Culture, Context + Environmental Design: Reconsidering Vernacular in Modern Islamic Urbanism

Culture, Context + Environmental Design: Reconsidering Vernacular in Modern Islamic Urbanism S. bin Zayyad University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada

Dr. B.R Sinclair University of Calgary + sinclairstudio inc., Calgary, Alberta, Canada

ABSTRACT: The 21st century sees the Islamic regions as becoming some of the fastest urbanized areas on the planet. Local urban fabrics and existing buildings are often demolished in the name of progress, to make room for new, and often ostentatious, mega-projects, creating a scenario that is problematic in terms of conserving past history as well as providing inspiration for future generations. As extensive urbanization and globalization take hold, the character and quality of established cities in the Islamic world are under assault, with dramatic conflicts between traditional tenets, foreign influences and diverse interpretations of ‘being modern’ having serious and often little understood consequences. The current research examines how the demands of modern urbanism impact traditional centers of the Islamic world by considering emerging trends in Islamic urbanism through a critical examination of the vernacular. Using the city of Doha, Qatar as a case study, the authors explore the shifts of architecture as a coherent expression of local culture and context and question the interpretation of modern development in this ethos, and posit how environmental design might better resolve conflicts between traditional Islamic cultures (and way of life) and Western ‘progressive’ design. The paper concludes by recommending a more appropriate path for innovatively designing next generation buildings, communities and spaces that deploy aesthetic and applied basis of vernacular traditions, fostering greater meaning, inspiration and dialogue between and among architects, planners, governments and end-users. A model is proposed for proceeding in such creative, constructive and compelling directions. Keywords: Design, Planning, Islam, Modernism, Vernacular, Systems Thinking, Holism

1 INTRODUCTION The Middle East is becoming one of the most urbanized regions of the world. And as the place where cities may have first emerged, cities and urbanites remain most fertile objectives of study. Yet we are only just beginning to understand the social histories of these cities and the dynamic changes (or resistance to change) of these contemporary urban societies. (Bonine 2005) The influence and impact that globalization is having on the cities of the Islamic world proves farreaching and consequential. The conflict between the integration of socio-cultural elements in the vernacular and modern urban developments is leading towards a clear division between those who see this as a loss of their cultural identity and those who view it as a step forward on the global stage.

Polarization is evident and often problematic. The discourse on architectural form in the Muslim world is the topic of much debate. Forming a strong interaction with its natural surroundings, historically, Islamic structures were never the result of a formal master plan. They were instead the result of a diverse interpretation of the people who resided in these Muslim cities, giving them characteristics borne of reverence for the archetypal. The local knowledge, ecological and otherwise, was deep and meaningful. The prevalent view amongst many architects and urban planners is that “modern” or Western-influenced structures and planning are not always beneficial to the Islamic world, particularly in the Middle East (Bonine 2005). There are perceptions of solutions being out-of-place or foreign in character and context. The call for an “Islamic renaissance” or the demand for a return to the traditional structures and principles (Bonine 2005) runs in tandem with the growing urbanization crisis faced by a plethora of cities in the Islamic world.

2 ISLAMIC URBANISM Let’s start, let’s move together, let’s revive our cultures so that modernity is not only seen in the terminology of the West, but modernity is seen in the intelligent use of our past. (His Highness Prince Karim Aga Khan 2008) The faith of Islam unites its followers, who come from a rich diversity of societal circumstances and cultural expressions, across many facets of life. The idea of a hegemonic culture forced upon their identity through globalization, is anathema to the very ways of Islamic life. That being said, there is no dichotomy between din (faith) and duniya (material world) in the Islamic faith. The present researchers see the unification of this approach as most pertinent to the quest for a contemporary Islamic design expression. Muslims are required to carry out their worldly obligations within the ethics of Islam and are not allowed to make that division. As a result, human behaviour is measured by a set of practices developed and maintained within Islam -that covers all aspects of one’s daily life, giving meaning and consistency in all human activities (Bianca 2000). In stark contrast, “…secular beliefs of modern Western civilization which, for the sake of "individualism", tend to ignore spiritual hierarchies and thus reject the idea of normative types of human conduct - without always recognizing that, by excluding service to higher realities, the human mind may become subservient to much more limited man-made ideologies and their constraints” (Bianca 2000). In other words and considered within an environmental design frame, the built environment within the Islamic faith has always been guided by the creation of models that express spiritual interpretation and meaning rather than transient ones that convey progress or development in the Western sense. The unquestioning belief in the divine order and its reflection in the traditional formal structures of Islam, such as the souq (market) or the hamam (baths), is a far cry from the mechanical representations of the very same structures that intend to capture and convey the modern interpretation of development. This “clash of civilizations” (Huntington 1996) between the Islamic way of life and Western interpretation of progress in its urban form has been a topic of contention since the early-20th century. The combination of technological progress and economic growth resulted in transposing Western models of urbanization at global levels. The resulting architectural development of many Arab cities can be viewed as an accurate replication of Western cities with an inability to give deeper substance, purpose and, meaning to these creations. The authors contend that a sense of place must be a

vital dimension of planning, architecture and urban design, and especially in an era where globalization can equate with homogenization of output and ‘dilution’ of character. Far more disastrous (if one can use the term), is the change in the socioeconomic dynamics of many global cities. The introduction of a new value system foreign to the traditional ways of life, such as social segregation according to accumulated wealth, loss of cultural identity and downplay of history, and unfamiliar ways of inhabitation, is a far cry from the egalitarian principles of Islam. Such approaches have had a demonstrable and arguably deleterious impact on both the sustainability of the traditional settlement and the viability of the modern.

Figure 1. Old Doha Souq (Catnaps Design)

Figure 2. Katara Cultural Village, Doha (b.r. sinclair  2016)

This paper is by no means trying to disparage Western forms of architectural and urban forms, thoughts or processes – rather, the authors ponder how contemporary principles and posturing be used in a selective manner in tandem with local traditions and values to better address current needs. By evaluating the former’s achievements and failures, the possibility of an interdependence or symbiosis between the two (i.e., Islamic culture and Western modernism) can provide meaning, inspiration and

dialogue and allow for the dissolution of the alien value system. The authors argue that such bridging is missing, overdue and essential. Rapid urbanization has had extensive and transformative changes in the Middle East. Citizen responses to globalization and foreign influences have been varied. Ranging from reverential regard to nonchalance to disbelief, to sadness that a certain way of life is disappearing, the reactions to urbanization are not always foreseeable. For example, studies by Sharon Nagy, an anthropologist, have shown how local socio-political factors have shaped urban plans introduced by foreign consulting firms in Qatar by altering the urban fabric through the influx of oil wealth (Bonine 2005). Changing politics, demographics, economic and ethical parameters all contribute towards satisfying business ambitions by borrowing tales from the Arabian Nights to reflect ‘authentic’ or local designs blended with modern structural concepts. These approaches need critical assessment, and critical reimagination, in light of opportunities and obstacles confronting cities of the Islamic ethos.

economically capitalist environment where consumerism is the dominant feature. There are other ways of doing business, especially in light of the common adoption of the ‘Western is Modern; Western is Progressive’ mantra. Such types of development can be seen as creating an economic pressure affecting the sociocultural sustainability, where the older generation are reluctant recipients of these associated forms of urbanity. These socio-economic changes are definitely reshaping the urban structure and form of these cities, in a divergent and arguably less-thanbeneficial manner. 4 DOHA, QATAR We have simply got to modernise ourselves. We’re living in a modern age … You cannot isolate yourself in today’s world. (Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, 2000)

3 URBAN RESPONSIBILITY The architect is a member of a society and therefore reflects the values and behaviour of that society in his or her own behaviour. Yet, architects are both the keepers of a post heritage and the creators of the new. They mediate between the past and the future. Architects have a unique responsibility to create both the urban space that people relate to as well as the language of form and ornament that they identify with. Architects have, therefore, a special responsibility to address the need to symbolize a state of being and to reflect the aesthetic sensibility of themselves and their clients. (Serageldin 1996) It can be argued that the concept of urban conservation is more of a “trend” than a platform that can be used to reconcile the vernacular with the modern, especially in an Islamic context. Newer mega-projects are replacing older and locally crafted buildings, leaving behind very little of the heritage and thus distinctiveness for the younger generations. Such directions also translate into a loss of the indigenous social fabric so essential to place identity. This is particularly visible in the states of the Gulf region, often leading to a lamenting of loss (characterized in many ways, including both physical and cultural) from the citizens. Respect for past traditions and future conditions demands an understanding that is integral to the preservation of any architectural agenda. This is not always the case for the Gulf region that has undergone a metamorphosis from humble fishing and pearldiving villages to cosmopolitan cities (Elsheshtawy 2008). The resulting fragile social fabric exists in an

Figure 3. Doha West Bay (b.r. sinclair  2016)

The present paper explores Islamic urbanism, using Doha as a case study to explore the shift of architecture from the vernacular towards a global metropolis. Possessing over half of the world’s total oil reserves, the Gulf region has attracted more than its fair share of global attention over the last decade. Recent urbanization and construction efforts along with the ‘Dubaization’ (Elsheshtawy 2004) of major cities across the area, has seen an arguably chaotic approach to the development of its architecture and urban design, resulting in grandiose, almost dreamlike structures that do not reference their cultural, physical or natural environments (Fraser & Golzari 2013). Comprising of a total area of 11,586 square kilometres and only 15 metres above sea level, the peninsula of Qatar is bordered by the Gulf to the

east, and Saudi Arabia to the west. With a population of 2.2 million (2014) and ruled by the alThani family since the mid-1800s, Qatar has the highest per capital income in the world at approximately US $105,000 (World Bank 2014). Formerly a British Protectorate until its independence on September 3, 1971, Qatar’s urban development can be divided into 3 stages – first, the decline of the pearl industry in the 1930s, second, the export of oil in the 1950s (Figure 4) and last, the beginning of the construction boom in the 1980s (Elsheshtawy 2008). According to Salama & Wiedmann (2013), there has been little analytical discourse on the factors that influenced the urbanization process in Doha. The present authors contend that there are many holes in understanding Doha’s rise, its embrace of Western expressionism in design, and its ability to effectively move forward with the appropriate urban guidelines to meaningfully develop and strengthen its urban fabric. Khaled Adham’s chapter on Doha’s urban development in Elsheshtawy’s book (The Evolving Arab City: Tradition, Modernity & Urban Development, 2008), addresses one gap by placing the process in a historical context but also within the framework of urban governance, describing in great detail the initial planning of the city around the old part of Doha, gradually leading to the development of the Corniche. What is interesting to note is that no mention is made about the initial planning of Doha being carried out relative to the layout of an Islamic city. Jamel Akbar’s study on the elements of an Islamic city emphasizes the creation of an Islamic built environment based on the relationship between the Muslims and their environment. Dictated by the values derived from it, Islam’s influence on the form and function of its cities emphasizes the importance of achieving a strong coherence and compatibility with the community in both spiritual and worldly aspects. This is again, in the eyes of the present researchers, the din and duniya operating in concert. Akbar’s study is interesting in that the four elements of the Muslim built environment reflect the early layout of the Islamic city from the 7th century onwards, where it was common for the soldiers of the newly-founded faith to cordon off an area in town where they set up a mosque and their residences and commercial space around it. The four elements of a Muslim built environment that he proposes and that are governed by Islamic principles are: (a) fina’ (street space bordering property used by its owners) to maximize land use and provide shade; (b) dead-end streets to protect privacy; (c) hima (land that cannot be developed by individuals); and (d) public spaces (Bonine 2005). This clear integration of the socio-economic, spatial, cultural and administrative aspects, distinguishes an Islamic city from others, whether it is a street, a home, a

mosque or a souq (Elaraby 1996). Taking a more integrative approach resonates with the aspirations and conduct of the present authors and their research in the region. During the first half of the 20th century, Doha’s settlements around its bay were divided into 8 districts or ferejan, based on the four elements of a Muslim built environment. A tribe or a large family occupied each district. Located parallel to the shoreline of the Persian Gulf, most of the alleys between these districts led to the harbor where most of the day-to-day activities were conducted (public spaces). The market place, the shops, as well as meeting places were all located in this area. It is interesting to note that apart from the barasti (dwellings with thatched roofs) and Bedouin tents that dotted Doha, homes ranged from one to twostorey dwellings, some featuring wind towers or barajeel. The architectural style of these structures including the non-residential ones was simple with very little to no ornamentation and were designed and constructed by a master mason and other workers (Elsheshtawy 2008). With the decline of the pearl industry and the beginning of oil exports in the 1950s, new urban patterns began to emerge. Although the benefits of oil wealth were not applied immediately due to the conservative nature of the ruling family, as well as a lack of formal governance at the time, it was not long before this changed. British architects arriving to the Gulf Region during the 1950s found themselves facing a built environment unlike any they had encountered or studied before. Excess heat and over 300 days of sunshine were major factors considered in their initial design responses. More importantly, however, was the consideration of local traditions and culture when engaged in master planning and development activities. Although the call by some to ignore the historic aspects was present, the idea of building and integrating functionality into the design was even more challenging (Fraser et al. 2013). The ruling elite centered attention to conservation of their cultural identity with the intense desire for modern technology. The influx of oil wealth only served to increase this aspiration to have the best, brightest and the most ‘modern’ as symbols of progress. Unfortunately, this may have led to a misinterpretation by the West, deeming this posturing as also having a desire for Western culture and politics. The concept of modernity, and its associated connotations, was seen to carry a certain prestige or stature, resulting in a desire to not only catch up with the developed world but to also be seen as the future of this modernization process (Fraser et al. 2013). It is important to note here that the design of many of these structures such as the Burj Qatar may have been intended to serve as a reminder that the new could exist alongside the old

with no type of conflict whatsoever - shopping centres could exists alongside souqs, spas alongside hamams and Starbucks alongside the gahwa shabya. The transformation from a coastal settlement to an urban metropolis within the span of a few decades took place in an environment where urban governance in the physical planning of Doha was still dominated by the ruling family. This was reflected in the new type of housing style – apartment buildings – that began to dominate Doha’s skyline during the 1970s. The burgeoning new typology coincided with the arrival of expatriates, who came to take part in the design and construction activities. To accommodate commercial and residential growth, old neighbourhoods in the central areas of Doha were demolished and replaced with the high-rise buildings and modern structures such as shopping malls. It is obvious that the economic wealth brought in by oil and gas resources was instrumental in the rapid pace of urbanization in Doha. The rapid urbanization was also driven by the desire to be a leader and an exemplar (i.e., in a dramatically globalizing world) that gave rise to the grand mega-projects currently dominating Doha’s remarkable skyline (Figure 3). So what of the Islamic city? 5 PROPOSED MODEL – HYBRIDISM Hybridity is a very complex notion. At its most basic level, it has meant the interbreeding or mixing of different peoples, cultures and societies. Hybridity thus does not emerge from the synthesis of different components, but from a space where elements encounter and transform each other. (AlSayyad 2001) Cultural forms of a society do not always arise from homogeneity but rather from an adoption and adaptation of concepts to their own building traditions to create a distinct urban form (AlSayyad 2001). As previously mentioned, although similarities of built form exist in cities across the Islamic world, there are certain elements that are distinct or are distinguishable from each other. However, the intrinsic structure of Islamic architecture is always the same, due to the permanence of the basic and fundamental tenets that are adapted in accordance with vernacular forms (Rahman et al. 2014). This begs the question – how can vernacular architecture, or perhaps more cogently and appropriately, ‘architecture that is of its place rather than just in it’ be reflected and realized in the urbanization process in the cities of the Islamic world? Rather than creating a model within the paradigms of cultural autonomy or a neo-Islamist

model based on Islam’s Golden Age during the 8th century, or Westernization, what is required is a reconceptualization of these three paradigms – a reevaluation where the vernacular is not fixed in time but engages with the challenges that come with time, to produce a hybrid framework that is at once moral, organic and sustainable. Architecture is the perfect medium to bridge gaps between old and new and between the Islamic world and the West. The present authors suggest that deficiencies and shortcomings can be mediated in a convergent manner whereby the two perspectives (Islam and Modernism) are a continuum on the same spectrum. The following framework reflects how Westernization, or modernity is embraced when placed between din (faith) and duniya (material world). Inextricably linked to each other and strongly guided within the Islamic tariqah (path), this lack of separation also provides an accommodating environment (uncommon to other monotheistic faiths) to embrace foreign concepts that allow for spiritual interpretation as well as meaning and progress of not just Muslims but all of humanity in an arguably more ethical manner. In our ‘Framework for Culturally Appropriate Design’ (Figure 4) we highlight that the arrival of Modernism to the Middle East proved overwhelming. Many traditions, architectural and otherwise, lost their balance of din and duniya. An obsession with the modern translated into a dilution of Islamic values, including those fundamental to city building. In considering a path forward, we call for a more holistic vantage point, which accommodates environment, ethics, culture and governance. The interplay of these aspects is intended to catalyze important consideration and discussion within the unique context of Islamic cities. A key objective is to wrap, or embrace, the Western or Modernist ways with qualities that are fundamental to Islam. By bringing Modernism into the din and duniya relationship there are greater opportunities for planning, architecture and urban design to find connection to local circumstances, conditions and culture. In Islam, the quality of the interactions that take place within the aesthetics of the built environment, are reflected on the spiritual lives of the Muslims. In other words, the built environment is not only a physical representation of Islamic values but also a reflection of the beliefs, the cultures as well as the needs and contexts of the world inhabited today. That being said, it is also important to understand that each case merits its own individual solution, taking into consideration the context of not only the physical environment, but the economy, the existing institutional apparatuses as well as the available resources (Bianca 2000). Given the historical architectural achievements within the Islamic world, and the role that architecture has played in the

aesthetics and spiritual expressions of the cultures Islam came into contact with, there is a gap between these past accomplishments and current practices. There seems to be a disparity when it comes to contextualizing the needs of the population in response to the infrastructure. This has resulted in creating a consumer environment in the Gulf region, where only top of the line creations are valued.

isolation from the cultural and religious values of the society. How can this be fostered? The creation of policies on the master planning of communities, urban design efforts, and public engagement is a requirement and should be a result of public-private partnerships. In the case of the Gulf region, collaboration between the government and civic institutions should form the platform upon which

Figure 4. bin Zayyad + Sinclair Framework for Culturally-Appropriate Design in the Islamic World

A few years ago, a survey on the education of the faculties of architectural schools in the Islamic world was conducted by the Aga Khan Award for Architecture. It was found that the vast majority had been educated in the West (Ivy 2001). This resulted in the imposition of Western-style buildings as being the acceptable form of the architectural profession, and that such types of buildings were better in terms of quality and lifestyle. This did not give a sense of value to traditional cultures or forms of expression. Using modern materials to achieve the desired results is not enough. How then can the din and duniya be incorporated in the future planning of the Gulf region? What are the sources of inspiration, the sources of knowledge? The authors believe that it begins with education. It has to be part of the overall process and not the end result. Great attention needs to be given to structure and process in the creation of this intellectual space. It is important to study these historical achievements in order to be able to look forward and turn these heritage assets into an intellectual trampoline to generate ideas for building in a constructive and productive manner, beneficial to all mankind. The second way in which the din and duniya can be incorporated in the future planning of the Gulf region is to recognize that design and technical issues of the built environment cannot be regarded in

dissemination of information can be made accessible and transparent to all. Projects such as Katara Cultural Village (Figure 2) and Souq Waqif (Figure 5) in Doha, travel a long distance in their celebration of traditional values while being both of the present and aspiring to a brighter tomorrow. Future research aims to develop and delineate specific guidelines that can inform stakeholders and inspire environmental designers. While the adoption of such guidelines is no easy feat, the researchers believe that actions must be taken to raise awareness, at all levels, if more respectful, appropriate and harmonious districts and buildings are to be realized as the Gulf Region continues to expand and blossom. 6 CONCLUSION Appropriate solutions to some of our most daunting problems will arise through the concerted efforts, open dialogue, and collective wisdom of the wide array of stakeholders, professionals, politicians, decision-makers, and citizens (both engaged and disenfranchised) who have the will and wherewithal to make a difference and to make the world safer, healthier, and better. It seems vital for us to

critically examine, and question, our belief systems and their connections to the ways we define, refine, and realize progress. Architecture and Environmental Design, in both a philosophical and a practical sense, reflect as well as form greater aspirations, directions, and events of our times. (Brian R. Sinclair, 2015) The rapid expansion and urbanization of Islamic cities has been accompanied by a general embrace of Western ways of approaching and expressing design. To be Western is to be Modern, and to be Modern is to be Progressive. The present authors suggest that many important qualities have been eroded or lost by Islamic cities in the quest for their place on the global stage. The researchers developed an integrated framework that marries the traditional counterparts of din and duniya with the ever-present forces of Modernism. The framework posits a path whereby long-standing and time-tested values and beliefs can be in synchronization with contemporary metrics of success. The end goal is to introduce more meaningful, potent and appropriate ways of planning and designing buildings, neighborhoods and cities of and in the Islamic world.

Figure 5. Souq Waqif, Doha (b.r. sinclair  2016)

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