EXPLORATIONS INTO PREHISTORIC POTTERY REPLICATION: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

August 7, 2017 | Autor: Sally Billings | Categoría: Archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology
Share Embed


Descripción

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

EXPLORATIONS INTO PREHISTORIC POTTERY REPLICATION: A PRELIMINARY REPORT

Sally Llull Billings and James LaFleur

ABSTRACT Artifact replication is a branch of experimental archaeology that attempts to reproduce artifacts found in the archaeological record using, whenever possible, traditional techniques and tools. In this study, the methods for replicating coil and scrape pottery from the American Southwest are explored including collecting and processing local clays, hand building, decorating, and painting several types of vessels, making organic paint, and firing. The use of different types of temper and the effect of environmental conditions, such as temperature and humidity, on the process of hand building a pot will be highlighted.

INTRODUCTION

Clay is one of the most common types of sediment found all over the world; it is plastic and malleable and is used in a wide variety of applications: as a building material, to make figurines and jewelry, for plumbing, as early writing tablets, in cosmetics, and lastly, but not least, to make pottery. Humans have made pottery since the Neolithic in Eurasia (Blandino 2003:11-12) the Archaic in Mexico and Central America (Evans 2013:96), and, in East Asia, as early as the Paleolithic (Zhushchikhovskaia: 2012). Pottery is one of the main chronological and cultural diagnostic markers recognized by archaeologists the world over; vessel form, design

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

elements, and function help archaeologists place sites within a cultural and temporal framework, and also to understand a multitude of issues such as, but not limited to, culture change, subsistence strategies, and settlement patterns. The archaeological literature abounds with discussions on the various forms of ceramic wares found in many ancient societies, of the types of temper used in the paste, of the effects of firing – low oxygen versus high oxygen, reduction techniques, etc. - on different types of clays. Ceramics can be either hand-built or thrown on a wheel. The hand built techniques most often described in the literature include coil and scrape, paddle and anvil, pinch pots, and molds. Some authors may briefly describe the steps involved in hand building, however, none come close to conveying the time-consuming, complicated process that each technique entails, nor the incredible skill that is required to produce a viable finished product. Producing usable pottery is a skill that can take a long time to perfect, starting with the acquisition of the proper type of clay and how to process that clay so one can create the right paste to produce the various wares, to the right types of fuel and temperatures to fire the green ware. Ceramic replication is an important tool for examining and understanding these processes, however, there have been relatively few replication studies published in professional literature. Experimental Archaeology and Replication Studies Experimental archaeology, which dates to the mid-to-late 19th century, is a branch of archaeology that seeks to interpret the material culture of the past through scientific experimentation or replication of said material culture (Callahan 1999:4; Shimada 2005:604). Experimental studies have included, but are not limited to garbology projects (Rathje and Murphy 1992), the building of monumental structures found in the archaeological record such as Stonehenge (Parker Pearson 2011:252), and the construction and sailing of an ancient Viking-

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

type ship (Shimada 2005:603). Experimentation has been an important tool in the advancement of method and theory, particularly for the early functionalists of the 20th century who used this approach to develop middle range theories that allowed “…the accurate conversion from observations on statics [material remains] to statements about dynamics [the past culture]” (Shimada 2005:604). Experimentation in archaeology can also “…provide certain kinds of data unobtainable by more conventional studies of artifacts” (Saraydar and Shimada 1973:345). In the mid 1960’s Don Crabtree and Francoise Bordes demonstrated the utility of an experimental approach to lithic studies by reproducing stone tools and thus encouraged many future archaeologists to learn flintknapping (Callahan 1999:4). Flintknapping has been a popular technique utilized in use wear studies. Replication studies, as a subdivision of experimental archaeology, entails reproducing the material culture found in the archaeological record or described in ethnographic accounts using the methods and materials that would have been available to the peoples whose technologies are being reproduced (Callahan 1999). Reproducing the material culture of prehistoric peoples can be problematic due to the absence of documented sources that could shed light on the process of making both utilitarian and luxury items, and identifying the precise materials required to produce these items. Replication studies run the gamut from flintknapping and pottery making, to reproducing whole ancient structures and from the utilitarian to the non-utilitarian. It can provide insight into form and function, the procurement and preparation of raw materials, and the challenges and obstacles ancient people faced when attempting to produce the goods they needed in their everyday lives. Experimental archaeology has had its share of challenges and criticisms; as early as the 1960’s critics have stated that the evaluation of procedures and results of archaeological

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

experimentation are at best ambiguous due to a fundamental lack of a clear theoretical focus (Shimada 2005:608). Outram (2008) outlines five deficiencies common to archaeological experiments: 1) lack of clear aims, 2) insufficient detail on materials and methods, 3) compromises over authentic materials, 4) inappropriate parameters, and 5) lack of academic context. Replication of archaeological materials and sites tend to be very susceptible to these deficiencies particularly when replicators, who are usually amateurs, often lack the academic background and training necessary for a rigorous scientific approach in their work. Around the 1980’s the experimental approach waned in the United States but increased in Europe, where today the practice is an important component of many archaeological studies (Callahan 1999: 5). Over the past fifteen years or so, experimental archaeology is once again experiencing resurgence in the U.S., with many colleges and universities developing experimental programs that are based in sound scientific method (Marsh and Ferguson 2010:34). Carefully designed scientific experiments take into consideration the types of tools and the raw materials they were made from that were available to prehistoric peoples, and a careful analysis of the procedures used to produce goods. The results are then scientifically monitored through testing (Callahan 1994:5). One notable area in experimental studies focuses on the reproduction of prehistoric ceramics. Pottery making in the American Southwest has had a long, continuous tradition beginning in the 8th century A.D. to the present day. Modern Puebloan potters have learned their craft from parents or grandparents who also learned it from kin who passed down this knowledge relatively unchanged through the generations. While some innovation in decorating techniques was developed in the late 1800s in response to a growing demand for native goods by American and European collectors, the basic techniques for collecting and processing clay and hand-

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

building pots has remained unchanged for well over a thousand years. This has made the process of replicating archaeologically-based examples more feasible than replicating many other nowextinct technologies. Through hands-on instruction native potters have shared the knowledge of pottery making with non-indigenous enthusiasts and scholars (Hayes and Blom 1996; Swink 2004). Using replicated ceramics in experimentation may be more desirable than using archaeological sherds. First and foremost, it serves to preserve the archaeological record in that ancient pot sherds will not be destroyed; replicates are more dispensable. Secondly, using whole replicated pots rather than archaeological pots sherds allows research into how different technical choices can affect the performance of ceramic pots (Harry 2010: 43-44) The emphasis of this study is the replication of Southwestern ceramics in order to better understand the process of collecting and processing the proper materials, such as clay and temper, the use of different tools made from locally available materials, and the technique of hand-building vessels, as well as creating decorated wares and firing. The purpose is not to generate theoretical statements per se, but to serve as a launching point for further research and hypothesis-building. Without a fundamental understanding of the steps and challenges involved in making pottery, the ability to generate new questions to direct future research seems limited.

WHAT IS CLAY?

Clay is difficult to define because it has been used to describe a variety of materials that differs from one another in both composition and origin. Definitions for clay and clay minerals can vary depending on who one asks; for geologists “clay mineral” refers to a class of hydrated

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

phyllosilicates, or in other words, a mineral high in silicates (Bergaya and Lagaly 2006:5). It is the silica in the mineral which gives clay a plastic quality when mixed with water and hardens when dried or fired. A ceramist may define clay by their firing properties or by their uses (Shepard 1980:7). In essence, clay is the end result of a weathering process of specific minerals in rock which produces a conglomerate of various components. Reijnders identifies eleven main components found in many types of clay that includes clay minerals, quartz, mica, feldspar, calcium and magnesium-containing associate minerals, iron-containing associate minerals, titanium oxide-containing associate minerals, and organic materials (2005:237). Clay minerals are composed of a group of small crystalline particles of one or more members of a group that are commonly known as clay minerals. Clay minerals are hydrous aluminum silicate, which in some minerals, can be replaced by iron and magnesium (Murray 2007:7). There are some groups of clay minerals that are relevant to pottery production which include the kaolinites, the illites, and the smectites or montmorillonites (Bergaya and Lagaly 2006:3-5; Murray 2007:7-15; Reijnders 2005:273-274; Shepard 1980:6-10). Other mineral components can impact the properties of clay, for instance, the presence of fine-grained quartz in a kaolin clay may impart an abrasiveness to the clay, while organic matter may affect color (Murray 2007:2). The presence of soluble salts can cause clay to flocculate, that is, form lumps, which can create problems in processing the clay for use. Montmorillonite clay that is high in calcium is more viscous than those that are high in sodium, which makes it suitable for making pottery. Plasticity and Texture Clay plasticity refers to the ability of the material to be molded into a shape without it breaking when a certain amount of stress or pressure is applied and for the shape to be retained

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

after the pressure is removed (Bergaya and Lagaly 2006:5). Clay particles absorb and retain water; the particles in clay are surrounded by water which acts as a lubricant that allows mineral plates to slide across one another (Shepard 1980:15). When water is added to clay, the clay minerals form a suspension that is composed of particles in a size range between molecules and grains that is called the colloidal state. Clay colloids attract water molecules to their surface and form “water hulls” (Shepard 1980:14). Clay Types Based on Origin and Sources Raw clay deposits suitable for making pottery can be found in a number of geological contexts. Alluvial clays are those that have been transported and deposited by water as alluvial fans, and often contain a high iron content (Swink 2004:19). This type of clay is often found along river banks or other water courses, as well as within ancient alluvial deposits. This type of clay often fires at lower temperatures which is typical of prehistoric wares. Carbonaceous clays are found in shale deposits from sedimentary geological formations (Swink 2004:19) that has been laid down as ancient seabeds or other bodies of water, and is very fine-grained. This produces a highly plastic claybody, making it ideal for pottery. Montmorillonite clays are decomposed volcanic ash and are characterized as very finegrained clays that are also found in sedimentary geological formations (Swink 2004:19). This clay is often ideal for creating slips and also as an additive to other clays to increase plasticity. Clint Swink, a ceramic replicator from southwestern Colorado, has made replicas of Mesa Verde plain and painted wares using all three types of the afore-mentioned clays. His preference is for the carbonaceous clay that is abundantly available on the Colorado Plateau and which he claims the prehistoric Mesa Verde potters used extensively due to its high degree of

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

plasticity (2004:19). These same potters also used montmorillonites as slips for their painted wares. Clay often stands out from the surrounding soils and can be visually identified cursorily by color and texture. Soils that change color dramatically from one stratum to the next are frequently clay veins. Another telltale sign of the presence of a clay deposit is the lack of vegetation growing within the area of the deposit that prevents water penetration from reaching the roots of plants. The texture of clay when wet is usually smooth and sometimes unctuous. Carbonaceous clays, due to the very fine particle size, tend toward an unctuous feel. This can result in a smooth pottery vessel, which may be why this type of clay may have been favored by Mesa Verde potters.

MAKING POTTERY Clay Processing Preparation of the claybody is a crucial first step before making the paste. If the material is not properly processed, it can cause the paste to crack during hand-building, drying, and firing. Only those methods that indigenous potters may have used will be discussed. Grinding or slaking the raw clay removes unnecessary particulates such as small rocks and vegetative matter and reduces the clay and other mineral particles to a fine, uniform size that aids the preparation of the paste (Blankenship and Blankenship 2008:116; Jamison 2007: 39; Peterson and Peterson 2009: 39-40; Shepard 1980:51; Swink 2004: 21-22) (Figure 1). These fine particles will ensure that when the clay is mixed with water, the water will be absorbed and distributed evenly throughout the paste. In the American Southwest the native peoples used

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

manos and metates made from a number of different materials, including sandstone, basalt, and quartzite to grind clay (Swink 2004).

Figure 1. Grinding clay

Temper and Plasticity Temper is a nonplastic material that is added to the clay to mitigate shrinkage and prevent cracking as it dries (Blandino2003:25; Shepard 1980:53; Swink 2004:22-23). Once clay has been ground, temper is added to the mix (Figure 2). Because clay tends to absorb large quantities of water, making it plastic and pliable, it shrinks as it dries. Nonplastic additives aid in uniform drying by creating “escape paths for moisture” (Swink 2004:22).

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 2. Adding temper. Determining the correct amount of temper to add can be complicated. Too much temper will render the paste unworkable due to a loss in plasticity while too little temper may yield a vessel that will crack upon drying or firing because of excessive shrinkage. On the other hand, the more temper a clay body has, the less likely it will be to crack during firing but will ultimately produce a weaker vessel (Harry 2010:52-53). There is no “magic formula” for adding temper as each clay possesses different mineral and chemical properties (Shepard 1980), and is already self-tempered to varying degrees. Finding the right consistency is a balancing act between preserving the workability of the clay with producing a crack-resistant vessel. Clays that are less plastic, whether occurring naturally or due to the addition of excessive temper are called “short”, while those that are highly plastic are referred to as “fat” (Peterson and Peterson 2009; Shepard 1980; Swink 2004: 24). In the American Southwest several nonplastic materials were used as temper including sand, crushed basalt, and crushed pottery. Crushed sherd temper was used by Chaco and Mesa Verde potters (A.D. 700-1300) to make fine white wares that are found throughout the Ancestral

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Puebloan heartland (Hayes and Blom 1996: 44; Swink 2004). These wares were not used for cooking as sherd-tempered ceramics did not stand up very well to thermal shock resulting from repeated heating and cooling (Blinman 2013:64). Shivwits Plain wares dating to Pueblo II times (A.D. 900-1100) are described as having crushed sherd temper and have been found in the Moapa Valley (Harry 2005:310; Lyneis 1992:45-49). Crushed igneous (basalt) rock temper was used extensively in the Four Corners area during Basketmaker III (A.D. 400-725) (Toll and Wilson 2000:28) and Pueblo III times (A.D. 1150-1300) (Swink 2004:23). This type of temper may have been preferred for cooking vessels because rock temper confers greater thermal stress resistance, making it ideal to withstanding repeated heating and cooling (Pierce 2005:134). Sand temper was widely used in the Great Basin and Mohave Desert, and is found throughout sites in the Moapa Valley around the Muddy and Virgin Rivers such as Bovine Bluff (Myhrer and Lyneis 1985:19-25), and Main Ridge (Lyneis 1992:41), although limestone tempered pottery such as Logandale Gray Ware is predominant at these sites. The abundance of sand may be a primary motive for its use in pottery. Sand was used extensively in gray wares from the La Plata and upper San Juan Valley in northwestern New Mexico to produce cooking vessels (Toll and Wilson 2000:19; Wilson and Blinman 2000:71). The addition of sand temper consisting of rounded grains tend to produce weaker vessels than using sand (or crushed sandstone or igneous rock) with angular grains (Blinman 2013). Quartz, feldspar, and mica are frequently found in sand and are visible when examining cross sections of sand-tempered sherds under a hand lens. Fine-grained tempers tend to produce stronger wares than coarse-grained tempers (Blinman 2013), although coarse-grained tempers may have been preferred for cooking vessels

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

because of greater resistance to thermal shock (Skibo et al 1989:123). Therefore, with the exception of fine sand, most other tempering agents benefit from grinding prior to adding to the clay. Wedging Wedging is the process of kneading the tempered clay when water is added to produce a paste (Blandino 2003:23-25; Jamison and Jamison 2007:39; Peterson and Peterson 2009 39-40; Shepard 1980: 51-52; Swink 2004: 27-28) (Figure: 3). This is a vital step in the preparation of the paste; to ignore or neglect this step in any way will result in a substandard paste that is unusable for making ceramics. The function of wedging is several-fold: it a) increases plasticity, b) removes air bubbles that create air pockets which weakens the vessel and promotes cracking, c) distributes water and temper evenly through the mix, d) promotes homogeneity and consistency of the mixture, and e) removes excess moisture from the paste.

Figure 3. Wedging clay. There is no single method for mixing a clay paste. Among the Ibibio from the Kavango region of northern southwest Africa and at Multan, Pakistan, clay and temper are hand mixed, then water is added and the whole is trampled on (Blandino 2003:23; Rice 1987:123). Swink

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

(2004) describes that wedging in the Southwest is done by hand by starting with a rough ball of clay, holding it in the left hand, and with the right hand lifting a corner of the clay, folding it inward, and pressing down into the clay while the left hand rotates the clay counterclockwise. Swink reports doing this at least one-hundred and twenty times to ensure the complete incorporation and distribution of water and temper into the clay mix, and to remove air bubbles. Another method is called the “cut and slap” method (Peterson and Peterson 2009:40) whereby a slab of clay two to three inches thick is thrown down onto a table or other hard surface, then adding another slab of the same thickness by slapping that onto the first slab, making certain no air remains between the slabs. Several slabs may be added consecutively to the mass. This method can be problematic due to the risk of trapping air between the slabs. Occasionally the combination of two different types of clays may improve plasticity and workability (Tite 1999). Once the paste has been prepared and wedged, it may be used immediately but ideally should be stored for a period of time in a sealed container. Swink (2004:24) recommends storing the clay in several plastic bags and then in a tightly sealed container to “age”. As the clay body ages, it breaks down into finer particles and increases plasticity. Another benefit of aging clay is that it allows thorough absorption and distribution of water into the mix, and favors bacterial action that speeds up the process of breaking down clay particles (Blankenship and Blankenship 2008: 116; Shepard 1980:52). Swink (2004:24) collects pond scum and adds it to the clay body mix because of the bacterial organisms present in the water. There is little to no reference of storing clay in the archaeological record although it is possible that pre-mixed clay body could easily have been stored in ceramic jars, sealed baskets, or in small subsurface pits for later use. Ceramic jars would have been ideal as they tend to absorb and retain moisture, which is essential for preserving the mixed clay body. Shepard (1956) mentions the possibility that clay was stored

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

before use by the Aymara of the Andes and the Navajo in the American Southwest, but does not provide any details of the practice. Rice (1987:119-120) also mentions some ethnographic examples of aging clay; the Papago potters of Arizona age their clay over the winter while potters in Chamula, Mexico, age their clay for up to a year. Adding small amounts of acidic substances may hasten clay aging. The type of water used is another important variable for the successful mixing of a clay paste. Groundwater in many areas contains soluble salts, which may present problems when drying and firing a vessel. Soluble salts create what is called “florescence” or “bloom” (Swink 2004:25) which is the migration of salts to the vessel wall during drying. This creates difficulties when trying to burnish and slip the vessel because of the powdery finish that collects on the surface. Water may also contain a high iron content which can cause problems with slipping a vessel. White slips may yield a pink tone when firing in highly oxidized environments or turn a dark gray in reduction atmospheres. One of the ways to reduce these problems is by using rainwater however in Southern Nevada where rainfall is sporadic and unpredictable, using distilled water is acceptable for replication studies because there is an absence of minerals in the water. Hand-Building Pottery The tools used in pottery making are diverse and can be made from a variety of materials. Tool types include scrapers for smoothing vessel walls, smooth pebbles for burnishing and polishing, threads made from agave fibers for cutting, paintbrushes made out of agave fibers for slipping and painting decorations, a mold called a puki made from an older pottery bowl, a soft piece of leather or cloth for polishing, a piece of sandstone for sanding and smoothing a dry vessel, a flake of chert or obsidian, or sharpened bones for use as a cutting tool, organic or

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

mineral paints, and a smooth, flat surface to work on. Scrapers can be made from different materials such as gourd, broken pot sherds, or even stone flakes. Coiling is the method used throughout the American Southwest for building a vessel’s walls. They can be stacked one on top of the other, and pinched and smoothed, overlapped, or used in a continuous spiral from the vessel base to the rim (Blankenship and Blankenship 2008:117-118; Jamison and Jamison 2007: 43-44; Peterson and Peterson 2009:43-45; Shepard 1980:57-59; Swink 2004: 28). Coiling ensures a certain degree of uniformity in wall thickness and may offer some compensation when working with less plastic clay. An advantage of overlapping is that a stronger bond can be applied between coils rather than merely pressing down on superimposed coils. Coils are made by rolling a ball of clay back and forth on a flat surface using both hands and applying gentle pressure. The roll is lengthened and smoothed by rolling from the middle out to the sides (Figure 4). During rolling the coil, the ends can form hollow depressions that can trap air into the mix and should be pinched closed as soon as they form. Swink (2004) refers to these as “snake mouths”. Swink prefers to use fewer coils because the more numerous the coils, the weaker the vessel tends to be. In archaeological specimens it is sometimes possible to find the juncture between coils by touch which feels like a slight bump or ridge on the vessels walls.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 4. Making a coil. A base is made by either molding clay inside of a puki, or by creating a coiled based (Blandino 2003: 28; Blankenship and Blankenship 2008: 117; Jamison and Jamison 2007: 43; Swink 2004: 96). First, a ball of clay is shaped into a disk and is thinned and stretched by slamming it onto a hard surface (Swink 2004: 96-99) (Figure 5). This helps to eliminate any trapped air in the clay. To continue stretching the disk, it is thrown toward the individual at an angle, in much the same way as pizza dough, which stretches the clay in the direction of the throw. The clay disk is picked up, rotated 90º, and repeated until the desired size and shape is achieved.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 5. Making the clay disc. The thickness of the base should range between five and seven millimeters, depending on the size of the vessel. Once this happens, the clay is carefully centered over the puki and gently pushed to the bottom with the back of the hand (Figure 6). Uneven thinning of the base can cause the vessel to crack when firing. The walls are smoothed out using a scraper or hands, the rim is trimmed so that it is even for attaching the coil and the entire based is turned out upside down onto a hard surface to set. Inverting the bowl allows the vessel to retain its arched shape and keeps it from collapsing.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 6. Placing the disc in the puki. Minor cracks, which should not be confused with natural stretch marks, can be removed at this point simply by smoothing over with a finger or by patching it with a thin mixture of clay and water. The base must be firm enough to support the weight of additional clay so enough time should be allowed for drying before attaching coils. The vessel’s walls are built by adding coils to the base. When the base has set sufficiently it is flipped over and the lip is trimmed and lightly scored using a flake, and moistened with clay water to ensure that the coil will adhere to the rim (Figure 7). Clay water or “slurry” is preferable to plain water as the clay particles in the water create a bond with the clay in coils and vessel walls, enhancing adherence. The base is placed on a piece of broken pottery to help rotate it while adding the coils.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 7. Attaching the coil to the rim.

Once the coil is attached to the base, the bond between the two is sealed by using what Swink calls a “horseshoe pinch” (2004:01). Using the thumb and forefinger, clay on both sides is pinched and drawn down over the rim about one centimeter while the other hand supports and rotates the vessel (Figures 8, 9). This creates a thick, welded joint. This joint is then blended and smoothed creating a seamless juncture. It is sometimes possible to determine the number of coils used in prehistoric pots by carefully feeling for the joints (Tite 1999:186).

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 8. Sealing the coil-rim joint.

Figure 9. Coil is attached and sealed.

The walls are built upward by placing the thumbs on the inside of the rim and the forefingers on the outside, pinching and compressing the coils while rotating the vessel (Figure 10). The compression will create a rounded shape as the walls increase in height. To control the

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

shape one can apply pressure outward for bowls or inward for jars or canteens. The walls are smoothed using fingers and scrapers (Figure 11). This also helps to further stretch and form the vessel. Smoothing alternates with pinching and compressing. Additional coils may be added depending on the size of the vessel.

Figure 10. Building the walls using the “horseshoe pinch”.

Figure 11. Smoothing the interior.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

The final phase of construction is adding the rim. Before making the rim it may be necessary to trim the lip using an agave thread so that it is relatively even. The rim is made by gently pinching and smoothing the trimmed lip using a moistened forefinger and thumb to the desired shape. Sometimes a thin rim coil can be used to create the rim, which was used by prehistoric Puebloan potters (Swink 2004:106). Once the vessel dries to a “leather state” where the walls are firm but yield to gentle pressure without cracking (Jamison and Jamison 2007:43; Shepard 1980:370; Swink 2004) it can be burnished and polished. When the vessel is dry enough where the clay does not stick to fingers, a final smoothing can take place using moistened fingers, a smooth cloth, a scraping tool or a smooth stone. Additional burnishing for luster can take place when the vessel is dry but slightly damp using a dry, smooth river pebble (Figure 12). The friction of the pebble on the clay walls physically compresses and aligns the clay particles to create a smooth reflecting surface (Swink 2004:42). Different clays have different mineral properties that determine the degree of luster that can be achieved.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 12. Polishing and burnishing.

Painting and Design Elements Painted wares in the Southwest appear in the archaeological record by Basketmaker III (A.D. 500-700) times. Archaeologists have been partially successful in determining what was used for paint. Striovia et al (2006: 1139-1145) used micro-Raman (µ-Raman) spectroscopy, a noninvasive, nondestructive analytical method the uses laser technology to study the interaction of light and matter, along with a scanning electron microscope, to determine the type of pigments used on the pottery of the Ancestral Puebloans. The results of the analysis indicated manganese was a principle constituent of some sherds, while others were carbon-based and probably derived from plants such as the Rocky Mountain Bee Plant (Cleome serrulata) or Mesquite (Prosopis glandulosa). Modern native potters use plant-based organic paints in the Four Corners region (Swink 2004:197), and mineral-based paint in the Great Basin. In some archaeological contexts it seems that there is a co-occurrence of beeplant pollen with evidence of maize suggestive of an intentional encouragement and management of the plant in prehistoric agricultural fields, particularly in northern Arizona and southwestern Colorado (Adams et al 2002:351). A large Pueblo II village in the Cove-Redrock Valley in northeastern Arizona had a large concentration of beeplant pollen, along with ceramic and stone scrapers in three structures that were located adjacent to a trench kiln used for firing pottery (McVickar 1999; Smith 1999). The Rocky Mountain Beeplant is native to the western half of North America from southern Canada to northern New Mexico. It is an annual plant with a long (four to five-foot) stem topped with pink, purplish, or white flowers and trifoliate leaves (Adams et al 2002: 341). It can be harvested when it reaches full maturity in late summer and can be either used immediately

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

or dried and stored for later use. The plant has long been used as a natural dye, and has medicinal properties. Why it fires to black on painted surfaces is still unknown. Some attribute the resulting black color due to the plant itself being high in iron, which when fired, may break down to form a black reduced oxide of iron and elemental carbon (Blair and Blair 1986:128). Shepard (1980) and Stewart and Adams (1999) suggest that other mineral elements such as manganese or hematite, when mixed with the paint, will produce a black paint. The paint is made by filling a large stock pot with the stalks and leaves of the plant, covering it with either rain water or distilled water, and boiling it for about six hours, adding more water as needed (Adams et al 2002:349; Swink 2004:197-198) (Figure 13).

Figure 13. Making organic paint step 1.

The decoction is then strained into a smaller pot and then boiled uncovered until most of the liquid has evaporated and begins to thicken (Figure 14). At this point, the mixture is stirred constantly to prevent it from scorching until it is very thick, dark, and resin-like. This will yield approximately 1-2 tablespoons of paint (Figure 15). The paint is stored in an open container to

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

prevent decomposition. Once it dries, it become hard and resinous and must be reconstituted with a little water before it can be used. Yucca brushes are made by removing the leaf pulp with a flesher of bone, stone, or antler (Swink 2004: 191-194). Sometimes the leaf is soaked for a few weeks in water to speed up decomposition of the outer layers, which makes it easier to flesh. The leaf is first pounded to soften the pulp and then scraped or retted with the flesher until the only thing that remains is the soft fiber. Brushes of various thicknesses can be made and stored for later use.

Figure 14. Making organic paint step 2.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 15. Organic paint. Many prehistoric ceramics have a slip that has been applied to the pot before painting. Slips are made from grinding untempered clay and combining it with water to produce a thin, watery mix similar to milk cream or thin yoghurt. Slipping is done while the vessel is still damp, prior to burnishing. Swink (2004:41) makes slips from montmorillonite clays and recommends slipping when the vessel has set to a leather state. He uses wide yucca brushes or a soft piece of cloth and applies 2-3 coats of slip, allowing the vessel to dry between coats (Figure 16). Once dry, designs are painted on the slipped surface with a yucca brush (Figure 17).

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 16. Slipping. The finished vessel is left to dry in the shade in a warm place which can take several days or weeks, depending on environmental conditions. Drying in the sun is not recommended as the vessel may dry too quickly and crack.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 17. Painting with a yucca brush. Firing Thermal features used for firing pottery have been found in the Four Corners area where trench kilns have been identified and documented. A trench kiln is a sandstone slab-lined rectangular or ovoid trench that can measure anywhere between 1.45-8.6 m long by 0.8-2.0 m wide by 0.10-0.63 m deep (Swink 2004: 281), and is based on measurements of 35 excavated kilns in the Mesa Verde region. In 1973 Claudia Helm excavated a slab-lined trench thermal feature located on Cedar Mesa in southeastern Utah (Brisbin 2009:119; Swink 2004:279); David Purcell excavated 19 trench kilns in 1993, Mary Erickson reported three in 1996 and two were reported by Patricia Lacey, Leigh Hunt, and L.B, Lacey in 1997. Joel Brisbin excavated nine trench kilns in Mesa Verde in 1993 (Brisbin 2009: 120; Stieber 2000: 23-23; Swink: 2004:279280). Brisbin documented the stratigraphy of these features, which led to collaboration with Clint Swink to recreate a trench kiln firing that resulted in a four-step firing sequence. In 1997 joint efforts between potters and archaeologists led to the excavation of kilns and an experimental

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

firing of an actual kiln on BLM land in Mesa Verde National Park which has been nicknamed “Camp Kiln” (Swink 2004:279). Trench kilns appear to have been used in the Four Corners area beginning around AD 970 according to a tree-ring date obtained from a kiln that was recorded by Brisbin in 1993 (Swink 2004:280). Archaeological evidence indicates that kilns were located anywhere between 100 meters to 25 kilometers from the nearest contemporaneous settlements (Swink 2004:280) and were situated along the edge or below the rim of mesas, or across drainages and parallel to slopes (Brisbin 2009: 119). The positioning of the kilns made use of air current flow that took advantage of predictable and steady breezes to feed the fire and helped to maintain consistent firing temperatures. Kilns are lined by sandstone slabs angled outward at about 30º which may facilitate air movement. Another motive for the location of the trenches was the availability of fuel sources. The preferred type of fuel seems to have been a combination of pinyon and juniper wood due to their high burning temperatures. This has been verified through the analysis of fuel remains from prehistoric trenches (Swink 2004:282-283). Data gathered from experimental firings at the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center and at Camp Kiln indicate that approximately 143 kg of fuel were consumed per square meter of kiln. The analysis of kiln stratigraphy in the Mesa Verde region indicate that the lowest stratum, the kiln floor, tends to be lightly oxidized sterile soil covered in a dense layer of carbon (Brisbin 2009:120; Swink 2004:282). Some partially burned wood and ceramic fragments can be found in this stratum. The next stratum consists of tabular blackened stone above which is a charcoal/ash layer that can contain pottery. The uppermost stratum consists of soil with little cultural material.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

The firing process is a complex activity that entails a number of stages. A primary fire is initially burned to create an even bed of coals that will provide a heat source below the greenware vessels. The layer of coals needs to be at least six centimeters deep so as to provide sufficient heat. Kiln reuse may produce deep layers of carbonaceous material. Once the fuel has burned down to live coals, sandstone slabs are laid horizontally over the top of the coal bed with spaces in between to allow heat and air passage. This phase is referred to as “shelving” (Swink 2004:285). Greenware is laid on the slabs in a single layer and allowed to heat gradually before building the secondary fire. This serves to drive off any remaining water, carbonize the organic paint, and reduce iron in the slip, which creates the black design for painted wares. Broken pottery is placed over the greenware to protect it from burning embers from the primary fire above (Hayes and Blom 1996; Swink 2004). The third phase consists of building a secondary fire over the kiln. Long logs are placed across the kiln to create a crib for the rest of the fuel which is laid perpendicular to the logs. This creates maximum draft in order to raise fuel temperatures and maintain radiant heat. Tinder and kindling are then placed on top and ignited. This allows the fire to spread slowly which reduces thermal shock. Optimum temperatures are reached when the secondary fuel has been reduced to an open bed of coals 6-10 cm thick. The goal is to generate enough of a high heat to vitrify the clay, but if the fire is too open the fire will be cold and oxidizing. The ideal temperature to vitrify clay is between 800-900ºC for 30-45 minutes (Swink 2004:293). Heat in excess of 950ºC can create warping and cracking because the gases that were produced from the combustion of carbonaceous material in the clay are sealed into the vessel walls. The fourth and final phase of firing occurs when peak temperatures are reached and the fuel has burned down to a bed of coals at which point the fire is smothered with a layer of soil.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

This eliminates the air from the fuel and pottery and halts further oxidation, and allows the pottery to cool slowly. Timing is crucial; the pottery must be allowed sufficient oxidation in order to burn off residual carbon on slipped wares leaving them light gray to white, while at the same time creating a reduction atmosphere so that the carbon in the paint will turn black. Improper firing or preparation of the clay can result in warping or cracking of the pottery. Vessels which are oxidized are those that have been exposed to too much air either during cooling or during firing, and in painted wares can yield yellow to red color designs rather than black. Oxidation can occur as a result of under-fueling or delayed smothering (Swink 2004:293). Another effect of under-firing is pottery that is soft and dark. This can happen if too much secondary fuel is used which can smother the coals nearest the pottery and result in lower temperatures. The following research design was developed on the basis of all of the procedures described in the earlier sections of this paper and is the culmination of over two years of preparation and study.

RESEARCH DESIGN

As stated earlier, this study was undertaken with the goal to successfully replicate prehistoric Southwestern pottery for the purpose of better understanding the entire process in detail, and to gain insight that could lead to future research. In preparation for this I participated

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

in a workshop offered by Clint Swink, an artist with a degree in wildlife biology who currently lives in southwestern Colorado at the edge of the San Juan National Forest. Swink has over twenty-five years experience replicating Mesa Verde and Maya pottery. He learned his craft from a Hopi woman he refers to simply as “Mama”, no doubt in order to maintain her privacy (Swink 2004:5; personal communication 2011). Swink has collaborated with archaeologists on a number of projects, including the excavation of an actual Anasazi trench kiln and the subsequent experimental firing of replicated pottery in that kiln in partnership with the Bureau of Land Management (Swink 2004). In 1994 he was invited by the National Park Service to conduct an Anasazi pottery firing on Mesa Verde as a demonstration at the 69th annual Pecos Conference. Among his many achievements he has reproduced Mesa Verde pottery that is currently on display at the Chapin Museum in Mesa Verde National Park, and for the White House. Many archaeologists have taken his pottery workshop, among them Margaret Lyneis, emeritus professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (personal communication 2011), and Karen Harry, also a professor at UNLV. In an attempt to be as authentic as possible, I made several scrapers out of coconut shell which are lightweight and easy to use. Since agave is widespread in my area, I was able to fashion brushes out of agave fibers. A good working surface was made by stretching canvas over a flat board however indigenous people may have used flat stones such as sandstone as a working surface. One of the advantages of using a stretched canvas top is that it can be moistened so that the rim of the vessel remains moist while the body is firming up in preparation for attaching coils. Among the variety of tools I used I also had some obsidian flakes and bifaces, some marine shell, the edges of which were ground and smoothed, and some squash gourd scrapers. Finally, I was given some Rocky Mountain Bee Plant by Dr. Karen Harry which I made

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

into an organic paint and also made paint brushes from Yucca harrimaniea, or the narrow-leafed yucca that grows in my front yard. I went on many clay procuring expeditions which is described in the next section. I also made a sandstone-lined trench kiln in my backyard that measures 121.92 cm by 76.2 cm, and is 30.48 cm deep. Clay samples The raw clay used in this study was collected from several locations throughout Southern Nevada and from the Arizona Strip. A total of five samples were collected and processed: Sample 1, called “95 White” was collected along the State Highway 95 corridor, approximately 19.1 miles northwest of Tonopah, Nevada (Figure 18). This locus is centered within a cluster of geological associations, including the Youngston-Playas association, the Gynelle-Cyrac association, and Zaba very gravelly loam (USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service 2013), all of which are characterized by alluvial or lacustrine landforms consisting of silty-clay loams (Figure 18, 19). This clay is fine-grained and white to yellowishwhite in color. The texture of this sample when wet is satiny to unctuous, an indication that the clay is of good quality and highly plastic.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

95 White clay site

Figure 19. Sample 1: 95 White clay site.

Figure 19. 95 White clay site. Sample 2, called “Cedar Pocket” was obtained from a small vein in a river terrace above the Virgin River, located in Cedar Pocket within the Arizona Strip (Figure 20). The clay is red-

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

brown to yellow brown and is also fine-grained. The area is defined as being part of the Riverwash-Torrifluvents complex (USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service 2013) which is characterized as a flood plain consisting of mixed alluvium (Figure 21). When wet, the clay is very plastic, and is rolled very easily into coils that crack only slightly when bent.

Cedar Pocket clay site

Figure 20. Sample 2: Cedar Pocket clay site.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 21. Cedar Pocket clay site. Sample 3, called “I-15 White” is coarse-grained white clay from a deposit located 6.8 miles north of the Valley of Fire exit along the Interstate 15 corridor in southern Nevada (Figure 22, 23). The area is characterized as Badlands consisting of alluvial fan remnants (USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service 2013). The clay itself may contain a high percentage of calcium carbonate. This clay is highly plastic and when wet is very sticky, which may produce a good slip. It may also be used as an additive to improve the workability of less-plastic clays.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

I-15 White clay site

Figure 22. Sample 3: I-15 White clay site. Sample 4, called “Cactus Spring Gray” is a fine, green-gray clay obtained from the vicinity of Cactus Springs, Nevada (Figure 24). This locus is set within what is called the Corncreek/Haymont association (USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service 2013), an area of mixed alluvial fan remnants and lacustrine deposits (Figure 25). The soils in this area range from silty loams to fine and gravelly sandy loams. The Corncreek component is described as alluvium derived from limestone and dolomite over lacustrine deposits while the Haymont component is described as a mixed alluvium. The texture of the clay when wet is slightly unctuous with a satin feel, and is also highly plastic.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 23. I-15 White clay site. Sample 5, called “Moapa Red” is a red-brown clay from the Moapa Valley. The area is situated on a terrace west of the Muddy River, and is characterized as Badlands (USDA Natural Resources Conservation Service 2013) consisting of alluvial fan remnants (Figure 26). The clay itself was highly compressed, which resulted in thick, hard blocks of clay that had to be slaked before it could be processed (Figure 27). Slaking the clay entails wetting it to break it down into finer sediments so that it can be later ground. Due to its location in the Moapa Valley, and its proximity to several known archaeological sites, it is possible that this clay may have been used by the local indigenous population to make pottery. A mineralogical analysis of both the clay and local pottery is needed to determine this. An old U.S. Department of Agriculture report names the soil as one among the Redfield series, of which there is fine sand, loam, and clay (Youngs

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

and Carpenter 1928:59-62). Redfield clay is described as being “…a brown to pale red soil that occurs mostly on the west side of the lower valley on alluvial fan slopes”. It is a silty clay comprised of a lightly crusted surface with a subsurface mulch overlying a hard, compact layer followed by pale red fine sand. Deeper layers are characterized by reddish-brown to red clays, with as much as 3% soluble salts. The clay was reported to be suitable for making pottery.

Clay Site

Figure 24. Sample 4: Cactus Springs clay site.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

Figure 25. Cactus Springs clay site.

Moapa Red clay

Figure 26. Sample 5 : Moapa Red clay site.

2013

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 27. Moapa Red clay site.

The wet and dry color of each sample was identified and recorded using the Munsell soil color chart (2009) (Table 1). Clay color is dependent on the types of impurities present in the matrix, namely, organic matter and iron compounds (Shepard 1980:16). Clay that is free from impurities generally appears to be white, while organic matter can impart a color that ranges from gray to black. The presence of carbon can make some raw clays appear quite black, but will fire white because the carbon is burned off (Swink 2011, personal communication). Red, brown, buff, and yellow clay may contain hematite and hydrated forms of ferric oxide, while compounds that are not fully oxidized may produce gray. Greenish clay may contain iron in the ferrous state; iron that is in a lower oxidation state (Shepard 1980:16). Table 1. Color and Texture of Clay Samples

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology Sample #

Texture Dry

Munsell Color Wet

Dry

Wet

2013

Observed Color

1

fine, silty

sticky, unctuous

2.5 Y 8/1

10 YR 6/3

buff brown/redbrown

2

fine, silty

grainy, unctuous

5 YR 4/4

5 YR 6/6

3

coarse, grainy

grainy, sticky

N/ 9.5

white

4

grainy

grainy, satin

N/9 Grey 1 7/10Y

5 Y 5/2

green-grey

5

grainy

satin

7.5 YR 6/3

7.5 YR 5/4

red/red-brown

A sandstone slab was used as a metate and several river cobbles were used as manos to grind each sample to a size that was less than one millimeter in diameter. Each sample was sifted through a fine, food-grade screen with a one-millimeter mesh. The sample from the Moapa Valley had to be soaked before grinding (Sample 5) because the compression of the terrace from where the clay was obtained made the material rock-hard and extremely difficult to grind. By adding enough water to moisten the clay and storing it in a sealed plastic tub for several days, it began to break down into a finer, more workable state. The moist clay was then set out to dry in the sun before grinding. The method used to determine the amount of natural tempering present in each clay sample and the amount of additional temper to add to each sample has been described by Clint Swink (personal communication, 2011). This entailed preparing several clay discs without added temper, each measuring approximately 7.5 cm in diameter by 1.4-1.6 cm in thickness (Figure 28). A five-centimeter line is etched across the disc. When the disc is completely dry, the line is re-measured and the resulting number is divided by the original measurement (5 cm) (Table 2).

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 28. From left to right: Moapa Red, Cactus Springs Gray, Moapa Red and Cactus Springs Gray combination, Muddy River Brown (not used in study), I 15 White, 95 White, Cedar Pocket.

Table 2. Degree of Natural Tempering in Clay Samples

Sample

Line Length in Wet Clay

Line Length in Dry Clay

Percent of Shrinkage

1

5 cm

4.8 cm

4%

2

5 cm

4.75 cm

5%

3

5 cm

4.5 cm

10%

4

5 cm

4.0 cm

20%

5

5 cm

4.3 cm

14%

Several materials were used as temper: sand, crushed basalt, and crushed pottery. Each of these types of temper has been used extensively by prehistoric peoples in the American Southwest. The sand was obtained from the Moapa Valley and was of two types: one was the fine-grained red sand typically found throughout the valley, and the other was a fine-grained gray sand. The basalt was the vesicular type and was hand-ground and sifted through the same mesh as the clay. Several batches of clay paste were made using different quantities of temper and were stored in plastic bags to allow the clay to cure (Table 3). All batches were stored for a minimum of one month.

Table 3. Prepared Clay Samples

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

Batch # 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Date 9/2011 2/12/2012 2/17/2012 2/27/2012 3/2/12 3/11/12 6/11/2012 7/11/2012 7/12/2012

Clay Type Moapa Red Moapa Red Cactus Spring Gray Moapa Red Moapa Red Cactus Spring Gray I-15 White Cedar Pocket 95 White

Quantity 90% 80% 80% 60% 80% 80% 90% 90% 90%

Color Red-brown Red-brown Green-gray Red-brown Red-brown Green-gray White Red-brown Buff-white

Temper Sand Sand Sand Sherd Basalt Basalt Sand Sand Sand

2013

Quantity 10% 20% 20% 40% 20% 20% 10% 10% 10%

For sand and basalt-tempered pastes no more than 20% temper was used so that the paste would remain plastic. Sherd-tempered pastes required a larger quantity of temper. According to Swink (2004:23) Mesa Verde white wares were tempered with crushed sherd, and he recommends using twice as much crushed sherd temper as basalt or sand temper.

MAKING THE POTS: A DISCUSSION

Over a period of four months I was able to successfully replicate several vessels using the steps outlined earlier in this paper. These included eight bowls, four jars, and two mugs. The measure of success was based on the making, drying, and firing of the pottery without it cracking or shattering. Not all of my attempts were successful; five bowls and one mug cracked either while being made or during the drying phase. None of the vessels shattered when fired. A number of variables were recorded, such as the date of when the paste was made, the amount of temper in the batch (Table 4), and the date when a particular vessel was made or attempted. The outdoor and, when relevant, indoor temperatures and humidity were recorded to ascertain whether these variables would affect the outcome of the replication process. All of the

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

batches of paste had been stored for no less than six weeks; one batch had been stored for seven months. Table 4. Vessels by Clay Type, Temper, and Percentage of Added Temper Vessel No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

Clay Type Cactus Spring Gray Cactus Spring Gray Moapa Red Moapa Red Moapa Red Moapa Red Moapa Red Moapa Red Moapa Red Cactus Spring Gray Cactus Spring Gray Cactus Spring Gray Cactus Spring Gray Moapa Red and Cactus Spring Gray Cactus Spring Gray Moapa Red and I 15 White 95 White Cedar Pocket 95 White Cedar Pocket

Temper Type Sand Sand Sand Sherd Sand Sherd Sand Sand Sand Sand Sand Sand Sand

Temper Percent 10% 10% 20% 40% 20% 40% 20% 20% 20% 20% 20% 20% 20%

Sand Basalt

20% 20%

Sand Sand Sand Sand Sand

15% 10% 10% 10% 10%

Of all of the vessels that were attempted, a jar and a mug made from the Cactus Springs Gray clay, with a 10% sand temper, were the most successful (Table 5). This paste had been stored for seven months. Less successful were vessels that had a higher percentage of temper. One Moapa Red batch had 20% sand temper and another batch had 40% crushed sherd temper. Of the sand-tempered vessels only two bowls and one mug was successfully made, while the

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

sherd-tempered batch did not successfully yield a bowl. All of these pastes were moderately plastic and cracked a lot while being manipulated and shaped. A similar result was achieved with the Cactus Springs Gray batch made with 20% sand temper. Of two bowls, one was successful as was a jar however, a mug cracked before being completed. Another batch of Cactus Springs Gray had 20% crushed basalt temper and successfully yielded one bowl but the paste itself was only moderately plastic and cracked repeatedly while being made. The batches made from the Cedar Pockets and the 95 White samples yielded more successful results. Both batches were sand-tempered with 10% sand. All were highly plastic and cracked little while being formed and had an unctuous feel while wet. Each yielded a bowl and a jar. One of the bowls made from the 95 White clay batch did ultimately crack, but this was due to human error rather than to the properties of the paste. Another two bowls were produced by combining different pastes. One was made with a paste that was 50% Moapa Red with 20% sand temper and 50% Cactus Springs Gray also with 20% sand temper. This successfully yielded a bowl however the amount of cracking was high and the plasticity only moderate. The second bowl was made from a paste that was 70% Moapa Red with 20% sand temper and 30% I-15 White with 10% sand temper. The end result was a more plastic paste with very little cracking. Three of the vessels were painted. Two of them were slipped with the I-15 White which was too sticky to use as a paste. Of the two, one of them was a bowl made from the Cactus Spring Gray with 10% sand temper batch and was further decorated by painting with the organic paint I had made and the other was a jar made from the Cedar Pocket with 10% sand temper

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

batch that was slipped but not painted. The third vessel, a jar made from the 95 White batch of clay with sand temper was painted. Firing the pottery produced mixed results; while none of the vessels shattered and all emerged more or less whole from the firing, the end product in many cases was less than ideal (Figure 29-38). There were problems controlling the temperature of the fire. A pyrometer with

No

Type

Temp

Humidity

Plasticity (L/M/H)*

Cracking (when drying) (L/M/H)**

Slip

Painted

Success

two thermocouples was used to measure the temperature. One of the thermocouple leads was not

fire resistant and melted during the firing. The other was fire resistant however the temperature readings were not reliable. At one point the temperature registered 450ºC but was the reading was taken after the fire had been smothered.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology 1 Jar 83º 10% 2 Mug 83º 18% 3 Bowl 93º 14% 4 Bowl 93º 14% 5 Bowl 85º 20% 6 Bowl 85º 20% 7 Bowl 73º 21% 8 Bowl 78º 17% 9 Mug 78º 17% 10 Bowl 77º 16% 11 Olla 77º 16% 12 Mug 75º 5% 13 Bowl 75º 5% 14 Bowl 75º 5% 15 Bowl 75º 5% 16 Bowl 17 Bowl 23% 18 Bowl 23% 19 Olla 92º 27% 20 Olla 25% ** L= Low M=Moderate H=High

M/H M M M M M M M/H M/H M/H M/H M/H M/H M M M/H H H H H

L M M H H H H H H H H H H H H L No No No No

Table 5. Vessels by Type

Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No No No No No Yes

Yes No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Yes No

2013 Yes Yes Yes No No No No Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes No* Yes Yes Yes

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

Figures 29-32. Top: Primary fire. Bottom: Shelving

2013

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

Figures 33-36. Top: Setting the pottery on the shelves. Building the secondary fire, and smothering.

Figures 37-38. Cool down and finished pots.

2013

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

A closer look at each individual vessel after firing has provided some interesting insights into the firing process: Vessel 1: A jar made from Cactus Gray sand temper (10%) that was slipped with I 15 White and painted with black designs. It emerged from the kiln with half of the vessel carbonized and the paint had turned a rust color, and the other half fired to a white color (the same as the slip) and the designs fired to black (Figure 39). It is possible that half the vessel may have become at some point over oxidized, which turned the paint a rust color rather than black. The other half may have carbonized because of premature smothering, which may have prevented the fire from achieving the proper firing temperature.

Figure 39. Vessel 1 Vessel 2: A plain, unpainted mug made with Cactus Gray sand temper clay. There was some moderate cracking when it was being made however it was successfully fired. The clay

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

fired to a buff color, with spots that Swink calls “firing freckles” (2004:294) which are the result of organic material in the smothering soil that comes into contact with the hot coals and smudges the pottery. Half of the mug appears carbonized, which may be the result of a reducing atmosphere due to premature smothering of the fire (Figure 40).

Figure 40. Vessel 2.

Vessel 3: A plain, unpainted bowl made from Moapa Red sand-tempered clay. The amount of temper in the clay was 20% which produced a moderately plastic paste that was somewhat difficult to coil. The bowl fired to a red-buff color. Vessel 4: A bowl made with Moapa Red sherd temper that cracked while being made and did not make it to the firing stage. Possible causes for the failure include too much temper in the paste, high outside temperatures (above 75ºF), or increased humidity (above 10%) which causes the clay to expand too much and makes it more prone to cracking. The amount of temper added to the clay was 40% crushed sherd.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Vessel 5: A bowl made with Moapa Red sand temper that cracked while being made and did not make it to the firing stage. Possible causes for the failure include too much temper in the paste, high external temperatures (above 75ºF), or increased humidity (above 10%) which causes the clay to expand too much and makes it more prone to cracking. The amount of temper added to the clay was 20% sand. Vessel 6: A bowl made with Moapa Red sherd temper that cracked while being made and did not make it to the firing stage. Possible causes for the failure include too much temper in the paste, high external temperatures (above 75ºF), or increased humidity (above 10%) which causes the clay to expand too much and makes it more prone to cracking. The amount of temper added to the clay was 40% crushed sherd. Vessel 7: A bowl made with Moapa Red sand temper that cracked while being made and did not make it to the firing stage. Possible causes for the failure include too much temper in the paste, or increased humidity (above 10%) which causes the clay to expand too much and makes it more prone to cracking. On this day the outside humidity registered at 21%. The amount of temper added to the clay was 20% sand. Vessel 8: A plain, unpainted bowl made from Moapa Red sand-tempered clay. The amount of temper in the clay was 20% which produced a moderately high plastic paste that was difficult to coil, possibly due to the outside temperature which registered 78ºF on that day. The outside humidity was 17%. The bowl fired to a red-buff color. Vessel 9: A mug made with Moapa Red sand temper. The plasticity of the clay was moderate to high, yet it cracked quite a bit while being made. This may have been due to external temperatures which registered 78ºF on that day, or it could have been the amount of added temper, which was 20% sand. After firing the color turned a red/buff with a lot of smudging on

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

one half. This may be the result of over-oxidation because the fire did not achieve an adequate temperature to completely fire the vessel. Vessel 10: A plain, unpainted bowl made from Cactus Springs Gray sand-tempered clay. The amount of temper in the clay was 20% which produced a moderately high plastic paste that was difficult to coil, possibly due to the outside temperature which registered 77ºF on that day. The outside humidity was 16%. The bowl fired to a buff color. Vessel 11: a wide mouth jar made with Cactus Springs Gray clay of moderately high plasticity that cracked frequently while being made. The outside temperature was 77ºF and the humidity was 16% on that day. The jar was painted with black designs on the outside surface. It fired to a buff color on the inside but the outside appears carbonized probably due to a reduced atmosphere. The black designs fired to a rust color and in some places black color. Vessel 12: A mug made with Cactus Springs Gray clay that cracked while being made and did not make it to the firing stage. Possible causes for the failure include too much temper in the paste. The amount of temper added was 20% sand. Vessel 13: A bowl made with Cactus Springs Gray clay that cracked while being made and did not make it to the firing stage. Possible causes for the failure include too much temper in the paste. The amount of temper added was 20% sand. Vessel 14: A bowl made from a combination of two different clays: 50% Cactus Springs Gray with sand temper and 50% Moapa Red with sand temper. The amount of temper in both clays was 20%. The bowl was slipped inside and out with 15 White clay. This combination produced a moderately plastic paste that cracked a lot while being made for unknown reasons. The bowl fired to a white/light gray color.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Vessel 15: A plain, unpainted bowl made from Cactus Springs Gray basalt-tempered clay. The amount of temper in the clay was 20% which produced a moderately plastic paste that was difficult to coil, for unknown reasons. The bowl fired to a buff color. Vessel 16: A plain, unpainted bowl made from a combination of two clays: 70% Moapa Red sand-tempered and 30% I 15 sand-tempered. The amount of temper was 15% and yielded a moderately high plastic paste that coiled easily with little cracking. The bowl fired to a red/buff color. Vessel 17: A bowl made with 95 White sand temper that cracked while being made. The cause for the failure was human error; not enough time was allowed for the preform to set so that clay coils could be added without stressing the base and collapsing. The properties of this clay were very good for making pottery; it was highly plastic with an unctuous feel that did not crack while I stretched out the base. It might have made a fine pot had it not been rushed. Vessel 18: A bowl made with Cedar Pocket sand-tempered clay. The amount of added temper was 10% which resulted in a highly plastic, unctuous feeling paste that was easily coiled and did not crack at all while being made. The bowl fired to a red-orange color on the inside, while on the outside much of it turned a dark brown from premature smothering. In places it appeared the same red-orange color as the exterior. Vessel 19: A painted jar made with 95 White sand temper. The clay was highly plastic and did not crack at all while being made. This could be attributed to the proper amount of temper being added to the clay, which was only 10%, and to a lower outside temperature which registered 74ºF on that day. After firing the clay turned a buff color but the paint turned a rust color which may be an indication of over-oxidation during firing (Figure 41).

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Figure 41. Vessel 19.

Vessel 20: A plain, slipped jar made with 95 White sand temper. The clay was highly plastic and did not crack at all while being made. This could be attributed to the proper amount of temper being added to the clay, which was only 10%, and to a lower outside temperature which registered 74ºF on that day. The firing completely carbonized the exterior and interior of the jar, which may have been a product of smothering. Several discs were also fired. The external and internal color of each disc was recorded after the firing (Table 6).

No. 1 2 3 4

Table 6. Clay Discs after Firing Clay Type Firing Color External Internal Moapa Red Red/Buff Red/Buff Cactus Springs Gray Gray/Buff Yellow/Light Brown Cedar Pocket Red/Orange Red 95 White Buff Buff

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Several adjustments must be made for future firings such as better assessment of the amount of fuel needed for primary and secondary fires, allowing the green ware to slowly heat before adding the secondary fuel, and allowing the secondary fire to reach the optimal temperature of 900ºC before smothering the fire. The results of this firing seem to indicate that a combination of factors including excessive oxidation and premature smothering that increased the time the vessels were subjected to a reductive atmosphere may have produced vessels that seemed to be both carbonized and under fired simultaneously. Spectographic and X-Ray Diffraction Analysis of the Clay Samples An attempt to determine the types of clays that were suitable for making pottery was one of the initial questions posed by this study. Five clay samples were submitted to the University of Nevada’s Geosciences Environmental Soil Analysis laboratory for spectrographic and x-ray diffraction analysis. Spectographic analysis is a method for determining the chemical composition of materials by subjecting the atoms of the material being analyzed to different types of excitation, including high temperature, strong electrical fields, or bombardment by electrons (Shepard 1980:143). The electrons are knocked from inner orbits to outer orbits, and back again, releasing energy in the form of light that can be viewed with a spectroscope. X-ray diffraction is a means of studying the atomic structure of materials (Shepard 1980:146). Crystals form three-dimensional gratings or diffractions that can be interpreted in terms of the atomic arrangement of the crystal. The samples that were submitted for analysis were the Moapa Red, Cactus Springs Gray, I-15 White, Cedar Pocket, and 95 White clays. A preliminary report based on the x-ray diffraction analysis yielded the following results:

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Sample 1: 95 White mineral constituents include quartz, calcite, K feldspar (sanidine), illite, merlinoite, and aluminum hydroxide. Sample 2: Cedar Pocket mineral constituents include quartz, calcite, K feldspar dolomite, illite, muskovite, and K feldspar (sanidine). Sample 3: I-15 White mineral constituents include dolomite, quartz, gypsum, and some illite. Sample 4: Cactus Springs Gray mineral constituents include quartz, albite (plagioclase), illite, muscovite, and gypsum. Sample 5: Moapa Red mineral constituents include coarse grained quartz, illite, and chlorite. The spectographic analysis results were inconclusive but did imply that all samples had relatively high percentages of silicon, aluminum, iron, and calcium. The samples will have to be resubmitted for a more in-depth analysis at a later date. The mineral constituents and elements present in each sample are compatible with the definition of clay minerals presented earlier in this paper. In essence, all of the clay samples have properties that make them suitable for making pottery. This is particularly relevant because of the implication that the prehistoric peoples of the region had access to the necessary resources for pottery production. To confirm this it will be necessary to identify and sample more sources of local clay, submit them for analysis, and compare them to the pottery that has been recovered from archaeological sites in Southern Nevada.

FUTURE RESEARCH

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

The replication of coil and scrape-style pottery has become the foundation for future research in prehistoric ceramic technology. The entire process, from identifying and sampling local clays, to processing and making a paste, as well as the frustrations and successes of reproducing pottery, and last, but not least, firing the pots in a traditional manner, generated a number of important questions: 1. Was pottery making a planned, seasonal activity or was it more informal? What season was optimal for making and firing pottery? 2. Trench kilns have not been identified in Southern Nevada so how was pottery fired in this region? Agave roasting pits are abundant and it is possible that some of these features could have been used as kilns. More research in this area may reveal important information pertinent to ceramic technology and firing. 3. What were the sources of organic paint in Southern Nevada? Was organic paint imported or were local sources available? If so, what types of plants or other organic materials were used to make paint? 4.

What impact, if any, did sources of local clay have on settlement patterns or seasonal rounds?

5. How do replicated vessels compare to archaeological specimens in terms of heat and stress resistance? Does the choice of temper determine the type of ware produced? Learning how to make pottery has been an eye-opening experience for me and has created new possibilities for research and experimentation. Before becoming engaged in this sometimes rewarding, often frustrating activity, I now look at pottery with a deeper understanding of the challenges that native peoples had to overcome in order to produce the diverse wares that were used in their everyday lives. My respect for these people has increased a

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

thousand fold and I hope to honor them by continuing to learn about this ancient tradition and perfect the skills I have been taught so that I can pass this knowledge on to future generations.

ACKNOWELDGEMENTS

This work would not have been possible without the support and help I have gotten from so many people over the last few years. Students from the College of Southern Nevada and from the University of Nevada, Las Vegas have been enthusiastic supporters and have helped in various stages of the pottery making process. Thanks to James LaFleur, Katie Hoffman, Michael Denman, and Thomas Wambacht for accompanying me on several clay hunting expeditions over the years and for getting very dirty and sometimes even wet. Thanks to Krysan Williams, Courtney Causey, and Sandy Paytaryan for the back-breaking work of grinding clay and making pastes. Thanks to Kara Osborne, Nancy O’Connor, Laura Lindersmith, Sean Magann, James LaFleur, David Crane, and Michael Denman for the long, lazy afternoons in my living room and in my backyard making some very interesting vessels (not all of them made it into the fire!). James LaFleur, Mike Denman, Sean Magann, Krysan Williams, Sandy Paytaryan, and Courtney Causey all helped to collect firewood, dig my backyard trench kiln, and fire the pottery; thank you from the bottom of my heart! Samantha Rubinson and Rayette Martin from the Southern Nevada State Historic Preservation Office very generously donated their time and effort in helping me prepare clay for a workshop at the Nevada State Museum. Dr. Kevin Rafferty, my fearless leader at CSN, has been unstinting in his support and encouragement for my work and made it possible for me to purchase some very important tools needed in my research. A very special thanks to Greg Seymour and Dr. Margaret Lyneis who pointed me in the right direction

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

when I was lost and who very enthusiastically supported me in my efforts to learn how to make pottery. A very deeply felt gratitude goes to my husband, Paul Billings, who has been my rock through all of this; he’s had to put up with clay dust and muddy hand prints throughout the house and patio, finished and unfinished pots all over the house, with my tools lying around and clay clogging up the sink. I wouldn’t have been able to do this without his support. Last, but not least, to my teacher, my mentor, and my friend, Clint Swink, and his wife Rickie: thank you for opening my eyes to a new world of possibility, for sharing your knowledge and opening your home to me, for setting my feet upon the path of learning that will undoubtedly continue for the rest of my career. I only hope that I can reach out to others and pass on your legacy and that of the people who came before you with as much skill, patience, and humility as you have shown me.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

WORKS CITED

Adams, Karen R., Joe D. Stewart, and Stuart J. Baldwin 2002 Pottery Paint and Other Uses of Rocky Mountain Beeweed (Cleome serrulata Pursh) in The Southwestern United States: Ethnographic Data, Archaeological Record, and Elemental Composition. In Kiva 67(4):339-362. Bergaya, F. and G. Lagaly 2006 General Introduction: Clays, Clay Minerals, and Clay Science. In Handbook of Clay Science, Volume 1 of Developments in Clay Science. Oxford, U.K. Blair, Mary Ellen, and Laurence R. Blair 1986 Margaret Tafoya, a Tewa Potter's Heritage and Legacy. Schiffer Publishing Ltd., West Chester, Pennsylvania. Blankenship, Bart and Robin Blankenship 2008 Earth Knack: Stone Age Skills for the 21st Century. Gibbs and Smith, Salt Lake City. Blandino, Betty 2003 Coiled Pottery. A&C Black Publishers, London. Blinman, Eric 2013 Cooking with Style (and Function). In El Palacio 118(1):61-64. Brisbin, Joel 2009 Pottery Trench Kilns: Fire in the Hole. In A Century of Archaeological Research at Mesa Verde National Park. Papers of the Mesa Verde Museum Association pp. 119-124.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Callahan, Eric 1999 What is Experimental Archaeology? In Primitive Technology: A Book of Earth Skills, edited by David Wescott, pp. 4-11. Gibbs Smith, publisher, Layton, Utah. Evans, Susan Toby 2013 Ancient Mexico & Central America. Thames & Hudson, London.

Harry, Karen G. 2005 Ceramic Specialization and Agricultural Marginality: Do Ethnographic Models Explain the Development of Specialized Pottery Production in The Prehistoric American Southwest? In American Antiquity 70:295-319. 2010 Understanding Ceramic Manufacturing Technology: The Role of Experimental Archaeology. In Designing Experimental Research in Archaeology: Examining Technology through Production and Use, edited by Jeffrey R. Ferguson, pp. 3989. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado. Hayes, Allan and John Blom 1996 Southwestern Pottery: Anasazi to Zuni. Northland Publishing, Flagstaff. Jamison, Linda 2007 Primitive Process Pottery. In Primitive Skills and Crafts: An Outdoorsman’s Guide to Shelters, Tools, Weapons, Tracking, Survival, and More, edited by Richard and Linda Jamison, pp. 35-5. Skyhorse Publishing, Inc., New York, N.Y. Lyneis, Margaret M. 1992 The Main Ridge Community at Lost City: Virgin Anasazi Architecture, Ceramics, and Burials. University of Utah Anthropological Papers No. 117, University of Utah Press. Marsh, Erik J. and Jeffrey R. Ferguson 2010 Introduction. In Designing Experimental Research in Archaeology: Examining Technology through Production and Use, edited by Jeffrey R. Ferguson, pp. 1-38. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado. McVickar, Janet 1999 Analysis of Plant Macrofossils. In Anasazi Community Development in Cove and Redrock Valley: Archaeological Excavations along the N33 Road in Apache County, Arizona, Vol. II, edited by Paul E Reed and Kathy Niles Hensler, pp. 809-850. Navajo Nation Archaeology Department Report No. 33. Window Rock, Arizona Murray, H. H.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology 2007

2013

Applied Clay Mineralogy: Occurrences, Processing, and Application of Kaolins, Bentonites, Palygorskite-Sepiolite, and Common Clays. Developments in Clay Science, Volume 2. Elsevier Science, Amsterdam.

Myhrer, Keith and Margaret M. Lyneis 1985 The Bovine Bluff Site: An Early Puebloan Site in the Upper Moapa Valley. Contributions to the Study of Cultural Resources, Technical Report #15, edited by Thomas F. Zale. Submitted to the Bureau of Land Management, Reno. Outram, Alan K. 2008 Introduction to Experimental Archaeology. In World Archaeology 40(1):1-6. Parker Pearson, Mike 2011 Stonehenge- A New Understanding: Solving the Mysteries of the Greatest Stone Age Monument. The Experiment LLC, New York, NY. Peterson, Susan and Jan Peterson 2009 Working with Clay. Laurence King Publishing, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey. Pierce, Christopher 2005 Reverse Engineering the Ceramic Cooking Pot: Cost and Performance Properties of Plain and Textured Vessels. In Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, vol. 12 number 2pp 117-156. Rathje, William and Cullen Murphy 1992 Rubbish! The Archaeology of Garbage. HarperCollins, New York. Reijnders, Anton 2005 The Ceramic Process: A Manual and Source of Inspiration for Ceramic Art and Design. University of Pennsylvania Press Rice, Prudence 1987 Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook. University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London. Saraydar, Stephen C. and Izumo Shimada 1973 Experimental Archaeology: A New Outlook. In American Antiquity 38:344-350. Shepard, Anna O. 1980 Ceramics for the Archeologist. Originally published 1956, Publication 609, Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington, D.C. Shimada, Izumo 2005 Experimental Archaeology. In Archaeological Methods, Volume I, edited by Herbert D.G. Maschner and Christopher Chippindale, pp. 603-642. Rowman & Littlefield, Inc., Oxford.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Skibo, James M., Michael B. Schiffer, and Kenneth C. Reid 1989 Organic-Tempered Pottery: An Experimental Study. In American Antiquity 54(1):122-146. Smith, Susan J. 1999 Pollen Analysis. In Anasazi Community Development in Cove and Redrock Valley: Archaeological Excavations along the N33 Road in Apache County, Arizona, Vol. II, edited by Paul E Reed and Kathy Niles Hensler, pp. 851-869. Navajo Nation Archaeology Department Report No. 33. Window Rock, Arizona. Stieber, Tamar 2000 Obsessed with Old Technology. In American Archaeology 4(2):23-25 Stewart, Joe D., and Karen R. Adams 1999 Evaluating Visual Criteria for Identifying Carbon- and Iron- Based Pottery Paints from the Four Corners Region Using SEM-EDS. In American Antiquity 64:675696. Striovia, Jana, Cristiana Lofrumento, Angela Zoppi, and Emilio Mario Castelucci 2006 Prehistoric Anasazi ceramics studied by micro-Raman spectroscopy in Journal of Raman Spectroscopy Volume 37. Wiley InterScience www.interscience.wiley.com DOI: 10.1002/jrs.1577 Swink, Clint 1993 Limited Oxidation Firing of Organic Painted Pottery in Anasazi-Style Trench Kilns. In Pottery Southwest Volume 20, no. 1,2,3, and 4. 2004

Tite, M.S. 1999

Messages From the High Desert: The Art, Archaeology, and Renaissance of Mesa Verde Pottery. Redtail Press, Bayfield, Colorado. Pottery Production, Distribution, and Consumption – The Contribution of the Physical Sciences. In Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 6(3):181233.

Toll, H. Wolcott and C. Dean Wilson 2000 Locational, Architectural, and Ceramic Trends in the Basketmaker III Occupation of the La Plata Valley, New Mexico. In Foundations of Anasazi Culture: The Basketmaker Pueblo Transition, edited by Paul F. Reed, pp. 19-43.University of Utah Press. United States Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service 2013 Web Soils Survey. Electronic Document, http://websoilsurvey.nrcs.usda.gov/app/HomePage.htm.

Volume 2 College of Southern Nevada Four Fields: Journal o f Anthropology

2013

Wilson, C. Dean and Eric Blinman 2000 Changing Specialization of White Ware Manufacture in the Northern San Juan Region. In Ceramic Production in the American Southwest, edited by Barbara J. Mills and Patricia L. Crown, pp. 63-114. University of Arizona Press. Youngs, F. O. and E. J. Carpenter 1928 Soil Survey of the Moapa Valley Area, Nevada. Submitted to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils. United States Government Printing Office, Washington. Zhushchikhovskaia, Irina S. 2012 The Most Ancient Ceramics: The Course of Technological Innovation. In Anthropology and Archaeology of Eurasia 51(1):62-78

Lihat lebih banyak...

Comentarios

Copyright © 2017 DATOSPDF Inc.