987). Or, as one MPAC staffer remarked, “change the channel.”

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