Globalization and Indigenous Language Loss: A Critical Analysis of Ecuador Language Policy

I N T E R N A T I O NA L CO N F E R E N C E RCIC’11

Redefining Community in Intercultural Context Brasov, 16-18 June 2011 “HENRI COANDA” AIR FORCE ACADEMY DEPARTMENT OF MILITARY SCIENCES AND MANAGEMENT

CENTER FOR RESEARCH IN COMMUNICATION COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION AND PUBLIC RELATIONS

SUMMARY Summary…………………………………………………………………………………... Plenary Session …………………………………………………………………………… Globalization and Indigenous Language Loss: A Critical Analysis of Ecuador Language (Paul L. Landry) …………………………………………………………………………… Constructive redefining Community in Context of Intercultural Education (Eduard Khakimov) ………………………………………………………………………………… Intercultural Education ………………………………………………………………….. Education for Intelligence – A Condition for Community Survival (Ella Ciupercă) …….. Music Representations as Intercultural Repertoires at School (Maria de São Jose CorteReal) ..................................................................................................................................... Romanian Undergraduates Perspective over Student Centered Education (Simona-Elena Tomozii, Aureliana Loredana Petre, Răzvan Bularca) ……………………………………. Measuring the Digital Divide Educational Context (Marius Bazgan, Dana Popa) ……….. Bridging the Gap between Education and Labor Market. Counseling ant the Global Crisis (Andreea Szilagyi, Cristina Nedelcu) ……………………………………………………... Psychological Traits of Interculturality (Mihaela Guranda, Cosmina Drăghici) …………. The Others among Us: the Concept of ‘Borders’ in Italian Teenagers. A Study for the Fondazione Intercultura (Alberto Fornasari) ……………………………………………... Management of Research at Makerere University: Supervision Strategy at the School of Education (Peter Neema-Abooki, Irene Bisirikirwa) …………………………………….. Language Teacher Education in Nigeria and Knowledge Base in 21st Century: Dynamics, Challenges, Proposal (K. Ajibade Adegoke, Anthonia N. Maduekwe, Nonye R. Ikonta) ... The Day Care Center ‘Sun Ray’: Identity of Intercultural Community (Maria-Dorina Paşca) ……………………………………………………………………………………… Redefining Identity as a Second Generation Migrant in Gipsy Masala by Preethi Nair (Iulia Râşcanu) …………………………………………………………………………….. Connections and Reconnections in Preethi Nair 100 Shades of White (Iulia Râşcanu) …... Constructing Community in Margaret Atwood’s The Year of the Flood (Kinga Kolumban) ………………………………………………………………………………… European Community. Globalization …………………………………………………... Intercultural and Multilingual Education in Higher Education (Roxana-Maria Gâz, Delia Flanja) …………………………………………………………………………………… Intercultural Adaptation: The Case of International Student Exchange Programmes (Delia Flanja, Roxana-Maria Gâz) ……………………………………………………………….. Intercultural Attitudes of Young People – Patterns of Actions and Activities within European Educational Context (Ingrid Keller-Russell) …………………………………… Framing and Reframing Perceptions of European Identity: An Empirical Approach (Florina Creţu, Georgiana Udrea) …………………………………………………………. National and/or European Identity (Andreea-Oana Pîrnuţă, Ioana Anca Grigorescu) ……. Cultural Adaptive Patterns in European Contexts (Georgiana Udrea, Nicoleta Corbu) ….. 3

3 5 7 25 31 33 39 45 49 55 61 67 73 79 91 95 101 107 113 115 125 131 137 153 157

Towards a Conjunctive Paradigm: A Critical Review of the Theories and Interpretations regarding the Crisis of Cultural Identities in the Context of Globalization (Grigore Georgiu, Alexandru Cârlan) ………………………………………………………………. Patriotism – An Obsolete Value? (Diana Ilişoi, Daniela Nagy, Cristian-George Constantinescu) ……………………………………………………………………………. Intercultural Communication: Mother Tongue, Identity and Diversity. Case Study of Turk-Tatar Community living in Romania (Nilgün Ismail) ………………………………. Intercultural Education. Intercultural Minorities – The Turk-Tatar Minority living in Romania (Nilgün Ismail) ………………………………………………………………….. Conversations for the Understanding of Community Dynamics between Mexicans and Americans (Enrique Esquivel-Lopez) …………………………………………………….. The Social Dimension of Sustainability: The Birth of Trans-Cultural Green Communities (Adrian Macarie, Ioana-Cristina Măciucă) ……………………………………………….. Who is Afraid of the Immigrants? Greek University Students against Immigrants who live in Greece (Argyris Kyridis, Ifigenia Vamvakidou, Christos Zagkos, Elias Mihailidis, Manolis Koutouzis, Nikos Fotopoulos, Christos Goulas) ………………………………… Military Community. General Approaches …………………………………………….. Pressures on the Multicultural Military Group within the U.N. Peacekeeping Missions. An Approach toward Society-Community Relation (Adrian Lesenciuc) …………………. Intercultural and Multicultural Challenges and Opportunities for Human Resources Management in Multinational Missions (Aura Codreanu, Ecaterina Livia Tătar) ………... The Role of Military Leader in Facing Intercultural Issues towards Multinational Operations (Ana-Maria Susan, Adrian Lesenciuc) ………………………………………... The Importance of Cultural Differences in the XXIst Century (Eugenia Vasiloae) ……… The Management of Communication Crises in the Online Space (Diana-Maria Cismaru) . Common Fallacies in Approaching Interculturality (Aura Codreanu, Ecaterina Livia Tătar) ………………………………………………………………………………………. Differences in Loneliness and Social Behavior of Immigrant and Repatriated Preschoolers (Sofia Chatzigeorgiadou, Eva Pavlidou, Virginia Arvanitidou) ……………. Discrimination trough and within Language (Andreea-Oana Pîrnuţă, Ioana Ciurezu, Ioana Anca Grigorescu) ………………………………………………………………... Volunteering, a Necessity? (Aureliana Loredana Petre, Simona-Elena Tomozii, Răzvan Bularca) ……………………………………………………………………………………. Techno-Art Poetry: A Redefined Community in Interdigital Context (Jorge Luiz Antonio) …………………………………………………………………………………… Attention Getters used by Presidents Obama and Băsescu in their Inaugural Speeches (Daniela Nagy, Cosmina Drăghici) ……………………………………………………….. The Additive Envirox Test on an Engine Running Codition (Zbyšek Korecki, Nataša Pomazalová, Jaromír Mareš)……………………………………………………………… Intercultural Education and Applied Ethics. Is it hard to teach military ethics among cadets with different cultural background? The case of the Hellenic Air Force Academy (Ioanna Lekea, George K. Lekeas) ………………………………………………………...

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I N T E R N A T I O NA L CO N F E R E N C E RCIC’11

Redefining Community in Intercultural Context Brasov, 16-18 June 2011 “HENRI COANDA” AIR FORCE ACADEMY DEPARTMENT OF MILITARY SCIENCES AND MANAGEMENT

CENTER FOR RESEARCH IN COMMUNICATION COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION AND PUBLIC RELATIONS

Plenary Session

I N T E R N A T I O NA L CO N F E R E N C E RCIC’11

Redefining Community in Intercultural Context Brasov, 16-18 June 2011 “HENRI COANDA” AIR FORCE ACADEMY DEPARTMENT OF MILITARY SCIENCES AND MANAGEMENT

CENTER FOR RESEARCH IN COMMUNICATION COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION AND PUBLIC RELATIONS

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM Paul L. LANDRY* * College of Education, University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, U.S.A.

Abstract: Globalization and modernization forces threaten socio-cultural stability and precipitate cultural changes, particularly in multicultural societies with recognized linguistic and cultural diversity. Culture manifests through language in the communication of concepts, ideas and beliefs. The processes of language shift and language loss risk the disestablishment of cultural diversity. This paper provides a critical analysis of forces favoring and resisting such change in Ecuador as reflected in educational policy. Applying neo-Marxist and critical theory for analytical purposes, the following discussion illustrates capitalist pressures and institutional discourse that override and transform socio-cultural conceptions of identity, thus producing language loss and suppression of cultural diversity. The pressures and processes described are not unique to Ecuador; they are taking place in varied forms across the globe. This paper will introduce the theoretical frameworks applied for analytical purposes. Next, the social, political and linguistic characteristics of Ecuador will be described, including discussion of language and educational policy as formally stated and as implemented, the latter not necessarily consistent with the former. The theoretical frameworks are then applied in the context of the Ecuadorian systems. Finally, modest suggestions for a way forward are offered to mitigate the processes and effects of language loss. Keywords: language loss, multicultural, communication, globalization, language policy

1. INTRODUCTION

Ecuador is a multiethnic, multicultural country comprised of distinct linguistic communities with a superimposed stateadvocated Spanish language colonial legacy (CIA, 2011). Within that society, biases against indigenous minority language groups based upon perceptions of backwardness or underdevelopment influence language policy. Andean socio-cultural populist movements exert counter pressures seeking formal recognition and support to preserve and maintain indigenous cultural plurality, including linguistic plurality, in the face of political and economic pressures to homogenize (Blanco, 2007). Internal economic development pressures in Ecuador precipitate language “standardization” policies while populist movements resist language shift and language loss among indigenous linguistic communities. Globalization adds pressure to “internationalize” language. Unfortunately, the

Globalization and modernization forces threaten socio-cultural stability and precipitate cultural changes, particularly in multicultural societies with recognized linguistic and cultural diversity. These primarily economic forces are not limited by nation state boundaries, but may co-opt or combine with national policies in ways that favor homogeneity and suppress the maintenance of diverse non-dominant cultures and languages. Culture manifests through language in the communication of concepts, ideas and beliefs. The processes of language shift and language loss risk the disestablishment of cultural diversity (Tse, 2001; Balcazar, 2010). This paper provides a critical analysis of forces favoring and resisting such change in Ecuador as reflected in educational policy and driven by globalization.

7

Paul L. LANDRY language, different from their mother tongue, formal education conveys messages of efficacy, normalcy and superiority about the language of schooling above the child’s mother tongue. Gradually and progressively, the child substitutes the more prestigious language and rituals of schooling for her language and culture of origin (Balcazar, 2010). Absent intervention language loss can occur within a couple of generations. Although common in immigrant communities (Nesteruk, 2010), the focus here is language loss among indigenous peoples within Ecuador. Justifications for language shift and language loss arise from two main streams. The first argument suggests that technological developments have increasingly eliminated social and economic distance and that economic globalization is a process that makes homogenization inevitable if not salutary “progress.” The second line of argument is reflected by Stroud, who advocates for linguistic diversity, but contends that language is continually shifting and changing, as are cultures. Consequently, efforts to identify and preserve discrete languages may be a misdirected and perhaps futile policy (Stroud, 2010). Contrary arguments for cultural and linguistic diversity suggested by SkutnabbKangas ascribe its value to the distinct sociocultural group from which the diversity originates, and to the larger society (Hossain & Pratt, 2008). The latter argument is likened to concerns that degrading biodiversity in the name of “progress” and economic development risks permanent loss of potential treatment and cures for disease. Since debate over what has been lost can never be adequately resolved post-extinction, examination of potential consequences is warranted before the potential resource is lost forever. Exploration of the ways in which language shift and language loss are induced is a critical step in analysis of risks to society from continued language loss. This paper will first introduce the theoretical frameworks applied. Next, the social, political and linguistic characteristics of Ecuador will be described. This will include

battle plays out in the implementation of education policies. Applying neo-Marxist and critical theory for analytical purposes, the following discussion illustrates capitalist pressures and institutional discourse that override and transform socio-cultural conceptions of identity, thus producing language loss and suppression of cultural diversity. The pressures and processes described are not unique to Ecuador; they are taking place in varied forms across the globe, from Latin America (Balcazar, 2010) to Eastern Europe and Russia (Belogurov, 2004) and in Asia. The educational system is a fundamental mediator in processes of cultural sustainability and cultural evolution. Language policy is usually embedded in education policy. Policy choices of pedagogical method and curriculum content in government funded educational systems reflect political choices for substantiation and propagation of linguistic norms within society (Shohamy, 2006; Wee, 2010). Bilingual and multilingual aspects of public education praxis suggest pluralistic policy, while monolingual praxis indicates a more hegemonic policy. Language frames thought; it forms the context in which we think about and talk about ideas. How children are taught and how they learn is inextricably bound with the semiotic systems through which meanings are jointly constructed and education is conveyed (Dewey, 1966, 1968; McLaren, 2007). At least conceptually, a student’s voice is not a reflection of the world as much as an organic adaptation to it, a mediated construction based upon prior experience and culture as well as constructed systems of power relations and discourse (McLaren, 2007). Language policy operates influences the product of this formational dialectic, the student’s identity. Dominant capitalist and consumerist forces that institutionalize language of power thus have capacity to reshape who the student thinks she is, overcoming cultural and linguistic heritage. When children are induced or coerced to pursue intellectual, academic and sociopolitical development in a prescribed 8

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM suggested that Western structural capitalism privileges certain classes while it reifies underdevelopment and marginalization of under classes (Amin, 2001). This model seems to apply both at national levels and in global contexts. As applied to Ecuador, capital and power aggregate in the major urban centers while rural areas and smaller towns where indigenous peoples live serve to feed power centers through exploitation of their resources and labor. In addition, multinational investment in large scale projects such as hydro-electricity, fruit exportation and petroleum extraction serve to utilize local resources and labor to generate capital redirected to the urban centers of power. Without direct government intervention, as suggested by Marxist theory, peripheral classes would not substantially benefit from their own resources or labor or be able to protect their intrinsic interests. In education, Bowles & Gintis have argued that schools indoctrinate students for adult work, inducing willing, albeit unwitting, participation in the hierarchical structure of the modern corporation. Across generations, unequal educational opportunity perpetuates economic advantages of the offspring of higher social status families which extend beyond the privileged education they receive. (Bowles & Gintis, 2002). The capitalist structure embedded in the instructional system in reward and punishment systems and discourse reproduces the dominant socioeconomic model. The educational system incorporates the valorization of a dominant language of instruction as an institutional asset and tool for production of systemic objectives (McLaren, 2007). Adoption of the modeled language, speech patterns, behaviors, values and attitudes significantly increase prospects for advancement in the world of work. If indigenous language and culture are not seen as instrumental in the efficient reproduction of profit and expansion of power centers through exploitation of the peripheral and marginalized regions, neither political nor economic incentive for investment in multilingual instruction in indigenous

discussion of language and educational policy as formally stated and as implemented, the latter not necessarily consistent with the former. The theoretical frameworks are then applied in the context of the Ecuadorian systems. Finally, modest suggestions for a way forward are offered to mitigate the processes and effects of language loss. 2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS Theoretical frameworks serve as tools of critique and explanation and as windows through which re-imagined alternative realities can be contrasted with observed phenomena. In the present analysis, a combination of frameworks is employed. Marxist theory provides a useful tool for highlighting the class distinctions and salient factors influencing language loss. Critics of Marxist analysis argue that it is an excessively deterministic “language of critique” that fails to suggest constructive alternatives, and is seen as leading primarily to analytical dead ends (Cho, 2010). Postmodern neo-Marxist theory grafts critical theory into traditional Marxist analysis potentially obviating such impasses. In addition to socio-economic class factors, ethnicity plays a part in Ecuadorian language policy. The combination of Neo-Marxist and Critical theory thus provides a set of tools to identify elements of resistance and to illuminate possibilities to be derived from pessimistic contexts and forces of oppression (Giroux, 2005; McLaren, 2007). 2.1 Neo-Marxism. Social theorists of the post WWII era of modernization, economic expansion and globalization, sought explanations for persistent underdevelopment in certain regions and countries. Modernization theorists tended to ascribe development obstacles to internal factors in lagging countries, such as inherent lack of abilities, uncontrolled population or lack of motivation (Keet, 2002). Dissatisfied with modernization experiments, and cultural deficit based theoretical explanations for such failures, theorists developed neo-Marxist structural models. Neo-Marxist critiques 9

Paul L. LANDRY communities warrants examination. Critical theorists question political and economic power of groups residing in the Spanish linguistic group, when Spanish is instituted as the official language of instruction. Which groups are advantaged and disadvantaged by such language policy decisions? If power is a dynamic constant, omnipresent as Foucault suggests (Foucault, 1991), how might political or economic power within disadvantaged linguistic communities be leveraged as resistance in support of preserving interests of indigenous language groups?

languages arise. Language policy is never neutral. Institutional manifestations of power are marshaled to construct normative identities that support model efficiency. Without incentive to reinvest capital in these peripheral regions for the benefit of indigenous peoples, training and education systems will promote language shift toward the language deemed most efficient for maximizing production and increasing capital to the power centers, in this case Spanish (Wee, 2010). 2.2 Critical Theory. The central thrust of critical theory analysis is focused less on presenting ideology than upon careful critique of knowledge construction and power relations, thereby highlighting power dynamics in society (Cho, 2010). Through this inquiry, ideally, alternative and counter hegemonic forms of knowledge and power may emerge. The construct of critical theory asks fundamental questions: who owns or controls, who benefits and at whose expense a societal process evolves (Apple, 2009a). It seeks to investigate power and discourse that shape societal development and serve to establish and reproduce inequalities. Critical theory is frequently contextualized in relation to a theme or axis considered to drive policy, such as race, gender, etc. The conditions resulting from operation of these power dynamics are also examined and critiqued. Through this process, social justice possibilities for the future may emerge as alternatives to the existing system’s ways of constructing and employing knowledge and discourse (Cho, 2010; Giroux, 2005). In the context of language policy, and specifically language shift and loss through education, examination of subtle mechanisms of hidden curriculum (Bowles & Gintis, 2002; McLaren, 2007) and normalization or habitus (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977) are also useful in explaining how language policy may cause linguistic identities to erode or be abandoned in pursuit of hegemonic norms fostered by subliminal discourse and curriculum choices presented, on their face, as beneficial. The extent to which ethnicity influences power relations and language policy decisions adversely affecting indigenous linguistic

3. LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY AND “PLURINACIONALIDAD” IN ECUADOR 3.1 Historic Linguistic and Cultural Diversity in Ecuador. The area of what is now Ecuador has long been home to a substantial number of ethnic groups. Archaeological research suggests that varied ethnic groups speaking hundreds of different languages inhabited much of the territory that is now Ecuador at least 3500 years prior to the fifteenth century Incan Empire (New World Encyclopedia, 2008). Artifacts from the coastal regions and some sierra regions provide insight into culture and practices. The Incan language family, Quechua, became the dominant language in the area during at least two imperial expansions. (Fig. 1)

Fig.1 Incan Civilization in Ecuador. A – Tupac Inca; B – Later Incan Expansion

However, continuation of Quechua variants (e.g., Quichua) and other indigenous languages suggests that Incan civilization was not monolingual. As Shohamy notes, citing May, 10

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM empires were traditionally content to permit linguistic diversity as long as taxes were paid (Shohamy, 2006). Following the Spanish invasion in the early sixteenth century, the European invaders sought to replicate a Spanish society in this area. Indigenous resistance was severely weakened by deadly diseases Europeans brought, and further overcome by armed aggression. The Spanish Encomienda system brought enslavement of indigenous people, who were assigned to low status as workers on plantations “granted” by the King of Spain. Economic and administrative power were established and maintained from the major centers of Quito and Guayaquil1. Although official business was conducted in Spanish, indigenous languages persisted in the daily lives of the populace outside Spanish centers of power and governance. Language diversity posed a problem for the Catholic colonizers, since converting the indigenous people to Christianity required communicating in some common language. Franciscan, Jesuit and other missionary efforts initially were conducted in indigenous languages until Charles III mandated castellanización, use of Spanish for religious indoctrination of indigenous peoples, in the late 18th century Cédula de Aranjuéz. Schools gave instruction in Spanish, not indigenous languages, and served families of substantial financial means or in official positions, maintaining a class division with indigenous markers2. Since formal schooling of the indigenous was not a political or economic priority, much of the population retained its linguistic diversity. With modernization came a push for universal education, and the function of

education shifted from church based enterprise to a state based interest. By the mid 20th century, literacy and education were central modernization themes for the progress of underdeveloped countries. The multi-ethnic and multilingual makeup of Ecuador presented special challenges to literacy programs. The government sought to develop a centralized “national” identity that minimized local identities and practices in favor of a standardized curriculum under the Plan Nácional de Educación in the 1960’s. Training and provision of sufficient teachers in rural and indigenous areas, however, has been problematic. Although various movements and formal pronouncements in Ecuador gave voice to indigenous linguistic community concerns, government execution of plans and delivery on promises has been lacking3. Some indigenous groups have taken direct initiative to address linguistic and cultural maintenance by establishing their own programs4. The current Ley Organica de Educación Intercultural mandates “Plurilingüismo” the right of all Ecuadorian peoples and nationalities to formation in their own language as well as official languages (Ministerio de educacion, 2011a). The multicultural and multilingual character of 3

La Dirección de Educación Intercultural Bilingüe [DINEIIB] was established for technical cooperation between CONAIE and the Ministry of Education and Culture in response to the discrepancies between “official policy” and implementation with regard to indigenous cultural and linguistic rights. Under this agency, regional directorates were to be established in each province to promote intercultural formation from preschool levels through pedagogical institutes. However, poor coordination and enforcement by the Ministry under control of the dominant Spanish speaking majority have diminished the initiative (King & Haboud, 2002). 4 The Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities in Ecuador [CONAIE] formed in 1986 as a political and social movement working on education policy on two levels: advocating at the national level for support for improved education for children with meaningful language and culturally relevant self-affirming content, and at the local level developing community based native language literacy programs in Quichua and Shuar (King & Haboud, 2002)

Later, the Spanish style of rule was converted to Viceroyalties and Audencias with governance centralized in the major trade centers of Quito and Guayaquil. In doing so, ironically, the Spanish exercised political control but not physical dominance over the daily activities of the people, particularly in rural and remote areas. 2 For a parallel development, see the discussion by Balcazar regarding Spanish colonialism and indigenous languages in Guatemala (Balcazar, 2010) 1

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Paul L. LANDRY nationalities following efforts in the 1980’s to strengthen recognition of cultural values and language heritage and claims of indigenous peoples. In addition to the official Spanish language and these Indigenous or ancestral languages, certain regions have developed a “media lengua,” an admixture or creole language combining elements of Spanish and indigenous tongues with extralinguistic features. The development of media lengua may reflect resistance to marginalization of the indigenous language, an anti-assimilationist refusal to fully adopt dominant language (King & Haboud, 2002).

Ecuadorian peoples has thus persisted from pre-Inca times to the present day. While doubtless some languages have been lost over time, the degree of linguistic diversity, as more specifically described below, is still remarkable. 3.2 Current Linguistic Diversity in Ecuador. Ecuador is a country of tremendous geographic diversity as well as multicultural and multilingual diversity. Three main types of geographic regions characterize the relatively small country: the Amazon basin region or “Oriente,” the highland plains and mountainous regions or “Sierra,” and the coastal lowland areas or “Costa.” Ecuador has identified approximately 12 different linguistic Indigenous Region Amazon

Sierra Coast

People of

Tribe SHUAR-ACHUAR

Language Shuar Chicham

SECOYA

Paicoca

SIONA

Paicoca

HUAO (HUAORAM) A’I (COFÁN)

Huao Tinro

QUICHUA WAORANI QUICHUA

Quichua Shimi Waotededo Quichua Shuni

AWA (COAIQUER) CACHI

Awapit

TSACHI

Tsa’fiqui

EPERA

Epera Pedede

A’Íngae

Cha’Palaachi

Table 1. Current linguistic diversity in Ecuador Ecuador Location Province of Morona Santiago and part of the provinces of Zamora and Pastaza Province of Napo, along the shores of the Eno, Napo, Aguarico and Shushufindi rivers, and Lagarto Cocha and Sancudococha lakes Province of Napo, along the shores of the Cuyabeno, Tarapuno and Aguarico rivers Provinces of Napo and Pastaza Northern part of the province of Napo, near the Colombian border Provinces of Napo, Pastaza and Zamora Provinces of Napo & Pastaza in Amazon lowlands Provinces of Carchi, Imbabura, Pinchincha, Cotopaxi, Tungurahua, Bolívar, Chimborazo, Cañar, Azuay and Loja Northeastern part of the Province of Carchi and in the provinces of Esmeraldas and Imbabura Province of Esmeraldas, along the shores of the Onzole, Camarones, Zapallo, San Miguel, Barbudo, Verde, Viche, Cañando, Cojimíes, Sudo and Bilsa rivers Southeastern part of the province of Pinchincha in the township of Santo Domingo de los Colorados Small group of about 60 in Esmereldas Province

.3.3 The Indigenous Left Movement and Indigenous Identity. Understanding the relationship between indigenous language and culture, and national language policy is incomplete without consideration of the

indigenous left socialist movements that have influenced Ecuadorian government to a greater or lesser degree since the early 20th century. The development of leftist movements marked a class based characteristic to the divide 12

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM gave them the type of lived experiences leading to a penetrating analysis of exploitation that urban intellectuals often lacked” (Becker, 2008, p. 10). The Partido Socialista Ecuatoriano [PSE], formed in 1926, was the first party in Ecuador that tried to combine indigenous peoples into an independent political force, linking cultural and linguistic identity to an organized socialist movement. Militant rural indigenous activists rejected assimilation as the key to political advancement. Regional and ideological conflicts arose, and PSE efforts to aggregate urban workers, rural workers and middle-class intellectuals into a single organization saw limited effectiveness. By 1930, the PSE became disillusioned with Soviet bureaucratic organization and moved toward an indigenous nationalistic identity that resisted foreign influences. More recently, class-based solidarity of indigenous peoples led to the removal of Ecuador’s President Mahuad. The Crónica del Levantamiento Indígena y de la Sociedad Civil del Ecuador details the strategic mobilization and effective political action by the Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador [CONAIE], resulting in peaceful ouster of Mahuad and reversal of decrees that had confiscated property of rural and indigenous people in favor of banking interests (Becker, 2008). The left has emerged as the voice and protector of indigenous rights. The enigmatic current President of Ecuador, Rafael Correa, governs under a coalition called Revolución Cuidadana from a position he describes as “Christian left” rather than Marxist (BBC News:Latin America & Caribbean, 2010). His government, under the party Alianza País, has spent billions on social reforms, challenged the World Bank, the United States government and multinational oil conglomerates. He has also instituted Constitutional reforms. He has held the post of President longer than any other in almost two decades, and was re-elected in 2009, largely based upon strong support of rural and indigenous groups. Despite the setbacks of the

between native Spanish language speakers and native indigenous language speakers. The Revolución Liberal led by Gen. Eloy Alfaro of 1895 spawned development of populist movements. With the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and establishment of the International Communist Organization (Comintern), leftist movements in Latin America grew, espousing a variety of socialist and communist ideologies. Leadership in these movements came primarily from urban mestizo intellectuals, including José Carlos Mariátegui in Peru. However, a principal leader of the socialist movement in Ecuador was Dr. Ricardo Paredes. Government suppression of leftist protest, in particular a protest strike leading to the Massacre of November 15, 1922 in Guayaquil, precipitated formalized communist organization in Ecuador (Becker, 2008). Marxist ideology unifying the labor class against elitist and capitalist dominance embraced rural agrarian and indigenous peoples within a coherent socialist movement. The International Communist Party advocated labor class rights of indigenous peoples and peoples of African descent, including autonomous indigenous republics. Linguistic minority groups included groups in the Esmereldas area believed to be descendants of African slaves. Persistent racism toward indigenous peoples and people of color in Ecuador, and differences in educational development presented challenges for urban intellectual leadership of the socialist movements. Dr. Paredes, a medical doctor like Ernesto “Ché” Guevara and Salvador Allende, traveled regularly among the indigenous groups achieving a level of awareness of the impact of capitalist policies upon the poor and disenfranchised rural laborers (Becker, 2008). He believed that rural indigenous communities were especially situated to maintain the spirit of class struggle, and had the advantage of communistic cultural tradition dating back to the Incas. Becker notes that “while indigenous peasants lacked formal educational training, the imposition of global capital into their lives 13

Paul L. LANDRY what Piaget and cognitive constructivists define as progressive stages from preoperative to formal operative cognition (Simatwa, 2010). By the formal stage, the child is able to attach more complex meanings and values to learning experiences and to project those meanings into the future. Social constructivists such as Vygotsky believed that the process of development is mediated by language and other social agents interacting with the child. Teachers are primary mediators in the learning process, serving as guides for the child toward zones of proximal development (Bartholo, Tunes, & Tacca, 2010). Knowledge is co-constructed as the child experiences, reacts, attaches meaning, provides feedback and receives guidance and reinforcement from the teacher in the learning process (Dewey, 1968). Hearing, speaking and creating symbols represent cognitive engagement and are are also actions that contribute to and comprise the learning experience (Dewey, 1966). How children are taught and how they learn is inextricably bound with the semiotic systems through which meanings are jointly constructed and education is conveyed (Dewey, 1910, 1966, 1968). In this regard, language becomes a central element in shaping what the child learns and how the child learns to attach meaning and value to the world. The child who has developed a language and semiotic system at home and who comes to school confronted with a different language must become bilingual to the extent of acquiring a new system of naming and attaching meaning to things and experiences if that child is to engage with the schooling process (Zipin, 2009). The inevitable conflicts between the language of school and home language impose additional effort upon the child in the process of identifying and organizing information about the world. For children from homes and cultures with significantly different cultural, linguistic and cognitive patterns this may present significant obstacles (McCormick, Olson, & Ontario Inst for Studies in Education, 1991; Piedra, 2006). Children who come to school in which the

global economic downturn that impaired Ecuador’s oil dependent economy, Correa has initiated more social projects in education, health and infrastructure beneficial to lower social economic classes than did his predecessors. At the same time, fulfillment of constitutionally guaranteed language rights is lacking. Critics have compared Correa’s consolidation of power and restriction of the media to steps by leftist Hugo Chavez of Venezuela. Yet Correa has combined technocratic acumen as an economist with populist ties and rhetoric to establish bridges with Western powers while maintaining independence based upon indigenous support. Some indigenous leaders have questioned economic policies that favor capitalism over people. However, criticism Correa and his policies draw from elite and upper middle class groups in Ecuador and the United States confirm his socialist footing. 4. EDUCATION AND LANGUAGE LOSS Beyond consideration of political class based struggles regarding marginalization, it is important to examine more carefully the process by which language loss occurs in relation to public educational systems to fully appreciate the resulting conditions and the risks of language loss associated with the existing language policies. 4.1 Role of Language in Education. As noted above, formal and informal education plays a pivotal role for children in formation of their cultural concepts and identities. All knowledge is acquired through the use of symbols, signifiers to which meaning is attached for communication of information and ideas (Dewey, 1966, 1968; McLaren, 2007). Cognitively, even physical experiences are correlated with similar types of experiences to which some symbol is categorically applied to organize and enable communication to others concerning the experience (Moskowitz, 2005). The symbols we use represent how we think. Thus, words frame thought. Children first acquire language and begin to identify and name their world at 14

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM critique of standardization (Hornberger & King, 1998). Ancestral languages have persisted over millennia for communication and transmission of culture. Yet class distinctions, power imbalance, and the structural incentives and discourse5 of formal schooling can persuade a child to believe that her ancestral language is inferior to the language chosen by the government as a mode of instruction, a constructed habitus (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Language policy thus incentivizes language shift. Finally, globalization imposes an additional pressure. English is considered the language of commerce across the globe, and aspirations for long term career advancement are often tied to acquiring English language proficiency. Schools identified as “bilingual” (Spanish and English) are generally considered more prestigious in Ecuador. This ascribes a

language of instruction is the same as the home language encounter no such burden. 4.2 Educational System as Tool for Language Shift. When children are induced or coerced to pursue intellectual, academic and socio-political development in a prescribed language different from their mother tongue, formal education conveys the messages of efficacy, normalcy and superiority of the language of schooling above the child’s mother tongue. This pressure for conversion to the language of instruction, with attendant adoption of values and ways of thinking, is no accident (Apple, 2009b). The child can be “educated” to perceive her own ethnic and cultural background as inferior (Johnson, 2007). This inculcation occurs, in part, through linguistically manipulative devices designed to create homogeneous “national” identity (Shohamy, 2006). Obvious examples include linguistic “tours de force” such as Columbus “discovered” the Americas and Cortez “brought civilization” to the “uncivilized” Mayans. Reinscription of false and manipulative portrayals still included in some texts are designed to frame the thought of school children that Eurocentric knowledge is superior, and to justify adoption of a colonial language over indigenous “uncivilized” tongues. Norms of language corpus also communicate value and serve to reinforce dominance. Language variations and variant languages ebb and flow constantly, but governmental language policy establishes an “official” language which it proceeds to circumscribe or “standardize” into a presumed fixity (Stroud, 2010). Teaching grammar of the official language instills the notion that rigor and “correctness” are valued attributes and benefits of acquiring proficiency in the official language of instruction (Shohamy, 2006). Some indigenous languages have no standardized orthography which, when viewed in context of official discourse, suggests inferiority. The literacy programs in Ecuador mentioned above developed a standardized alphabet for Quichua (Ministerio de educacion, 2011b) But see Hornberger’s

5

The educational system further conveys culture and values through behavioral and celebratory practices. School ceremonies and social events in Ecuador tend to celebrate Eurocentric norms and omit most indigenous festivals and customs. Graduation ceremonies and major annual social dances mimic European customs. Spring dances resemble “proms” and dark skinned or indigenous looking students are seldom if ever elected as la reina. Some indigenous customs are common enough to be incorporated and observed, such as “colada morada,” “Día de los Difuntos” and “Año Viejo,” but even these are downplayed in higher status schools. The cultural customs conform to the culture of the language of instruction and create a normative impression of prestige above indigenous culture and language usage. In a rare reversal, President Correa orchestrated recent passage of a referendum that allows communities to prohibit public events that involve killing animals. Quito days is a festival is marked by a weeklong series of Bullfights in which celebrated international matadors participate. Ticket prices tend to exclude the non affluent. The controversial custom has been criticized as both elitist and anomalous, using a peculiarly European Spanish custom to celebrate Ecuadorian independence from Spain. However, devaluing indigenous language and culture is the converse attitude of elevating European culture as a symbol of high status. Indeed, many upper class Ecuadorian children are taught by parents to consider themselves “Spanish” or “European” despite Mestizo heritage going back generations. Thus, Correa’s referendum prohibition is a direct class-based attack on dearly held elitist traditions.

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Paul L. LANDRY categories depending upon the perspective of the group served or affected by that policy. The Ruiz model has been critiqued with respect to its treatment of language as resource [LAR] orientation. The basic criticism is that the LAR orientation implicitly embeds neoliberal and capitalistic priorities in language policy through the assessment of linguistic value as a “resource.” (Bale, 2011; Petrovic, 2005) Language diversity or language maintenance has value, therefore, to the extent that it reflects efficiency, productivity and market opportunities. The conceptual bias of the model, in this respect, serves to reify and treat as normative the repressive aspects of the dominant economic model. The posture of the Ecuadorian government is situated between Ruiz categories of language as problem [LAP] and language as resource [LAR], facing serious political and economic consequences from moving decidedly in either direction. Linguistic diversity is viewed as problematic by standing in the way of improving universal literacy, raising educational standards and increasing market efficiency. [LAP] Language policies that institutionalize Spanish as the language of instruction, language of power and the language of economic opportunity seek to resolve the language “problem” through assimilative pressure and hegemonic compliance. As such, Spanish becomes not only instrumental, but a language of prestige (Balcazar, 2010). At the same time, government reliance upon the forces of indigenous solidarity for building a coalition that enables the majority political party to maintain control of the government requires attending to language diversity and respect for cultural diversity. As such the government must make some effort toward an orientation of language as a resource in support of a national identity of “Plurinacionalidad.” The conflict between suppression of linguistic diversity for purposes of resolving the language “problem” and the support of linguistic diversity as a resource for sustaining political power creates a perilous dilemma and a fragile balance.[LAR]

level of prestige to English language ability above ancestral language proficiency (Balcazar, 2010). Globalization pressure creates an additional inducement for children to migrate from their mother tongue to Spanish, and toward bilingual proficiency in English and Spanish if possible. 5. POLICY ANALYSIS: LANGUAGE LOSS AND GLOBALIZATION 5.1 Language Policy in Ecuador. Analysis of Ecuador’s current situation and language policy demonstrates the complexity and competing forces of power and discourse at play. Such analysis also problematizes attempts to fit fluid and dynamic forces into neat categories. Using the Ruiz model of language policy orientations, policies reflecting cross-categorical orientations emerge. Applying Marxist theory, traditional notions of class based distinctions tend to blur amidst complex processes that shape both identity and alignment. A critical neo-Marxist approach perhaps best supports understanding of the current problems and potential pathways toward solutions, if we let go of the urge for neatness and certainty. As McLaren observed regarding the illusive and insidious, but powerful, forces shaping opportunities for identity and expression: “The enemy can no longer be characterized by the vestigial cliché of ‘the ruling class.’ The systems of influence and economics of power and privilege are not so neatly characterized or identified in the complex process that makes schooling for the marginalized an inevitable allegory of loss (McLaren, 2007, p. 245).” The fundamental arguments respecting language policy have been described as falling into one or more of three basic orientations: language as problem (LAP), language as resource (LAR), or language as a human right (LHR) (Ruiz, 2010) . Ruiz’s formulation helps describe whether government policy regarding language serves language acquisition, maintenance or replacement in furtherance of political and economic goals of the nation state. Language policy and planning (LPP) can be viewed as falling into differing 16

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM desire to maintain linguistic diversity as a matter of ethnic pride or cultural and psychological survival is problematic [LAP]. A question emerges whether resistance by indigenous minority language groups attempting to preserve cultural and linguistic identity serves a hegemonic function by reification of the linguistic minorities in lower strata of the socio-economic structure. By insisting upon maintenance of an “indigenous” identity, indigenous minorities aligning with marginalized groups may consign themselves to lesser opportunities and limited chances for economic prosperity (McLaren, 2007; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). The result is controlled resistance rather than dynamic change. The functions of effective voice, agency and negotiation necessary for truly democratic and multicultural participation in society are repressed. Children in such situations are placed in a double bind. They must suppress or abandon their mother tongue and cultural ways of thinking in favor of dominant culture language and discourse, or they may cling to their cultural heritage and language and face the prospect of accepting limited life chances circumscribed by the racism, prejudice and marginalization that the dominant culture assigns to their indigenous status. Globalization adds yet another layer of complications. The increasing saturation of multinational corporate influence creates incentives for acquisition of English as the global language of commerce. Students who wish to pursue higher education in the US and Canada, which represent the largest concentrations of accredited colleges and universities, have incentive to learn English to gain admission. English proficiency is an additional pressure supported by informal but substantial globalization policy and discourse. The overarching constraint upon both system and analysis is the inscribed neoconservative/neoliberal ideology6 that

The stance of the indigenous communities regarding language diversity and language policy is not without tensions. The basic position of most indigenous linguistic minority groups is that personal development and advancement within society should be feasible without having to concede or abandon linguistic and cultural identity, i.e., that being “Ecuadorian” encompasses a pluralistic amalgam of identities, cultures and linguistic heritages. Maintaining and expressing one’s own culture and ways of being through linguistic identity is seen as a human right [LHR]. Advocates of diversity in language education, including Skutnabb-Kangas, would argue the necessary for children’s right to formal education for purposes of political and economic participation, and at the same time claim the fundamental right to informal education in their mother tongue to maintain vital connections with family and community (Hossain & Pratt, 2008). Monolingual education policy is seen as subtractive from this LHR orientation and creates conflict and distrust between the government and linguistic minority groups. Where, as in Ecuador, language is viewed by indigenous peoples as a primary incident of culture and also tied to class-based political movements, government sponsored shift of children’s language from their mother tongue to Spanish can be seen as a transgression upon LHR and as an assault upon the indigenous culture. In addition, language shift toward Spanish in younger generations could dissipate solidarity of indigenous groups based upon linguistic identity. The powerful national and multinational economic systems that influence, if not determine, life chances militate against preservation of cultural and linguistic integrity. There are examples of indigenous groups that have found ways to preserve some measure of cultural identity while adopting the dominant language as a means of communication and commerce. It is likely, however, that such efforts reflect migration rather than stability and maintenance over time. Consequently, the

6

The ideologies of neoliberalism and neoconservatism are distinct in some respects, but merge in many relevant respects. They can perhaps be distinguished by neoconservative belief that elite status is deserved and that the system should limit governmental interference

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Paul L. LANDRY indigenous rights and heritage languages. (Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service, 2011). Ecuador’s La Revolución Ciudadana, the political coalition that undergirds the presidency, is based upon populist and indigenous solidarity. At the same time, economic power to advance development of improved life chances for Ecuadorians, including indigenous peoples, relies upon a powerful elite class based in urban centers. These elite still tend to view indigenous people, languages and culture as inferior. The government also relies upon neoliberal policies and globalized economic priorities which can serve to undermine respect for indigenous peoples, their languages and their cultures. The new Constitution (Articles 26-29) directs the government to establish such institutions and programs as are necessary to effectuate the rights of indigenous people to learn and be taught in their own language (Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service, 2011). While no express language in the Constitution relieves the government from obligations to protect indigenous language rights, more frequent focus of Constitutional language among the more than 130 Articles is on the rights of citizens to “development” and to understand the functioning of their government (Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service, 2011). Thus, greater government educational emphasis in practice is upon Spanish or “official” literacy to teach everyone how government operates, how to participate in civic affairs and what a citizen can expect from their government. Implementation of the Ecuadorian public educational system is under direction of the Ministry of Education and Culture established under the Constitution (Ecuaworld, 2010; Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service, 2011). In a country with such diversity and significant poverty, meeting those educational responsibilities can be overwhelming. Published statistics indicate that the literacy rate (presumably Spanish) is approximately 90%. However, the Ministry acknowledges that only about 10% of people in non-urban areas have completed primary and secondary

regulates both process and perceptions of normative reality. The notion of equality of opportunity is circumscribed by a system designed to reproduce economic and power status and to reinscribe identities through discourse that maintains the false perception that the status quo has developed without oppression or repression, ad hoc ergo propter hoc. As McLaren notes: “The real issue is that the education system gives those who begin with certain advantages (the right economic status and thus the right values, the right speech patterns, the right mannerisms, the right behavior) a better chance to retain those advantages all through school, and ensures that minority and economically disadvantaged students will remain at the bottom rung of the meritocratic ladder” (McLaren, 2007, p. 215). Society suffers from conditioned blindness to any options that do not arise from the socioeconomic class stratification powered by capitalist consumerism. Any perceived options are either adaptations to this ideological model or strategies in resistance to it. This conceptual myopia prevents us from taking what McLaren and Giroux call a “sideways glance” at the complex reality of linguistic diversity, precluding us from envisioning new possibilities and new ways of formulating strategies (McLaren, 2007). In other words, the concept of a multilingual functioning society as a norm that neither presumes nor privileges a dominant language of power never enters the mind. Notwithstanding, observation of existing society reveals linguistic plurality in practice. 5.2 Contradictions in Ecuador’s Formal Language Policy. The government of Ecuador also operates in an anomalous double bind that becomes increasingly difficult to navigate. Under pressure from indigenous linguistic minority groups, the national Constitution was modified in 2008 to inscribe and amplify principles of respect for preserving what is possessed by desert; and neoliberalism belief that elevated status can be attained through individualist effort to overcome barriers in a meritocratic process. In both ideologies, the system works to reproduce and preserve privilege while disadvantaging the non-privileged.

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LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM backgrounds are brought together and taught in a single language of instruction mode which Villa I Moreno describes as the “principle of conjunction” (Moreno, 2010). The difficulties meeting Constitutional mandates are illustrated by the 1980’s program called Center for Investigation of Indigenous Education [CIEI] developed in conjunction with the Programa Nacional de Alfabetación (National Literacy Program). The plan involved basic literacy in Quichua and then secondary development of literacy in Spanish as a second language. The project sparked national interest in indigenous language planning, but the government suspended its operation after less than two years. Poor planning and coordination, lack of inclusion of local indigenous leaders and community officials were cited as reasons. There was also dissention regarding use of only Quichua as indigenous language. Despite its demise, the program benefitted about 20,000 people during its operation, and did much to dispel stereotypical myths that indigenous languages were unsuitable for instruction or the production of knowledge. As of 2010, the Programa Nacional de Alfabetación continued with high school students required to provide minimum hours of tutoring in basic literacy in Spanish under the supervision of the administration of their schools and some coordination from the Ministry of Education and Culture (Ministerio de educacion, 2011a). By making basic literacy instruction part of graduation requirements and using secondary students, the government has leveraged more services at lower cost to the government. However, most of these services are provided in or near large cities and so the services still do not effectively reach rural areas where most needed. In addition, students are employed as instruments for reinforcement of government led language shift toward Spanish.

schooling. When resources are limited, lower status linguistic communities tend to receive lower priority. Constitutional language guarantees attempting to establish positive rights as opposed to negative rights present difficulties (Velasquez, Andre, Shanks, & Meyer, 2010). The government can impose restrictions and provide recourse for the deprivation of negative rights. Problems arise when the government undertakes affirmative obligation to provide governmental benefits and protections (positive rights) the government may not have adequate resources to achieve. The “right to be instructed” in one’s own language is a problematic positive rights mandate amplified in light of linguistic diversity within Ecuador (Stroud, 2010). Facing Constitutional language policy obligations, the government claims a lack of adequate physical school facilities to provide universal education to all children, without regard to particular educational policies directing what or how the children will be taught. In recent years, the start of school has been delayed in some regions because of a lack of school buildings. Despite this deficiency, a cursory review of infrastructure investment reports reveals no high priority for schools and educational facilities among projects for which investment is planned (CIA, 2011). Another stated obstacle to achievement of Constitutional mandates is availability of qualified teachers for the nation’s schools. Efforts to establish basic minimum standards for curriculum and teacher qualifications have overshadowed concerns about providing instruction in indigenous languages. Low pay and unclear teacher certification standards have been major issues. In 2008, a government proposal to terminate teachers without minimum certification met with vigorous opposition from the teachers union and schools (Puryear, 2009). They contended the proposal would have left many schools without sufficient teaching staff to operate. Many classrooms have more than 40 students. Lacking sufficient capacity for differentiated instruction, students of different linguistic

6. A WAY FORWARD Holding to an ethic that serious critique of a problem should offer a way forward, an 19

Paul L. LANDRY Again, partial blindness offers partial measures. However, Ecuador has experience with bilingual education in the form of indigenous group initiated programs to instruct children in their mother tongue. Those programs dissipated because of a lack of promised government support, lack of coordination and the competition of government resources directed to formal instruction in Spanish. Whether a program of full collaboration by the Ministry of Education and Culture with local indigenous groups to provide instruction that combines the predominant local indigenous language and Spanish could be successful is an untested hypothesis. Such a program would require training of certified teachers in principles of participatory democracy and critical pedagogy. Experiments in which consultation with community based leaders regarding the purposes and means of bilingual education, methods that respect ancestral heritage have shown some success (De Korne, 2010; Hornberger, 2006; Tse, 2001; Winton, 2010). On a practical level, deeper teacher understanding and preparation in democratic pedagogical methods may produce classroom environments in which children are “listened to” as well as “talked to” in the instructional process (Haboud, 2009). By valuing alternative indigenous ways of expressing ideas and thinking, a form of linguistic validation, the teacher may be better able to convey educational content in ways that are meaningful to the students. Deficiencies in staffing could be supported by use of teacher aids from the indigenous linguistic community. Just as deficiencies in medical doctors have been partially addressed by use of midwives and nurse practitioners, so might teaching resources be expanded by training and use of teacher aids working along with certificated teachers and bringing special expertise in indigenous language and culture. Local initiative is not enough to create sufficient change without structural and institutional evolution. The neoliberal and often racist biases of educational systems and curricula are not accidental phenomena; they

approach toward a solution, the following modest suggestions are offered. The first and most fundamental is the re-examination of concepts of democracy as applied to education. In the last couple of decades the concept of democracy has evolved a split personality involving “thin” democracy, referring to notions of individualism, private goods and free access to available markets, and “thick” democracy, referring to more fully participatory engagement and collective goods orientation (Apple, 2009a). The former is reflected in Ecuador’s superficial official acknowledgment of fundamental cultural and linguistic interests which are quickly set aside and marginalized in the development of “national” priorities favoring the dominant upper class and political elite. The latter requires a level of faith in the polity and courage to relinquish rigid top down control. As noted by McLaren, uncritical reliance upon established systems and structures that merely reproduce modes of knowledge construction, class stratification and relative positions of power negates the insight and impetus to see the world in terms of new possibilities. New vision and new vocabularies are required to see and be able to discuss alternative realities (McLaren, 2007). It is important to understand, however, that change does not necessitate reversal; it simply means “change.” Experience shows that a multilingual or poly-lingual environment can be created. One need only travel to Miami, New York City or London to find multiple languages flourishing in diglossic contexts along with English being spoken as a common reference language. In those instances, a multilingual environment has arisen from immigrants unwilling to fully relinquish their cultural heritage and language in order to be a part of a larger society. Despite the racist and xenophobic reactionary “English Only” movements in Arizona and California, ample evidence suggests that multilingualism is not a threat to societal stability. In those cities, however, public education is provided in the dominant language with support for English language learners (ELL) to prepare them for instruction in the dominant language. 20

LANGUAGE LOSS, GLOBALIZATION AND THE ECUADORIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM graduating classes of students predisposed toward social justice, valuing democracy, cultural diversity and multilingualism that are eager to fashion a world in the image of these values. An important note regarding the proposed way forward is that it obviates the neoliberal objection that the proposed change cannot be accommodated with limited resources. This is the typical excuse for what was earlier described as “thin democracy.” Setting aside, for a moment the assumption that the value of a language policy is measured by a monetary amount, the proposal rejects the premise that the alternative approach is something to be done “in addition” to existing educational programs. The fundamental premise of the proposal lies in thinking differently. The proposal is predicated on doing things differently, a change of mindset more than budget. As noted, the values supporting this different mindset of linguistic respect and “Plurinacionalidad” are already inscribed in the country’s Constitution. What is required is to truly honor them beyond the mere acknowledgment of inspirational verbiage.

are critical parts of a discourse that inscribes certain values and norms and seeks to reproduce citizens who share those values (Apple, 2009b). The educational system becomes the critical fulcrum in mitigating the pressure upon indigenous children to abandon their own voices, languages and culture in order to participate in the broader dominant culture. The government must first adopt and embrace the language of the Constitutional guarantees and then seek to embed that philosophy throughout the public education system. From the inception of public education, children should “experience” a reality of “Plurinacionalidad” that informs them that indigenous language is a valued trait and not a shameful characteristic that must be abandoned in order to succeed. Fortunately the authorization, indeed the mandate, for such change already exists. The government of Ecuador need only take that obligation seriously. Schools are a microcosm of society, to some extent a training ground to prepare students for social, political and economic participation in larger society. Neo-Marxist theory suggests that the educational system operates in both overt and subtle ways to reproduce class distinctions and to preserve dominant power, to sort students for their ascribed roles in larger society. Bias and prejudice in larger society used as a means of control is inscribed in the practices and discourse of the government supported school system. However, critical theory regarding power dynamics suggests at least this possibility that the influence can be reversed. If students are taught to truly respect and value diversity, including linguistic diversity, in meaningful ways that they experience, their consciousness of what a democratic society means will be heightened. They may be empowered to act as agents of true democratic change that seek to value indigenous voices rather than marginalize them as their parents may have done. This elevation of consciousness resembles “conscientization” suggested by Freire (Freire, 2008). Consider the impact on Ecuadorian society of successive

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