Media coverage on President Jakaya Kikwete

ST. AUGUSTINE UNIVERSITY OF TANZANIA DIRECTORATE OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND COMMUNICATIONS MA-MASTERS OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATIONS

PRESIDENT KIKWETE AND MEDIA RELATIONS Media coverage on Kikwete’s presidential campaigns CCM preferential polls and general elections, also general coverage on his initial stage of the presidency

MAMC STUDENT - NO. 1004/2005/06 MHEGERA E.I. MWANZA –TANZANIA

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TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………….........................01 ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………………………..02

INTRODUCTION: TANZANIAN SOCIAL-POLITICAL OVERVIEW…………………..03

THE PERSON JAKAYA KIKWETE………………………………………………………..04

THE PRESS IN TANZANIA………………………………………………………………..06 MEDIA COVERAGE ON KIKWETE’S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS……………….09 CCM PREFERENTIAL POLLS AND GENERAL ELECTIONS GENERAL COVERAGE: KIKWETE’S AS TANZANIAN PRESIDENT……………….10 THE PRESIDENT KIKWETE AND MEDIA RELATIONS ………………………………14

WHY SUCH A COVERAGE

...........................................................................................18

COCLUSION ………………………………………………………………………………..19

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ABBREVIATIONS TANU

- Tanganyika African National Union

CCM

- Chama Cha Mapinduzi

PDA

- Preventive Detention Act

TYL

- TANU Youth League

JUWATA - Jumuia ya Wafanyakazi Tanzania UWT

- Umoja wa Wanawake Tanzania

TAPA

- Tanzania Parents Association

TEC

- Tanzania Episcopal Council

RTD

- Radio Tanzania Dar-es-salaam

VFCU

- Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions

OIC

- Organization of Islamic Conference

CUF

- Civic United Front

NLD

- National League for Democracy

BBC

- British Broadcasting Corporation

NCCR

- National Convention for Construction and Reform

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INTRODUCTION: TANZANIAN SOCIAL POLITICAL OVERVIEW Tanzania being a ‘democratic’1 country it has adopted Westminster model of democracy with an executive president since its independence with Nyerere as the prime minister in 1961, and later as president when it became a republic. In 1992 the country re-introduced multiparty politics; however, this was after a monopoly of almost three decades of single party politics which were dominated by TANU and later CCM2 at the helm of power. Since 1965 Tanzanian elections were conducted in a single party model, this followed a system that was worked out by the presidential commission on the One-Party State and amended only slightly by the party Tanganyika African National Union and came into effect on September 1965. 3 An evolution of single party politics in Africa and in Tanzania in particular, did not happen as an accident, but rather it was a culmination of political developments immediately after the achievement of independence. The major reasons were; the dilemma of choice of ideology, the contribution of the socialist bloc in the struggle for independence, nature of politics (i.e. immature politics of African continent) intra-conflicts among the petty bourgeoisies and consolidation of political power. This last aspect of consolidation of power took many dimensions in different African countries for instance, elimination of political opponents physically and psychologically through various ways especially killings and the notorious Preventive Detention Act (PDA), which was popular among many African countries including Tanzania. Thereafter followed the establishment of radical policies e.g. Arusha declaration in Tanzania, common man’s charter in Uganda and the like. All were aimed at consolidating power and to eliminate ‘subversive’ elements therefore what followed were detentions expulsions and the like. In Uganda Kabaka Mutesa was overthrown he went into exile in London and he was poisoned to death there. In Tanzania Oscar Kambona fell out of the ruling system by being condemned a ‘capitalist’. On October 18, 1968, seven MPs were expelled from TANU, this move made them automatically to loose their parliamentary positions. These MPs were considered to be (enemies of TANU). By the time of expulsion Eli Anangyise who was formally the secretary general of TANU youth league (TYL) was in detention under the PDA. (Kiongozi, Oktoba, 1968)* 1. Not all agree that Tanzania is a Democratic country because multiparty politics is not necessarily a guarantee of democracy in one country. This will be tantamount to saying it was never democratic during the single party era. An official version is we had a single party democracy and now are in multiparty democracy. 2. TANU and AFRO-SHIRAZ Party joined in February 5, 1977 to establish CCM the current ruling party the former was a mainland ruling party while the latter was based in Zanzibar Isles. 3. Lionel Cliffe (editor), One Party Democracy: The 1965 Tanzania General Elections, 1967, East African Publishing House, Nairobi. It appears the commission was not an opinion seeker on whether to remain a multiparty state or not, but rather it was a seeker of opinion of the modus operandi of the Single party State. * The copy is too old and the date is missing but it must have been immediately after the expulsions of the MP’s from TANU.

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One-Party system meant streamlining of all political activities, official oppositions were restricted. The system of checks and balances were censored, i.e. their leaders were to be elected after a rigorous scrutiny by the Central Committee of the ruling party for instance; JUWATA, UWT, UVT, TAPA, etc. these developments went hand in hand with checking of the freedom of the press only official newspapers of the government were allowed namely Daily News and Sunday news (by Standard Newspaper a government agency) Uhuru, and Mzalendo (by TANU and later CCM) others were Mfanyakazi by the sole trade union JUWATA, and Kiongozi (by the Tanzanian Episcopal Council, TEC). At the time the only existing electronic media was Radio Tanzania Dar-es-salaam (RTD) that was state owned; there were no TV stations and the Internet facilities. Under these circumstances Nyerere then president, received only a positive coverage, and more importantly he was too monopolistic in almost every aspect of Tanzanian’s lives. The media became a tool for a personality cult; the situation remained so up to the time of Nyerere’s retirement in 1985. However, this does not mean that he did not get negative coverage elsewhere. He received negative coverage from the western media because there were local journalists who corresponded with foreign media preferring anonymity (e.g. our reporter our correspondent) and pseudo or pen names for instance journalists like Freddy Jim Mdoe and others who were well known to be correspondents to foreign newspapers and journals like The African, Africa now, African concord etc. were termed as Wanafiki (hypocrites) The nature of reportage remained so during Mwinyi’s era i.e. the second phase president but in 1992 Tanzania enshrined political pluralism which went hand in hand with reverses on policies which contained the media. However it cannot be argued that this was the main contribution to a turn of events in Tanzanian journalism, but it must be taken into consideration that Mwinyi was more tolerant to his political opponents than Nyerere. He ushered in liberalism (Ruksa) which worked even more positively by allowing registration of private media which became bitter enemies of the third phase president Benjamin Mkapa, himself formerly a journalist and editor. THE PERSON: JAKAYA KIKWETE You can not discuss how Kikwete is covered by media now without discussing him as a person long before becoming a president. There are indications that president Kikwete had ambitions long time ago to become what he is now. He has lived to see his dream come true, which culminated to the state house Ikulu since his youthful age. Some argues that he started to depict the elements of leadership during his ‘A’ Level secondary school education and later at the University of Dar-es-Salaam. However it appears in the first multiparty elections of 1995 Kikwete was never Nyerere’s favourite, probably due to his ‘tender’ age of 45, Nyerere commented that he was ‘too young’ to become a president by then.

Describing the presidential aspirants by then in the general elections in 1995 (Maliyamkono: 1995) was of the following opinion about Jakaya Kikwete; that he ‘had some advantages because of being a Moslem from the coast, and being supported by the out going president, (Mwinyi). He came close to the presidency after he led in the first round of voting because of his appeal to the young and to women’. And this is how he described Mkapa who eventually won the presidency, ‘a deeper Southerner with a wife from Kilimanjaro, a journalist by profession and a prolific speech writer. Mkapa is rather quiet and relatively unknown

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internally. He is a careful politician who distanced himself from the Tanganyika Government issue. He was foreign minister during the first phase of CCM government and was inherited by Mwinyi4 in that position. He is a guy who is difficult to blame for the major mistakes CCM has committed, “Mr. clean” is his popular title after the Chimwaga CCM presidential candidate nominations. Whether Benjamin would be an effective president is still to be seen. He is not obliged to offer key positions to anybody; his success will depend on the selection of his cabinet team his advisers and on how quickly he can attend to burning issues’5 By implication through Maliyamkono’s assessment, Kikwete became popular because of Mwinyi’s support, I do not differ with this assertion but it should be known that Mwinyi’s effort would have proven futile if Kikwete did not get back-up support from almost all groups in the ruling party. This is how Maliyamkono assessed the main contenders, ‘Mwalimu’s own first choice was Salim Ahmed Salim, but Salim wouldn’t make it. His second choice was Benjamin Mkapa, but Mkapa was very difficult to sell, Jakaya Kikwete and Edward Lowassa were new to Mwalimu though they had a history of being political activists at the University of Dar-es-Salaam. Lowassa, like Kikwete made news headlines but was accused of amassing wealth in a short time although he was the choice of the youth. Kikwete had an added advantage of being supported by the outgoing president. 6 Maliyamkono continues; ‘however, Mwalimu’s speech at Chimwaga during the CCM extraordinary conference did not benefit Kikwete, Mwalimu hit out hard against tribalism, religionnism, poverty and corruption. On the contrary, only one among the CCM contenders would profit by the speech. This was Benjamin Mkapa who had been Mwalimu’s press Secretary and had been a Minister for Foreign Affairs during the most active years of Mwalimu’s involvement in the liberation of Africa.7 Athough one might argue that Nyerere was worried that another Moslem was to replace Mwinyi’s, but the real question was a conflict of legacies Nyerere was sidelined a lot during Mwinyi’s era therefore he wanted a person in Ikulu who could uplift his legacy no wonder he had much trust in him as a ‘good guy’. Therefore, if one is to assess Kikwete, he should be seen in the light of a person who tolerated Mizengwe (trickery) by Nyerere. Rumors has it that when the final three for CCMs ticket came out as Mkapa Msuya and Kikwete, Nyerere sought for a voluntary pull out by Msuya and his 70 bloc votes from Zanzibar went to Mkapa. Dr Salmin Amour who was then president of Zanzibar was annoyed by Kikwete’s persistence that Zanzibar’s goods should be taxed when they cross through mainland harbours. Kikwete had ordered the taxation when he replaced Professor Kighoma Malima as Finance Minister after Malima was forced to resign because of tax exemptions and a failure to collect taxes.

4. In fact the one who replaced Mkapa in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the late Ambassador Ahmed Hassan Diria, the author erroneously mentioned Mwinyi 5. T.L Maliyamkono: The Race for the PRESIDENCY, first multiparty democracy in Tanzania, P.32. 6. Maliyamkono. Ibid, P.32 7. Ibid, P 32. .

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THE PRESS IN TANZANIA In chapter one, we saw how the single party system developed and how it affected the whole political system whereby there was censorship of the media and how all political activities were streamlined to support the status quo. It is imperative here to argue that a person of presidential ambitious new how the media had a strong impact in the political game. As it was argued earlier by Professor Maliyamkono that Kikwete’s popularity in 1995 was a product of an enormous support he enjoyed from Mwinyi, it can as well be added that the fact that he succumbed to ‘party discipline’ did not mean that he took the turn of events passively. In fact these developments gave him enough time to prepare himself well in advance for the 2005 general elections. There are rumors that Mkapa appointed Kikwete for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs because he feared he would have outshone him if he was appointed in any other ministry and remain an active participant in domestic affairs. The argument to support those assertions is that Nyerere had used the same strategy previously. He had abolished chieftaincy, but appointed the same chiefs (their sons) to ambassadorial posts for instance; Makwaia, Lukumbuzya, Kasanga Tumbo etc. in the same bid it is argued that Nyerere appointed the late Ambassador Paul Bomani for the post to our Embassy in the USA after he lost in parliamentary elections, partly because Bomani became too popular in the Sukuma area after galvanizing for a strong Victoria Federation of Co-operative Unions (VFCU). Rumors has it that Bomani was appointed as ambassador to the United States of America where stayed for 13 years and came back in Tanzania while Nyerere was about to retire it is argued that political stalwarts and CCM gurus were not appeased by the way Kikwete confronted the CCM Secretary General Lawrence Gama claiming that he was campaigning for Cleopa Msuya who replaced John Macela as premier after the latter’s resignation following claims that Malecela and the late Horace Kolimba had failed to advice Mwinyi’s in a number of issues particularly Zanzibar joining the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) When CCM remained with three contenders for the presidency in 1995 namely Mkapa, Msuya and Kikwete underground campaigs went on while Nyerere un openly through his agents like Joseph Warioba the retired Prime Minister led for Mkapa’s campaign, Msuya was assisted by Gama and other CCM stalwarts while Mwinyi conducted an underground campaign for Kikwete. To Kikwete, Mkapa was not a threat, simply because he was not popular among Tanzanians, he was then Minister for Science, Technology and Higher Education, to Kikwete then, Msuya was the main threat. Maliyamkono also reviews these events by simply concluding that ‘credit should go to Kawawa for keeping CCM united through his managing to reconcile Lawrence Gama and Jakaya Kikwete before the Chimwaga CCM extra-ordinary conference. However, Mwinyi did put the Secretary General down by telling the Chimwaga conference that Gama had apologized to Kikwete. In a sense this was construed by some conference participants as an attempt to elevate Kikwete in his campaign for CCM preferential candidacy’8

8. T.L. Maliyamkono; The Race for the PRESIDENCY, The first multiparty democracy in Tanzania, P. 22

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These events are important in understanding how Kikwete has been covered prior to the presidency and currently that he is in the state House. They are important because they were promoted by journalists who were in favour of Kikwete for the presidency even in 1995 when he was at the age of 45. Although Mkapa had worked as a journalist but he did not manage to win the support of his ‘fellow journalists’. A few who dared support him were seen as traitors or hypocrites. When eventually Ulimwengu’s citizenship was nullified then the real battle with journalists started. Eventually he was re-instated as a Tanzanian, this is how Mtanzania of March 12, described it ‘serikali imempa uraia wa Tanzania, Mwenyekiti wa Bodi ya wakurugenzi ya Habari CorporationLimited, Jenerali Twaha Ulimwengu,miaka miwili baada ya kumtangaza kuwa si raia. Kwa mujibu wa tangazo la Waziri wa mambo ya Ndani, lililotolewa katika gazeti la Daily News jana, uraia huo umetolewa kwa mujibu wa Sheria ya Uraia namba 6 ya mwaka 1995, kifungu cha 9(I) na 11(I). Ulimwengu alitangazwa kwamba si raia waTanzania pamoja na viongozi wengine watatu waandamizi nchini Februari mwaka 2001, na kutakiwa kuomba uraia’ ‘Viongozi wengine ambao walitangazwa si raia pamoja naye ni aliyekuwa Balozi wa Tanzania nchini Nigeria, Timothy Bandora, katibu mwenezi wa CCM (Tanzaia visiwani), Mouldine Castico na aliyekuwa Mwenyekiti wa CCM Mkoa wa Kagera, Anatory Amani. Viongozi hao waliomba uraia wa Tanzania, maombi ya Ulimwengu yalikataliwa wakati wenzake watatu walipewa uraia huo’ The story explains at length how Ulimwengu’s and other three people’s citizenships were nullified but when he re-applied his colleagues were accepted with his exception. One clear message according to the story is that Ulimwengu was being vindicated and the main reason is because of his journalistic duties. When eventually Mkapa succumbed from a mounting pressure from journalists, NGOs, diplomats and the academia particularly the University of Dar-es-Salaam and gave Ulimwengu back his citizenship one senior journalist wrote a feature article that it was a habit of dictators to announce their opponents as being alien persona non grata (Prince Bagenda) Rai March 18, 2004. All these are indications that Mkapa had failed to attract the support of journalists throughout his rule. According to the report on the state of media in Southern Africa (1999), 19 newspapers were cautioned by the Tanzanian government that year and threatened with stiffer action. Between 1987 and 1999, the Tanzanian government had taken legal action against 50 newspapers for publishing false stories and socially and politically inflammatory articles.9

9. Ernest Mrutu (editor) 2003: Media and Society in Tanzania, Media Development Association (T) and Konrad Adenaur Foundation, Dar es Salaam, P 59

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In summarizing the state-media relations during Mkapa’s era Mrutu: 2003 had this to say, ‘However, there have also been good times for the Tanzanian media. President Benjamin Mkapa, often critical of the media for alleged bias against CCM; praised it for their good coverage of the death of the founding father of the nation, Mwalimu Nyerere. The president pointed out that this showed the significance of the media in issues of national interest’ Mkapa also promised good relations with the media in his inauguration speech to parliament in November 2000. He called upon media owners and editors to build capacity and integrity of journalists and be sensitive to Tanzania’s cultural values and professional ethics. ‘To you media people I say: criticize where criticism is warranted, and commend where it is deserved’10 This does not mean all went well with his predecessor Ali Hassan Mwinyi he also in several occasions came in conflict with journalists, and this is what he had to say in dismay. ‘All private newspapers are against us. They have been calling us names, till they have exhausted their bad vocabulary we won’t tolerate further invective’ (Tegambwage: 1990).11 That Mkapa’s popularity dwindled partly because of his constant conflicts with journalists was another lesson to Kikwete who incidentally started to cultivate his political future by using the media. He became a patron of civic groups and was closely related to youth associations which made him even more popular with them. He involved himself in fund raising activities including those of Christians. All these events were reported positively by the media and they had a profound impact to the populace. So media manipulation was one of the biggest strategies that Kikwete used, take for consideration this statement which came out several times repeatedly “bila wamisionari leo ningekuwa nauza madafu Bagamoyo” which simply means without missionaries I would now be selling coconuts in Bagamoyo. This statement was calculated to attract the Christians that he had a big appreciation for what they made him because of the formal education which he secured from missionary schools. Although Tanzania is a secular state but recently religion has been turned into an important weapon for a political gamble. Kikwete knew the game and he was far ahead from his fellow contestants for the presidential campaigns including the then Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye. An assumption was he had a big assurance of an Islamic electoral college, but he had a very big task of incorporating in his mtandao (network) very influential journalists and a few spins from leaders of Christian denominations, including priests and some Bishops although this was not done openly. With this situation what followed was to asses the media impact, this might have been done by hiring some journalists for the task or simply that some journalists might have been devoted to see him sail through and reach his endeavour. One big advantage to his side was the use of Swahili as a national language. The readership in Tanzania is fully literate in that language. On the other hand Tanzania with 20 private radio stations has a comparatively well developed television and radio programming system. On the issue of censorship newspapers might express a preference for one government minister over another 12. 10. Ernest Mrutu (editor) 2003: Media and Societyin Tanzania, Media Development Association (T) and Konrad Adenaur Foundation, Dar es Salaam, P 59 11. Quoted in Mrutu, Ibid P 59 12. Thomson Gale (2006), Tanzania Press, Media, TV, Radio and Newspapers

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It is imperative here to say that the coverage going on now has a long history since when Mkapa took the reign of power in 1995. Since then Kikwete kept a low profile in domestic politics but made sure that his name remained in the limelight. It appears that his predecessor Mkapa never made any efforts to promote his image through the local media but appreciated the role of the foreign media, he even commended his interview with Riz Khan of CNN International. Mkapa was never popular among journalists and Tanzania in general before his presidency. One artist caricatured him saying he would rather sell himself by using the name of Kenny Mkapa a footballer with the Young African Sports Club because he was even more popular than himself (Benjamin Mkapa). That Mkapa the footballer was more popular than Mkapa the politician was ridicule but it had its connotation. All these developments were a lesson to the young, ambitious Kikwete who used his exposure of ten years as a Foreign Minister to make a systematic underground media campaign for the presidency. 4. MEDIA COVERAGE ON KIKWETE’S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS IN CCM PREFERENTIAL POLLS AND IN GENERAL ELECTIONS Although the subject matter of this study is not how the media covered Kikwete during elections, i.e. CCM’s preferential polls and general elections, but it is worthwhile noting that the current relationship between the president and the media was cemented during his election campaigns. He had long before noted the significance of mass media for one’s political success and he is striving overwhelmingly to retain that adage. What is going on is just a continuation of what took place during the campaigns. While in 1995 CCM campaigns maintained the ‘party discipline’, this time it was for the first time in Tanzanian new multiparty system that the media made a history of taking an independent stance in political campaigns, i.e. in CCM preferential polls and in general elections. These turn of events were not accidental but they emanated from the fact that at least now there was an element of political maturity of multiparty democracy as well as of the independent media. It was for the first time that campaigns were done in a ‘do it alone’ atmosphere. For instance in 1995 Mkapa’s victory was spearheaded very much by Nyerere’s participation in the campaigns. This was not in CCM preferential polls but also throughout the country. Although he did not move around all over the country campaigning, but his intention was well known by voters and this had a significant impact in Mkapa’s victory. His justification was that here was a threat of the country going to wahuni (crooks), according to his own words (Nyerere), that he did not trust particularly Augustine Mrema’s team. Mrema was formerly a cabinet minister who had earlier in 1995 crossed from CCM to the National Convention for Construction and Reform (NCCR). In contrast in 2005 general elections Mkapa remained neutral (or at least he appeared so), up to the last minutes when Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, Kikwete, and Prof. Mark Mwandosya remained as three candidates out of which one was to be nominated. In the last stages Mkapa is quoted to have uttered certain statements which appeared impliedly to favour Kikwete. At this stage smearing campaigns had done a lot to tarnish reputations of some political heavy weights (vigogo) mainly the then Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye and Dr. Salim the chairman of Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation. In 1994 one journalist Muhingo Rweyemamu had this to say about Dr. Salim ‘Salim hana tatizo la kashfa ambazo karibu zimewakumba viongozi wote wa juu wa taifa hili. Anakubalika jeshini. Ni mtu wa Pemba na kitendo cha kumsimamisha ni cha muhimu sana kwa Chama Cha Mapinduzi hasa huko Zanzibar kutokana na mapambano makali ya CUF dhidi ya chama tawala. He continues, Salim atavunja nguvu ya Sharif Hamad, kwani anakubalika kuliko Hamad’. The same jornalist

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concludes Salim hana matatizo na watu wa bara mama yake ni mnyamwezi na ukoo wake haujatoweka Tabora. Alipokuwa waziri mkuu (1995) alitekeleza suala la kuruhusu mitumba ambayo ilisaidia sana wananchi wa kawaida katika kipindi hicho kutokana na hali ngumu ya maisha iliyokuwepo. (Mambo: August, 1994) All these assertions were meant to propagate (fagilia) for Dr. Salim and they simply meant that he was the most suitable candidate for the presidency, also affirming that he is of Nyamwezi origin (thus a pure Tanzanian!) and that he did a commendable job in 1985, while prime minister including to allow people to import second hand clothes popularly known as mitumba in the same issue nothing was mentioned at all!, about the current president Kikwete and this omission was not accidental because he had already launched his clandestine campaign for the presidency. Yet in the 2005 general elections the same journalist was among the two who were expelled from Mwananchi Communications after they had published an article and an edited photograph which allegedly was malicious and aimed at smearing Dr. Salim. Another journalist who was expelled for the same offence was Athuman Nguba who had shifted from Uhuru Publications (property of CCM) ‘miraculously’ where he was chief editor. He is the current Prime Minister’s Press Secretary. In Mwananchi Wiki Hii issue No. 01777of April 17, 2005, there was an article which implicated Dr. Salim with the death of Abeid Amani Karume the father of the current Zanzibar president Amani Karume in April 7, 1972. The article, among other things mentioned that a good number of Dr Salim’s relatives are holding big government posts in Arab countries. In that story it was mentioned that Salim was closer to the overthrown sultan, and therefore the edited photograph which was taken prior to the revolution was a proof. Salim refuting all these allegations said, at the time of Karume’s assassination he was in Conakry, Guinea leading a United Nations Liberation Committee. He also said a good number of his relatives are still in Tanzania (5), Denmark (2) Kenya (1) Canada, (1) Botswana and in United Emirates (4) Mwananchi April 24, 2005). In a feature serializing Dr. Salim, a seasoned editor-cum-owner of Habari Corporation Salva Rweyemamu mentioned the weaknesses of Dr Salim according to ‘analysts’ Allegations about his connections with Hizbu, relatives in Oman, allegations on Karume’s assassination conspiracy, although he mentions that Dr. Salim was finally excluded in the case by the Zanzibar Attorney General Wolfang Dourado. He further encounter why Dr Salim could not replace the late Dr Omari Ali Juma in July 2001, he also mentions that Salim was lacking a constituency (ngome) during the preferential poll campaign, that some CCM echelons see him as an outsider, he lacks versatility, not open, he might be faced by the problem of Zanzibar nationalism in the union, and that he could not bring fundamental changes. The same editor mentioned only a single serious problem with Kikwete that some alleges that he was a ‘womanizer” (Rai,February 24- March 2, 2005) of course reading all these features one could come up with a vivid picture of biasness in favor of Kikwete. When finally he was picked as CCM’s candidate almost the entire press public and private operated their campaigns in his favour openly. GENERAL COVERAGE: KIKWETE AS TANZANIAN PRESIDENT (DEC 2005-AUG.2006) In assessing media coverage on Kikwete in the specified time we need to take other underlying things into consideration as mentioned earlier about the person Kikwete, It all goes to the political analysis of how some people manage to acquire political power while

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others cannot. Some attributes which can facilitate for acquisition of power are academic achievements, inheritance, and oratory power, charisma, nepotism, using force, and mere political accidents one might argue that Kikwete has elements of charisma which promote and boosts his ego one might describe him ( in a political sense ) as witty and handsome. In 1995 Nyerere dared saying “hatuangalii sura ya mtu kwani tumekuja kuposa hapa?” which simply means we do not count in others handsomeness we are not here for marriage engagements presumably he wanted to drive the attention from Lowassa and Kikwete who both looked youthful, flamboyant and handsome in comparison to Mkapa who was Nyerere’s favourite. In order to understand the impact of media in elections it is better to revisit what went on in Russia during the 1996 general elections where Boris Yeltsin eventually won. Things were not working in favour of Yeltsin and the only alternative was to rescue him through media experts. In its last days, the Soviet Empire (USSR) needed a strong person who could hold firmly the strong command. The incumbent President Mikhail Gorbachev had proved failure, and therefore the Americans and Germans started to look for another ally and this turned out to be Boris Yeltsin. On August 19, 1991 Gorbachev was overthrown by the Putshists i.e. (those who wanted to re-institute communism), which was quickly loosing command in the USSR’s affairs. To the late Pope John Paul II who was very much involved in the campaign against communism in Poland his home country and in other Eastern European countries this is what he had to say, “I reflect with gratitude my two encounters with President Gorbachev, I appreciate especially the sincere will by which he was guided and the high inspiration which moved to promote the rights and dignity of man” When it was imminent that Gorbachev was no longer able to contain discontents in the former USSR, the west had to seek for another alternative, it is at this juncture that they turned to supporting Boris Yeltsin a bold and an uncompromising politician. On July 12, 1990, Yeltsin had resigned from the Communist Party and he was followed by the Mayor of Moscow and Leningrad. As the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin, February 19, 1991 demanded for the resignation of Mikhail Gorbachev as President because of what he termed as anti-people policies. He eventually galvanized strong politicians who sought for a referendum which turned out to be a vote of no confidence on Gorbachev. Campaigning as a political independent June 12, he was elected to the newly executive presidency of the Soviet Union’s Russian Republic. Yeltsin who had been leading the Republic as chairman of its parliament would become Russian first leader to be directly elected by a popular vote. The western capitalist countries were looking at these developments with a keen interest taking into consideration that even though the USSR collapsed as an empire, but still it retained its military capability therefore it was very important to look for an ally in Russia in order to avoid the possibility of anarchy. Yet these hopes were threatened when it was close to general elections in 1996. The USA and Germans had to look for ways to rescue Yeltsin in the general elections which eventually Yeltsin won, but after a highly calculated media campaign in his support. Five media experts (public relations specialists) were hired from the USA and they did well their job which eventually saw Yeltsin in power. According to the TIME vol.148, No 3, of July 15, 1996 the experts worked closely with Yeltsin’s daughter Tatiana Dyachenko. These five experts namely Steven Moore a public relations specialist, George Gorton an election strategist, Joe Shumate a polling expert, Richard Dresner a communication expert and Felix Braynin a management expert entered in Russia four months prior the election and they guided the whole elections throughout for the

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remaining of the time. It was well set that they would never appear in public so that people would never attack Yeltsin as an American tool. Dyachenko, Yeltsin’s daughter did a lot of their external communication and every development was assessed in their residence in Room NO 1120 of the President Hotel in Moscow. Dyachenko, the real behind the scenes boss of the campaign was in Room 1119. In the same hotel which is only for President’s invitees. The whole strategy started on February 27, when Dresner had prepared a five page proposal that called for the Americans to “introduce your campaign staff to sophisticated methods of message development, polling, voter contact, and campaign organization.” The real work then started on March 1, to preserve security, a contract was drawn between the international industrial Bancorp Inc. of San Francisco (a company Braynin managed for its Moscow parent) and Dresner-Wickers (Dresner’s consulting firm in Bedford Hills, New York) The American experts would be paid USD 250,000 plus all expenses and had an unlimited budget for polling, focus groups and other research. They all carried multiple visas identifying them as working for the “Administration of the President of The Russian Federation,” a bit of obviousness that constantly threatened to undermine all the supposed secrecy surrounding their real work. Another strategy was to prepare video programmes (documentaries), this task was left to Mikhail Margolev, who coordinated the Yeltsin account at Video International. Margolev had worked for five years in two American advertising agencies but freely acknowledges that his methods were still influenced by his earlier tenure as a propaganda specialist for the Communist Party and as a journalist for TASS, the Russian news agency this is what he had to say about the American experts “The Americans helped us western political-advertising techniques,” he adds “and most important, they caused our work to be accepted because they were the only ones really close to Tatiana. She was the key. The others in the campaign were like snakes, and you know snakes often eat each other. Putting his daughter in to get things done was Yeltsin’s smartest move, and she was clearly leaning on the Americans. Now that all these set, what followed was implementation in different and separate stages, for instance Yeltsin went to a youth’s Rock music concert and danced in order to attract their votes, it was clear that among the most disillusioned groups was the youth because of lacking employment, security and educational opportunities. Careful and most attractive hair dressing by his daughter Dyachenko, smearing campaigns against communists because their candidate Gennadi Zyuganov was their main threat, people were reminded of all the troubles they faced during communist era, nationalization their properties, famine, queuing for food. Another strategy was expulsion of some senior officials who had failed Yeltsin in fulfilling his promises; however this was a mere fix (hoax). And lastly was Bill Clinton’s visit closer to the election he kept on bowing before Yeltsin and while he stood straight shaking hands confidently, Clinton kept on bursting a laughter, while Yeltsin just grinned this was to show how powerful, famous and wonderful Mr. Yeltsin was. Another strategy was to field Alexander Lebed as an independent candidate. He was a well known communist but the Americans promoted him in order to divert the attention from Zyuganov in favour of Lebed, in the first round he scooped fifteen percent of the cast votes. In the second round (run off election), he urged Russians to be realistic and consider the future of Russia at best rather than ideological differences and summarily concluded that those who had voted for him in the first round should now vote for Yeltsin so his 15% votes boosted Yeltsin and he won by a margin of 13%. In the first round Yeltsin had scooped 35%

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Zyuganov 32% and Lebed 15. What followed later was to establish focus groups which assessed Yeltsin speeches by using the perception analyzer i.e. how people perceived his speeches? People’s views were taken into account in the final run off election. This was as well conducted in the middle of week in order to get more turn out in polls. According to this strategy certain statements were designed and Yeltsin repeated them from 8-12 times in order to instill their messages. This encounter is very important to revisit because of the similarities it had in with the Tanzanian last general elections. It implies different strategies must be used for one to win elections apart from the routine public speeches. According to Mc Combs: 1991 Contemporary Public opinion: Issues and the News, there are many issues to be considered in strategies on public opinion, i.e. direction being in favour or opposed, degree for instance; how much we feel for or against, and intensity: i.e. passion, of feeling how much we feel for or against the issue for example abortion, salience or prominence of the topic that we have an opinion, there must be a private conflict of supporting and opposing views, the role of media is to publicize in order to instigate opinions on the issue. The theory of spiral of salience, meaning the holding a view or deciding to go against it, or any form of response, looking glass phenomenon, i.e. to impose indirectly your opinion to others, pluralistic ignorance not to know opinion of others, i.e. you do it purposely or because of negligence. The above notions indicate that media has a very significant role to play in politics and thus it can boost one’s image it can as well tarnish one’s reputation. In Russia Yeltsin was advised not to give more promises because previously he had never fulfilled his promises and therefore people would never trust him. That is why a few days before the election some senior government officials were “expelled” so that people could not blame him. A very big lesson we learn from Russia is that there were many similarities in Tanzania and it indicates that there was a lot of consultation on how to conduct elections far prior to the voting day. There was a documentary which showed Kikwete from his youth hood, then with former presidents of Tanzania, the founding president Mwalimu Nyerere, the second phase president Ali Hassan Mwinyi to international figures like Nelson Mandela the former president of South Africa etc. Kikwete was portrayed as “a man of the people” there was coverage by televisions showing him shaking hands with children, youths and older people his curricula vitae and experience appeared several times in newspapers the issues that he stood for came out several times in media, he was portrayed as the most competent among the contestants. Other similar incidences to be noted is some of contestants for the CCM preliminary polls were used just like the way Lebed was used in Russia it is argued that three contestants were a mere fix. There are clear indications that the two Ambassadors namely Ali Karume and Patrick Chokala were used for the purposes of holding votes in their respective areas in the same bid, one of these two candidates Dr. William Shija and Madale Shibuda might have been used for the same purpose. Therefore media coverage on Kikwete might be a combination of these facts together with his presidency. These are important factors to be considered both for political reasons, i.e. the symbiotic relationship between politics and journalism but not forgetting the other important element of journalism, promotion of sales. It appears Kikwete is currently a “unique selling point” of newspapers; however this discussion will deal at lengthy with his presidency rather than other elements it will consider the presidency as an authority and see how he carries that authority. It can as well be argued that two incidents which occurred during the campaigns

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might have been a complete hoax/fix. The first incident is when Kikwete was roughened in CCM Kirumba stadium in Mwanza on 15 may 2005, when one Lucas Omahe Galani was alleged to have attempted to murder President Kikwete the CCM presidential candidate. The fact that he was beaten might be another fix because CCM could use its incumbency to dramatize issues even inside the court we should remember that in Russia the media experts were given multiple entry visas for the sake of helping Boris Yeltsin. Another incident which might have been a fix was the way Kikwete collapsed in Dar es Salaam in the last day of campaigns this might be another fix because it gave him an extra time of campaigning beyond the normal set time because people were eagerly waiting to hear how he was fairing taking into consideration that elections were adjourned after the death of CHADEMA’s Vice Presidential Candidate Jumbe Rajabu Jumbe. Following that death elections were postponed from October 30 to December 14. This postponement itself gave Kikwete an advantage of campaigning unofficially through fund raising activities holding the title of Foreign Minister rather than CCM aspirant. An act of collapsing had the following advantages: sympathy vote as some might have believed that he was bewitched by one Candidate who appeared to be a threat to Kikwete. One person was quoted in Mwanza saying yule tayari kaisha jini limefanya kazi which simply means he has been killed by the demon. On that evening Kikwete appeared at his home with elders like Joseph Warioba the retired Prime Minister, and Peter Kisumo behind him while he was facing an enormous amount of television and video cameras focusing him this is similar to what was done in Russia whereby Yeltsin was advised to be accompanied by Moscow mayor and a group of elders in order to indicate that the elders were supporting him this also equates to how Bill Clinton almost became a laughing stock in order to indicate to television viewers that Russians had a great leader, Boris Yeltsin THE PRESIDENT KIKWETE AND MEDIA RELATIONS The authority that goes with the presidency always remains like a debt to the voters. The president is supposed to pay by fulfilling the promises that he or she gave to the people during the presidential campaign. The payment always go with the amount of commitment that people gave to the aspirant and more than that the president is enforced to work within the political calendar offered to him/her essentially the authority that is embodied within the presidency itself never change despite of the changes in the personalities. The presidential character always changes accordingly but the authority is a static thing. In all democratic societies the parliament can amend some changes including reducing the powers of the president, but all in all these modifications never take away the authority that goes with the presidency. The State House remains an office where decisions which determine the fate of the ruled people are taken. Any major decision taken by the State House is presumably always a result of a certain research. Therefore, the office bearers do change like wise, the office bearers do change according to the environment and time. A good number of African countries have inherited their State Houses including Tanzania. At times the State House can be shifted for reasons which any sober mind cannot understand. For example in Ivory Coast the State House was shifted to a village where President Houphet Boigny was born. Tanzanian government also decided to shift her capitol from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma, unfortunately this decision has never been affected for more than two decades up to now.

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Up to this moment of discussion three things appear to be imminent about the presidency; first is the personality or person in power, the second is the office itself and the third is the authority. One thing is clear here, that, you cannot escape completely the discussion on theories of power acquisition if the aim is to predict the presidential character of the incumbent president. The current Tanzania head President Jakaya Kikwete is as self mademan. He managed to manipulate mass media for political gains (which is not bad at all) as a matter of fact, the way he acquired power will continue to affect him throughout his tenure, positively or negatively. The current relationship between the president and his subordinates might be temporal; it can as well linger on permanently. Therefore up to this moment the presidential character is very much shaped by the ways subordinates behaves towards him, and how the media react towards the president, there is a consensus, a marriage of convenience. In contrast in many other African countries where coup d’ etats were used to acquire power they were followed by bitter power struggles which ended in chaotic situations like detentions, mysterious killings and at times genocide. In some cases even smooth transitions through elections did not bring good result for instance in Zambia, Malawi, Kenya, Ghana etc. the reason is, some presidents remained in power for so long to the extent that it was very difficult to wipe out their legacies immediately In such circumstances it is very difficult for journalists to take a neutral stance they will either report negatively or positively towards new governments. The current president in Tanzania has an advantage that he has served in three different phases in different capacities. He has a room for comparing himself to the previous presidents and to decide to adopt which pattern of president-media relations to pursue. Therefore, he has indicated that he want to pursue Nyerere’s style of leadership, balancing between domestic politics and international affairs, he is confident because of his acquisition of power style, it is a legitimate method, he did not use bribes, he had an overwhelming support during general elections this is another contributor to his style of state-media relations. Kikwete has confidence on what he is doing because the votes he accumulated reflected what in Latin they would say vox-populi vox-Dei. A voice of the majority is God’s voice even if there was an external influence in his victory but there are clear indications that he had also a tremendous following inside. He is not an imposition of big nations, businessmen or the military, there was no coercion or repression, here there was an influencing technique. The above arbitrary methods are always prone to producing tyrants, this is because whoever comes in power by being planted always becomes a puppet of his master, and he never give due regard to the appeals of his subordinates. There are no clear indications as to whether this ‘Kikwete-media’ honey moon will end up in the near foreseeable future, but this does not mean we should not be wary of some developments which might end this “wedlock”. Even before a completion of one year in Ikulu the NLD chairman Nathaniel Mlaki wrote his opinions (kauli yangu) in Tanzania Daima July 2, 2006, with a headline: Kikwete amedhamiria ‘kuwabeba’ Waislam? Complaining that Kikwete’s appointments were more favorable to Moslems, a few days later a seasoned editor and co-owner of Habari Corporation Salva Rweyemamu reacted vehemently against Mlaki’s views which he saw as inciting. However, Mlaki’s views attracted sympathizers and some even went on criticizing Rweyemamu by his use of insults like Mpambavu (Stupid) although he did not attack Mlaki directly as stupid but the use of

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such words in his article made people to judge him that he was doing the job of Kikwete’s Public Relations Officer.13 A prolific writer in Tanzania Yusuph Halimoja, shared Mlaki’s concern. Although editors of the two newspapers Rai and Tanzania Daima where Rweyemamu’s articles appeared closed the debate prematurely, but this did not stop the rumors which are still being fermented in some corners, another issue which might become a centre of media attention is the role of the first lady Mama Salma Kikwete. While the first president-Nyerere’s wife assumed the title of Mama wa Nyumbani (house-wife) Mwinyi’s wife (Mama Siti) and Mkapa wife (Mama Anna) were fully involved in public affairs and this was not without public speculations. Up to this moment there are no complains on Mama Salma Kikwete’s activities, but when things will turn sour against him and vice versa, there will be much to be said in Tanzania’s first ladies’ roles. As I said earlier there is nothing serious about state media-relations as of now but this is not to be taken as a guarantee for permanent running. Rumours has it that Rostam Azizi Igunga’s Member of Parliament holds 20% share in Mwananchi Communication and 70% in New Habari corporation, he is at the same time CCM’s treasurer this might later turn into an issue of media speculation. Why worries? Yes because two journalists who were expelled from Mwananchi have been accommodated in the mtandao (network), while Athumani Nguba is the Press Secretary to the Prime Minister, Muhingo Rweyemamu who was expelled together with Nguba is an editor with Habari Corporation, which owns Rai, a serious investigative paper. There are claims that Rweyemamu has been enrolled in Rai’s team in order to curtail news which are against the status quo, at the same time to promote news items which are pro-the ruling system, this is an issue of concern to some journalists, no wonder Mwana Halisi a new newspaper is taking a previous position of Rai as the leading Swahili investigative newspaper but of course as I mentioned earlier, these are just rumours no one has come up with a vivid evidence of what is being speculated. Incidentally, there are worries that the president has monopolized too much coverage in the media which is uncalled for. There are worries that media hey-praise does not necessarily reflect good government’s performance. However much of what have been covered particularly by newspapers were products of some positive developments like a war against burglary, corruption in the police force, attendance to funerals, as well as in the diplomatic arena including the latest appointment of Dr. Asha Rose Migiro to the UN Deputy Secretary General and Support to the Taifa Stars (the national football team). He was quoted recently complaining that he was not pleased with the praises that he is getting Kikwete azikataa sifa za uongo anazopewa (Tanzania Daima December 23, 2006). Therefore in assessing Kikwete’s media coverage certain things should be taken into consideration; his personality, his modus operandi i.e. free intrusion in any public activities, in hospitals, sports etc. His commitment to Nyerere’s vision of constructing an egalitarian society, the issue of maintaining good neighboring and other friendly nations like SADC, EAC, AU, NAM member countries and other foreign nations. Nyerere had a tremendous influence in African politics a legacy which Kikwete is striving to maintain. 13. Salva Rweyemamu wrote a feature in defense of Kikwete in Tanzania Daima Jumapili (Sunday July 9, 2006, also it appeared in Rai in two series Rai July 12-19 and July 20- 226, 2006. 17

According to the African Elections Data Base (December 2005), although there was an excessive use of the state resources but Kikwete’s victory in election was quite legitimate consider this stance ‘Foreign Minister Jakaya Kikwete was elected president by a wide margin, defeating nine other candidates. The CCM also maintained its dominance of the national Assembly and local councils in concurrent elections. Election Day was peaceful on the mainland, but marred by violence in Zanzibar and Pemba. Although some presidential candidates have contested the results, observers have declared the poll generally free and fairit should be noted that the ruling party had the advantage of state resources and received a disproportionate amount of media coverage when compared to the opposition’. The following are some of the issues which will attract front page headlines in the foreseeable future. His boldness particularly in handling his cabinet, issues will ranges from reshuffles and measures that he will take against some ministers who although were among the mtandao members but have already proved failure in their performances. Another area of concern will be the direction of which he will take in terms of alignment and foreign policy in general. For instance; aligning to the rich European countries (Including the USA) and appear to his fellow Moslems as a sale-out. Or align to rich Arab countries and appear to some intolerant Christians as a promoter of ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ or else maintain a neutral stance (if at all it exists), by striking the balance between the two. After this analysis of current reportage now let us revisit some of the heads lines in the prescribed time. But before moving on let us revisit one head line during Mkapa’s era in order to have a contrast. The East African, Opinion: Monday, December 27, 1999 ‘A Judge’ and a President in the market place, by Michael Okema. ‘If you want to understand the tussle between President Benjamin Mkapa and Justice Robert Kisanga over latter report on the white paper, think of a boxer taking on a footballer in the market place! President Mkapa is a politician while Justice Kisanga is a legal expert. Not that the twain shall never meet. Indeed, the contrary is true, only the venue for such as meeting should be a special, private one. The last place they should meet is on the front pages of the newspapers ’14. On the other hand as explained earlier media coverage on Kikwete has always been positive prior to the election campaigns, during, and now that he is the president of the United Republic of Tanzania. This is how Majira reported him on December 13, 2005. ‘Siku moja kabla ya uchaguzi mkuu, Kikwete bado kinara, Awazidi Lipumba, Mbowe kwa zaidi ya asilimia 40%, which simply means one day before general elections Kikwete takes the lead in opinion polls. Rai October 27-November 2, 2005 even started to speculate on Kikwete’s cabinet prior to the general elections which were conducted on December 14, 2005. Rai September 29- October, 5, 2005 Ni Jakaya Kikwete Lipumba kwa Karibu, it means Kikwete was taking the lead in opinion polls. This was almost in every newspaper in Tanzania during the campaigns.

14. Michael Okema a Political Scientist of Ugandan origin formerly a Lecturer at the University of Dar es salaam and later the Open University of Tanzania was until his death a columnist with The East African. He was assassinated by bandits on July 7, 2006 and subsequently buried in Dar es Salaam.

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The trend remained the same even after he had won the presidency, hitting headlines front page coverage and big photographs, in Swahili and English newspapers tabloids and broadsheet. For instance Rai February 9-15, 2006, ‘sasa mafisadi waogopa kivuli cha Kikwete’ (now corrupt people are shaky because of Kikwete), Mtanzania; January 18, 2006 Kikwete; Nyumba za serikali zisiuzwe, Tanzania Daima March 21, 2006, Kikwete atikisa Arusha, Tazama April 18-24, 2006, Baada ya Mkapa kung’atuka uenyekiti wa Taifa; Kikwete kuipangua CCM. Mtanzania August 1, 2006 Kikwete akerwa na sinema ya Sauper. These are just few of headlines which have been accompanying Kikwete’s rule.

WHY SUCH A COVERAGE? According to Merrit: 1998, there is a symbiotic relationship between journalism and politics; symbiosis is two dissimilar organisms lining in a mutually beneficial relationship each bringing something essential to the whole. If either partner changes too radically too suddenly, it kills the other and thus itself. If one organism becomes too similar to the other, if something bordering on assimilation occurs, the relationship loses the benefits of difference like wise, if one organism becomes too different from the other the relationship lose the benefits of commonality. Either ways, both lose the benefits of symbiosis and die. 15 The author adds, ‘a healthy symbiosis between politics and journalism is essential and life sustaining not only for them both but also for a third entity; democracy. When the symbiotic relationship between politics and journalism falls ill, so does democracy. This concept becomes clear when one considers the relationship between politics and journalism in a situation in which the political sector dominates and controls the press. The assimilation of the press into the body of government makes democracy impossible. On the other hand, if journalism is not attentive to the activities of government, democracy also becomes unviable. As with much of life in a democracy, it is a matter of appropriate balance, and in the testy arena of politics and journalism, that balance is delicate and ever-shifting. The proper involvement of people in governing themselves depends on that balance being maintained. It is for no other reason than that; journalists need to see their role as more than mere provision of information.16 It is imperative here to say the president and the press are virtual captives of one another in the sense that they depend on each other. The president needs the press in his motive of clarifying issues, delivering important news through the press, policies and in declaration of a countries state of affairs. On the other hand journalists need the president because he is the reliable source of information, and in the Tanzanian context, President Kikwete has proved even so, much to the extent that journalists have turned him into a “unique selling point”. Therefore the press is an easier route for the president to meet his citizens. The press is the medium of communication which facilitate that function, as solemnly concluded by Meritt. The ultimate beneficiary of the symbiosis relationship should be not one or both of the partners but a well-functioning political life in which people feel included and, therefore, which they do not hate”17 15. Davis “Buzz” Meritt (1998), Public Journalism and Public Life; Why Telling the News is not enough? London, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, P 52 16 Ibid, P 53 17. Ibid, P 59. 19

In the USA there has been along tradition of seeking public opinion before key position appointments by the president. One way which has been used is to instigate media speculation by leaking information to some well trusted journalists who then might come with three or four names as prospective candidates for certain post. Mentioning these names will then instigate a public debate, some vital information about the prospective candidates might be delivered to editors by people who obviously, will seek for anonymity, and those opinions may then be collected and delivered to the president who then will pick one out of those. This deliberate sneak of State House or White House information is a common phenomenon in the developed countries. It implies Kikwete is using the same method now here in Tanzania, for instance appointment of the IGP, Said Mwema, and the recent appointment of Bernard Membe to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs or these came out in newspapers prior to the appointments. But this is a completely new political culture and therefore it is still under initial implementation. It is new because it is for the first time that the president receives such a wide coverage from the press, public and private as mentioned earlier this might be a product of Kikwete’s exposure during his tenure as minister for Foreign Affairs for 10 years, or it might be a product of mere media consultancy within the country. But whether this will go over for so long is a subject of discussion.

COCLUSION The direction that this trend of reportage will follow will depend entirely on how president Kikwete will continue to handle pertinent Tanzanian issues. With a growing trend of Tanzanian journalism it is very difficult to think that journalists will continue to appease him in any way, if things turn sour. It at all depends on how he will handle conflicts within his party particularly between the wanamtandao (net work) and outsiders or CCM asilia. It is claimed that a good number of those who served in his campaign network are still eagerly waiting for presidential appointments in such posts as District and Regional Commissioners, Ambassadors, Board Membership in government parastatals etc. His recent appointment of Dunstan Tido Mhando a veteran journalist and former head of BBC Swahili department sparked some complains that Mhando is an ‘outsider’ in the sense that he left Tanzania to seek for greener pastures abroad long time ago (Mwanahalisi December 27- January 2, 2007). Here some argues, it is just another irrational appointment whose criterion was simply that Mhando used the Swahili department of the BBC to facilitate outside working of the network (Mtandao). This and such appointments will eventually become subject matters in our media in the near foreseeable future. There are clear indications that the tendency of mere positive coverage by the media might change because in the Tanzanian situation where the opposition is still very weak the media has to take the task of checking and balancing the performance of the government. Other wise if at all these two systems don’t function properly then opposition will come from within CCM in order to fill the opposition and press vacuum. On the other hand media will have to change accordingly due to the fact that, if journalists will continue delivering news which are pro the government then they will become unpalatable i.e. tasteless. In this case newspapers which are critical to the government will flourish while those supporting the status quo will dwindle. Consider this title Salma atesa na ndege ya Kikwete (Tanzania Daima,

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September17, 2006) (The First Lady uses Presidential plane in extragavancy). This article carried a story that the first lady had misused the plane Gulf stream with registration Numbers 05H-ONE in largesse it suggested that the plane should be used for official trips only and not the type of trip which the first lady attended a traditional ceremony of Swaziland’s leader Mswati’s marriage to his 14th wife. Such stories might in the future end the Kikwete- media ‘honeymoon’

REFERENCES Newspapers Mambo August 1994 Mwana Halisi-December 27- January 2, 2007 Mwananchi March 14, 2006 Mtanzania Marchi 12, 2004 Mwananchi Jumapili April 17, 2005 Mwananchi Jumapili April 24, 2005 Mtanzania August 2, 2005 Mtanzania January 18, 2006

Rai February 24-March 2, 2005 Rai September 29-October 5, 2005

Rai October 27-November 2, 2005

Rai February 9-15, 2006 Rai-July12-19, 2006 Rai-July 20-26, 2006 Tanzania Daima March 21, 2006 Tanzania Daima Jumapili July 9, 2006

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Tanzania Daima, September17, 2006 Tazama April 18-24, 2006 The East African, December 27, 1999

TIME-Volume 148, N0 3, July 15, 1996

On line references http://www.pressreference.com/Sw-Ur/Ta...9/24/2006

BOOKS

Barber, J.D. (1972), The Presidential Character, London, Prentice-Hall International Inc.

Kamath, M.V. (1980) Professional Journalism, New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House, PVF Ltd. Maliyamkono, T.L. (1995) The race for the First Multiparty Democracy in Tanzania, Dar-essalaam, Tema Publishers Company, Ltd

Clffe, L(1967) One Party Democracy, Nairobi, East African Publishing House.

Merrit (1998) Public Journalism and Public Life, New Jersey, Erlbaum Associates Inc

Mrutu,E (Ed) 2003, Media and Society in Tanzania, Dar-es-Salaam, Media Development Association(T) and Konrad Adenaur Foundation.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR Elias Mhegera is an independent media consultant currently based in Dar es Salaam Contacts: 255-0754-826272/ 255-0715-076272 Email: [email protected]

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